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Through an examination of the relationship of politics and aesthetics this paper challenges outdated human-centered modes of design in order to offer a new framework—Design & Society—which accounts for the role that politics, ideologies, systematic relationships, context and narratives play and have played in shaping the lived reality of past, contemporary and future life. Through a deep examination of the politico-design economy of Astana (since renamed Nur-Sultan) championed by former president of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev this paper peels back the strategic layers for the creation of Astana. Relevant to designers, policy-makers, futurists, business interests, and those studying the urban environment in general as well the nation of Kazakhstan in particular, this paper unravels the layers of history, demographic pressures, and geopolitical posturing that have intentionally placed Astana as a force changing Kazakh society forever by causing behavioral change at scale. This paper outlines a three-stage process of creation: conceptualization, materialization, and realization to track the design process of Astana and its effects at large on a personal level for millions of Kazakhs. In the conceptualization stage, the paper tracks the motivators from the past, the present considerations and future goals for the design of Astana. In the materialization stage, the threads are weaved together into the architecture of the three most prominent buildings in the Kazakh Capital: The Palace of Peace and Accord, Khan Shatyr Shopping Center and Baiterek tower. In the realization stage, the impact on the individuals of Kazakhstan is considered. Through this study, the dance of Design & Society and the ever evolving impact of one onto the other is presented as a key lens for all future studies of design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth have always been one of the central target audiences of the European Union's (EU) policies towards Central Asia, which was once again emphasised in the recent EU Strategy for the region. This paper scrutinises how youth representatives in Kazakhstan, Brussels' closest partner in the region, perceive the EU and its policies. By doing so, the paper shifts the focus from the EU-centric assessment of its external activities, which has long dominated the academic literature, and provides a 'voice' to the targets of the EU's various initiatives. Examining data obtained through the method of pictorial test and focus group discussions with students of leading Kazakhstani universities, the paper argues that the issue Brussels faces among youth is not an image problem, rather it is a visibility issue. Although Kazakhstani youth are aware of the EU's main 'attributes' at the basic level, they have little knowledge that goes beyond stereotypical, yet positive, images of it. This stereotyped admiration towards the EU, however, is not necessarily an outcome of Brussels' successful policies, rather it is partly inherited from the historically idealised image of Europe. The paper suggests that increasing its visibility and better communicating its policies and messages need to be a priority for the EU in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent economic diversifications of Kazakhstan from over-reliance on the extraction of natural resources are mainly based on increasing the quality of human capital by building a knowledge-based economy as an instrument for long-term sustainable development. In this regard, the paper explores the level of cognitive skills of the adult population in Kazakhstan and their associations with important life outcomes. Research is based on one of the prominent studies in adult literacy — The Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), and revealed that the performance of Kazakhstanis in information-processing skills is below the average; smaller differences in competencies between the top and bottom performers, which indicates small inequalities in skills acquisition; and a low level of variance between adults with tertiary and secondary education, demonstrating the low education quality. Multiple linear regression of the research indicates that the educational attainment of the population has the highest association with all three information-processing skills, while labour force participation negatively affects the growth of literacy, numeracy, and problem-solving in technology-rich environment (PS-TRE) skills. The main recommendations of the paper are to profoundly transform social institutions, enhance national educational quality, and exercise continuous learning in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an initial attempt to evaluate the challenges of promoting a new national language as a medium of instruction (MOI) in a post-socialist higher education (HE) context. In the case of Kazakhstan, the choice of MOI is perceived as a key tool to strengthen national identity and resist domination of Russian; in higher education sector language policies are constructed to foster cultural independence which translates into establishing Kazakh as a full-fledged medium of academia. Drawing on the historical-structural approach (Tollefson, 1991, 2013), we analyze the ideologies and practices of university students studying in Kazakh. Findings from audio-recorded interviews suggest that implementing Kazakh-medium instruction policies face numerous pragmatic and ideological challenges, such as a dearth of teaching and learning resources in Kazakh and lack of Kazakh-speaking faculty. This study contributes to scholarship on language revitalization in the context of tertiary education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to reveal the impact of the war unleashed by Russia against Ukraine on the foreign policy of Kazakhstan, as well as to consider the potential development of Kazakhstan's relations with China, Turkey, the United States and others. Analysis, induction, deduction and synthesis serve as the main methods of research on this problem. The article discloses the problem of preservation by Kazakhstan of a multi-vector, neutral policy in relation to its partners in modern conditions. The strategic programme documents adopted by the government of Kazakhstan were also studied. The analysis of interstate trade turnover for 2022 was used to determine relations between Kazakhstan and Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. Separately, it was considered whether the Russian Federation poses a military threat to Kazakhstan. The materials of the article are of practical and theoretical value for political scientists and specialists in the field of international relations, and researchers of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan interested in the features and aspects of the implementation of a multi-vector policy by its leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Although recommended for all member states of World Health Organization, there is no national human papillomavirus vaccination program in Kazakhstan. Furthermore, there are no studies in Kazakhstan that evaluate the mothers' perception of human papillomavirus vaccines. Objectives: This study aims to assess the knowledge and attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccination among mothers in Kazakhstan and the factors associated with their attitudes. Design: A cross-sectional study was performed during the period of December 2021—February 2022. The STROBE guideline for cross-sectional studies was applied. Methods: Paper-based structured questionnaires were filled out by 191 mothers, 141 of whom had daughters. The attitude score was assessed as per the Likert-type scale. The Chi-square and Fisher's exact tests, with a significance value of < 0.05 were used to analyze the relationships between the characteristics of mothers and their attitude scores. Results: The following factors were significantly associated with mothers' attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccination: a place of residence, family income, number of children, and refusal of vaccination for themselves (p < 0.005). Of all participants, only 45% of all mothers, 41% of mothers with a female, and 46% of mothers with male children had positive attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccination. The child's gender was not a significant determinant. Overall, the level of knowledge about human papillomavirus vaccination was found to be low. The median total score is 0 out of 12 for women who have negative and neutral attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccines. Among women who have positive attitudes toward HPV vaccines, the median score is around 3 points. Conclusion: Before the implementation of the human papillomavirus vaccination program into the Kazakhstani national vaccination calendar, comprehensive and adequate information and education campaigns are required on the national level for parents and the population in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper examines differences in attitudes, stigma, and discrimination towards people living with HIV (PLWH) in needle and syringe programs (NSPs) in Kazakhstan to help inform HIV care interventions in these settings. Method: We collected data on HIV/AIDS attitudes using a modified Health Policy Project Standardized Brief Questionnaire with two subscales: attitudes within the health facility environment in a facility caring for PLWH, and opinions about PLWH. Results: Outreach workers were significantly more likely than nurses to report health professionals disparaging PLWH, and having stigmatizing attitudes towards PLWH. Outreach workers LWH were significantly more likely to report HIV discrimination in the NSP, and male staff was significantly more likely to have negative opinions of PLWH. Conclusions: Assessing different staff attitudes of nurses versus outreach workers, male versus female staff, and HIV positive versus negative staff and conducting follow-up training may decrease stigma and improve attendance at harm reduction programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: HIV-positive people who inject drugs (PWID) in Kazakhstan face many challenges to antiretroviral therapy (ART) adherence. Interventions that leverage social support from an intimate partner, family member, or friend may be effective in improving ART adherence among this population. The purpose of this paper is to describe the implementation process of a dyad-based intervention among HIV-positive PWID and their treatment support partners. Method: Sixty-six HIV-positive PWID and 66 of their treatment support partners will be enrolled in this pilot randomized controlled trial in Almaty, Kazakhstan, and randomized as dyads to receive an adapted version of the SMART Couples intervention or standard of care. Results: Several implementation strategies were used to facilitate intervention delivery, including remote delivery, training of staff, supervision, technical assistance, quality assurance, and collection of assessments through diverse sources. Discussion: This trial responds to a need for dyad-based ART adherence interventions adapted specifically for HIV-positive PWID. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the cases of denuclearized countries, namely Belarus, Kazakhstan, South Africa, and Ukraine and primarily intends to answer the questions of how (process), why (reasons for denuclearization), and for what (benefits and gains) did these four countries abandon their strategically advantageous nuclear arsenals. For conceptual analysis, 'a trading state' is employed, for they commonly faced the imminent need of guaranteeing state sovereignty and the influence of changing security dynamics. The four cases exhibit both generalizable commonality and distinctive experience in the process of denuclearization. They demonstrate that two mutually-reinforcing forces, 'global-scale structural change in world politics' and 'pressure for regime creation or change', interactively led to the final decision to enact complete denuclearization, albeit not effortlessly. Furthermore, unveiling the differences in the process of denuclearization – in terms of resistance, negotiation tools and leverage, stage of nuclear development, domestic-grown technology, internal justification for legitimacy – helps to clarify the gains and benefits received in return for denuclearization. Shedding light on these four countries, under pressure from nuclear weapons states, complements conventional realism-leaning interpretations of nuclear politics and offers policy insights to understand countries with nuclear ambition in contemporary world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Futures studies and foresight are new disciplines for Central Asia. Their methodology is making the first steps in the region. The present paper tests how narrative foresight can be applied in the field of religious education reform. For Kazakhstan, Islamic education has become a critical aspect of socio-cultural life. Its present situation requires radical changes, and the seven core questions of narrative foresight methodology help to research the vital dimensions of the problem in the quest for a solution. Going through the history of the issue, the forecast for current trends, identifying critical assumptions, and building alternative futures helps to arrive at the preferred future for Islamic education in Kazakhstan. With a new vision, some practical steps come forward that can guide to that new reality embodied in a new metaphor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grappling with the contemporary topos of a Sino-Russian Entente, Kazakhstan is caught between a delicate long-term peer-competition and potentially a structural rivalry involving the two Eurasian Leviathans, China and Russia. Acknowledging this perspective, Nur-Sultan is inducing hedging dynamics, fishing for a better range of net benefits, while playing a significant fulcrum role central to the regional geopolitical and geo-economic matrix. Although Russia is retaining the prevailing role in the security domain, China is catching up with Russia in various economic indices, notably generated by the Belt and Road Initiative. Utilizing the conceptualization of hierarchy in international relations adapted from the work of David A. Lake, this paper outlines how Nur-Sultan's interests and preferences are acknowledged by the respective dominants, as a basis for social contracting processes to generate a dual hierarchical order in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political implications of the practice of framing mega urban development projects with the language of 'utopia' or 'Disney'. Through a case study of Kazakhstan's new capital, Astana, I argue that the stigmatizing language of 'utopia' is a highly political bordering practice, defi ning the 'imaginary' and the 'real.' Coupled with ethnographic data from fi eldwork in Kazakhstan between 2009 and 2011, I perform a textual analysis of English and German language press coverage of Astana, and demonstrate how narratives of 'false modernity' and 'utopia' have become the dominant way of reading and writing about the city. Although often critical of the project as a sign of the President Nursultan Nazarbayev's 'megalomania,' this coverage obscures more complex geographies of power and state-society relations in the independent state. Symptomatic of liberal (ie, top-down, one-dimensional) understandings of power, the hegemonic discourse simultaneously reinscribes the state's 'coherence' and erases the lived realities and agencies of ordinary citizens, while obscuring the more complicated political- economic relations that condition and give rise to 'spectacular' urban development projects [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Very little is known about the status of autism research in Central Asia. The purpose of this scoping review was to examine the scope and focus of the peer-reviewed research studies conducted with autistic people and their families in five Central Asian countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The electronic databases of EBSCO Host and Web of Science were used for systematic search of literature. Eleven articles that met eligibility criteria were included in the review and analyzed for topics and research areas outlined in the Interagency Autism Coordinating Committee Strategic Plan. Ten of these studies were conducted in Kazakhstan and one in Uzbekistan using qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-methods research designs. Five of the seven research areas—Diagnosis, Biology, Risk Factors, Services, and Treatment and Interventions—were represented in these studies, while there were no studies identified in the areas of Lifespan Issues or Infrastructure and Surveillance, highlighting a gap in research. None of the studies reported co-authorship of scientists from Central Asian countries. The review identified knowledge gaps and research needs to guide future research in autism in Central Asia to address the needs of autistic individuals and their families living in this region. Very little is known about the status of autism research in Central Asia. Through the library databases, we identified and reviewed 11 scientific studies conducted with autistic people and their families in five Central Asian countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Of the 11 studies, 10 were conducted in Kazakhstan and 1 in Uzbekistan. Within these limited number of research studies, different topics such as diagnosis, risk factors of autism, biology, and various service and intervention areas were addressed. We identified several knowledge gaps and research priorities to address the needs of autistic people, their families, and professionals in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The clean energy transition has entered the policy discourse and government agenda of the Caspian oil-producing countries of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Both countries have set a target to increase the share of renewable energy sources (RES) in total energy production by 2030. This article presents a comparative analysis of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in their paths to a low-carbon sources of energy covering the status of RES, renewable energy targets, and the role of government policy schemes in promoting renewable energy (RE) deployment. The study shows that despite some commonalities in the initial conditions (such as Soviet-era legacies of fossil-fuel-based infrastructure, a high degree of dependence on oil and gas rents, and dominance of state-owned enterprises), Kazakhstan adopted a more targeted regulatory framework and more elaborate policy schemes with regards to renewables than Azerbaijan did. In the latter case, the introduction of relevant renewable legislation has been significantly delayed or implemented only partially. As a result, Kazakhstan has performed relatively more successfully on advancing non-conventional renewable energy targets: non-hydro renewable sources accounted for 3% of total electricity generated in Kazakhstan and made up only 1% of electricity produced in Azerbaijan (as of 2020). This article highlights the following factors that stand out in explaining these variable outcomes: the degree of economic liberalization, quality of governance of the oil and gas sector, regulatory frameworks, and policy support schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purposes of this research are threefold. First, it revisits the "normative powers in Central Asia" debate, which largely ignores an important stalwart supporter of the rule-based international order—Japan. The traditional exclusion of Japan often appears to be related to the belief that Japan plays second (if not third) fiddle at best and has limited power to influence developments in the region. While this thinking for the most part continues to organize much that is written about Japan–Central Asia relations, this article asserts that Japanese normative power should be taken more seriously than many studies understand. Second, using a combination of document analysis (in Japanese, Kazakh, Russian and English) and key stakeholder interviews, it examines how Japan socializes Kazakhstan into a set of norms of appropriate behavior in the field of foreign aid. Finally, highlighting that Kazakhstan embraces a hybrid identity as an official development assistance provider, this study asserts that Japan's ODA has become a key reference model for Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since becoming an independent country in 1991, Kazakhstan has demonstrated a strong desire for international status and recognition by, for example, hosting numerous international events, such as chairing the OSCE and hosting EXPO 2017; creating the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia; and, most notably, presenting the abandonment of its nuclear weapons as a model for other states to emulate. Surprisingly, Kazakhstan has received scant attention by scholars regarding its desire for status, especially considering how the government has framed its decision to relinquish its nuclear weapons in terms of advancing international peace at the expense of its own security self-interest. Kazakhstan's status-seeking raises two questions. First, how can a mid-level power strategically frame its foreign and domestic policies in order to improve its global status? And second, how can it improve its international status when domestic priorities (such as economic development and political stability) lead to policies that meet disapproval abroad? In this article, we answer these questions by examining issue areas (security, democratization, and the environment) that contain variation in our dependent variable, Kazakhstan's quest for status. In doing so, we reveal patterns of how a secondary or mid-level state lacking substantial material capabilities can, through its words and actions, construct an image that may enhance its international status. We also show variation by issue area in the reception of these efforts by developed and developing countries. Lastly, we reveal in what issue areas Kazakhstan's desire for status internationally is constrained by the government's desire to maintain power domestically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Limited research has examined predictors of anti-gay victimization among men who have sex with men (MSM), despite anti-gay violence continuing to be a global problem. We conducted a secondary analysis of data from structured interviews with 600 MSM adults to examine anti-gay victimization and earlier sexual debut among MSM in Kazakhstan. Multiple linear regression was used to test for associations between earlier sexual debut—categorized as age of sexual onset between 13 and 15 years of age and prior to 13 years old, with ages 16 and older as the reference group—and recent and lifetime anti-gay victimization. Adjusted logistic regression models were used to assess earlier sexual debut and specific types of victimization. The majority of MSM reported lifetime (89%) or recent (68%) experiences of anti-gay victimization. Earlier sexual debut prior to 13 years of age was significantly associated with greater number of types of lifetime and recent reports of anti-gay victimization. Among specific types of anti-gay victimization, earlier sexual debut was associated with higher odds of experiencing verbal, physical, and sexual violence. Anti-gay violence in Kazakhstan is a significant and prevalent public health issue. Future research and clinical interventions addressing anti-gay victimization among MSM populations should consider the lifetime and current implications of consensual and non-consensual childhood and adolescent sexual experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The severity of Kazakhstan's ecological problems impels civic activists and state agencies to build public support for ecological rehabilitation in the country, through a comprehensive national programme of environmental education. This paper is a qualitative analysis whose main focus is the relations of civic groups and NGOs with the national government, occurring in the delivery of programmes for environmental education during the post-glasnost era. Provisional successes of civic groups in establishing environmental education programmes, and useful steps by the government to facilitate civic environmental activism, give reasons for optimism for improved environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Central Asia''s Aral Sea crisis represents a disaster of monumental proportions, a tragedy for both the region''s ecology and its human inhabitants. While the human and natural environments had operated in a sustainable co-joined system for millennia, Tsarist Russian expansion into Central Asia, followed by Soviet expansion of both the cotton industry and unsustainable irrigation practices to anchor it spelled doom for the Aral Sea. Today, many of the political and economic stimuli for such misguided practices continue, as do the continued retreat of the Sea and the proliferation of poor human health. The Aral Sea crisis has received ample scholarly attention, though somewhat surprising is a relative dearth of research explicitly investigating the nature, variety, and directionality of nature–society linkages today within the region. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the contemporary nature–society linkages operating within the Aral Sea region of Central Asia. Historical nexuses will provide necessary background, and the linkages operating currently within the spheres of regional economy, human health, and political considerations will be detailed. Couching the current crisis within the framework of coupled human–environment system contexts reveals a region in which these linkages are largely inextricable. This paper concludes with a call for a reconsideration of the nature-society linkages and a greater emphasis placed on the local region''s ecological and social sustainability. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article examines perceptions of China and contributes to the ongoing academic debate on Sinophobia in Central Asia. However, unlike existing studies, it specifically focuses on perceptions of those, who have first-hand China experience – Kazakh students/graduates of Chinese universities. Based on in-depth interviews with them, the article argues that those with first-hand China experience tend to reject the China threat theory, found to be widespread among the general population. Instead, China-educated Kazakh youth perceive China mostly as an economic opportunity for their own country. Yet, this does not necessarily make them Sinophiles in the sense that they still express certain concerns related to their country's potential over-dependence on China. But more interestingly, they see China as the "civilizational other." This perceived civilisational abyss even among the more-informed segments of the population appears to be one of the main causes of the alienation of China and the Chinese in Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study examined the impact of family size and type on maternal rejection and its relationship with emotional-behavioral difficulties in children with ADHD compared to those typically developing. Method: The participants were mothers of 7- to 12-year-old children with ADHD (n = 102) and mothers of typically developing children (n = 102) in Kazakhstan. In this cross-sectional study, multiple linear regression analysis was performed to explore the relationship between variables. Results: Family size affected maternal rejection after accounting for children's emotional-behavioral difficulties only in mothers of children with ADHD. The effect of family type on maternal rejection was statistically significant in both groups. Family size exacerbated the relationship between children's emotional-behavioral difficulties and maternal rejection only in children with ADHD. The moderating effect of family type was not found in either group. Conclusion: Our findings suggest that family size and type contribute to maternal rejection of children with ADHD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the functioning of the lowest elected tier of local government in Kazakhstan that governs villages, towns and small cities. While the existing literature on this issue mostly relies on quantitative data, document reviews and comparative analysis with foreign countries, this study explores new angles on the subject through the qualitative interview method. In so doing, this investigation evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the lowest elected tier of local governments, their vertical interaction with higher-level local government and social engagement. The following conclusions have been obtained. First, providing authority to aul akims (heads of the lowest elected tier of local government) to develop budgets from locally collected revenue creates unequal opportunities for service provision. This is because the capacity of such local governments to collect taxes varies by population size, geographical features and remoteness from large cities. Second, aul akims now allocate more funds than before, but financing conditions still make them dependent on higher authorities. Third, recent requirements stipulating that aul akims discuss local issues in a local community meeting have made the heads much more socially accountable. Finally, legislation that regulates the functioning of aul akims is complex and incomplete. Based on these findings, this study suggests a number of practical recommendations for policymakers, contributes to existing knowledge via enhancing contextual information and provides directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Rigorous adaptation methods are needed to revise existing evidence-based behavioral interventions for implementation for new target populations, revised/updated outcomes, new delivery modalities, recent advances, and new technologies. We describe an adaptation method designed to overcome the real-world challenges of having very limited existing expertise, resources, and time. Method: This adaptation method and accompanying visualization tool ("Deconstruction/Reconstruction Matrix") preserves theoretical mechanisms of behavior change, accounts for challenges in utilizing new technologies, and strengthens clinical processes, with an emphasis on safety. Results: The adaptation of an in-person HIV behavioral intervention for sexual and gender diverse men in Kazakhstan to one delivered remotely via telecommunication and social media technologies exemplifies the process and strengths of the method, concomitantly resulting in recommendations for adaptation and implementation of mobile health (mHealth) and digital health interventions. Discussion: This method allows researchers and clinicians to adapt interventions rapidly and rigorously and to benefit from new technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers a number of contemporary qualitative and mixed methods research lessons regarding cross-language research and research in closed social and political contexts such as post-Soviet countries, especially how such research may be adapted to disruptions like those posed by the COVID pandemic or other disasters. The lessons draw from a study of policy learning among government officials in Kazakhstan which illustrated several methodological strengths and weaknesses and generated a number of methodological recommendations. In particular, while the literature on best practices for research in closed contexts emphasizes deep interactions to develop trust, the COVID pandemic and other disruptions may force researchers to transition to online modalities and constrain options. We suggest strategies to overcome these limitations, including supplementing findings from interviews with content analysis or other multimethod approaches. Additionally, we argue that researchers in post-Soviet and post-colonial contexts must be particularly attuned to the challenges of cross-language research and the combination of local languages with the language of the colonial power. These lessons hold relevance for researchers working in a variety of contexts as they conduct research during times of disasters and geopolitical instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Drawing on the theoretical discussion of common features of cultures in the post-Soviet space, this paper proposes to refocus on the linguistic dimension and to investigate post-Russian Eurasia. Is not the role of the Russian language coming under serious challenge in the post-Soviet context, where independent states are downgrading the status of Russian in administration and education and where ethnic Russians are ‘remigrating’ from former Soviet republics to the Russian Federation? There is, however, one medium in which Russian is gaining new significance as a language of inter-regional communication: the Internet. Albeit to a lesser degree than English and Chinese, Russian serves as a means of communication between Russian-speaking communities all over the world. What is more, the Russian Internet (Runet) offers access to elaborated resources of contemporary culture (video and music downloads etc.). The paper discusses the role the Russian-based Runet plays for Eurasian webcommunities outside the Russian Federation, mostly relying on Kazakh material, and asks whether post-colonial anxieties about Russian cultural imperialism through the Runet are justified or not and what the Kazakh, possibly post-colonial strategies of coping with this situation are. Essential to this essay is the notion of cyberimperialism, which combines aspects of media studies with post-colonial studies. The interdisciplinary approach to Internet studies is completed by a linguistic focus on the performativity of language usage online for creating situational language identities. The essay rounds off by offering an analysis of Nursultan Nazarbaev’s ambiguous inclusive-exclusive logic of argumentation and confronting it with Russian Eurasianism. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper explores the dynamics of state intervention policies in Kazakhstan's petroleum sector between 2001 and 2012. Although the government in this period had become more assertive in relations with multinational enterprises (MNEs), a full-scale nationalisation had not occurred as the state strengthened control over the industry without forcing out oil multinationals. The findings suggest that the increased state intervention in Kazakhstan's petroleum sector was motivated by a rationale of indigenous capacity-building rather than by an exclusively economic rationale of maximising rents. It is often overlooked that the government endeavoured to achieve a greater participation of Kazmunaigas national oil company (NOC) in the domestic energy sector. Contrary to nationalisation, participation doctrine does not prioritise asset expropriation and/or displacing foreign investors. In Kazakhstan, participation strategy facilitated a partnership between the NOC and MNEs with the aim of strengthening local expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the mass media perception of the European Union (EU) in Kazakhstan by utilizing the content analysis of the major mass media outlets. The authors examine news reports and periodical articles from four major national Kazakh newspapers using three measurement points. The first measurement point covers the early 1990s when Kazakhstan declared independence and began to establish its foreign relations. The second measurement point covers the periods before and after introduction of the EU Strategy for Central Asia (2006–2008). The third measurement point covers the years (2011–2013) associated with implementation with the EU Strategy and assessing its results. Our main findings suggest that Kazakhstan's mass media positively perceives the role of the EU in the region. Moreover, they tend to portray the EU mainly as an economic powerhouse. Our findings support some suggestions by similar studies of the EU's external perception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kazakhstan's decision to transition its Kazakh language from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet has serious implications for language policy, communication, education, inclusion, and social cohesion. This critical qualitative study, underpinned by a discourse-historical approach, employs critical discourse analysis to analyze statements of ex-President Nursultan Nazarbayev and semi-structured interviews with Kazakh language educators and social media articles to determine the nature and effects of the Latinization of Kazakh on social cohesion, inclusion, and inclusive education. The findings indicate that Latinization of Kazakh is gradually becoming more ethnically oriented, implying that the inevitable formation of included and excluded language groups. These patterns in society might undermine social cohesion and inclusion, hinder their maintenance and hamper efforts to achieve inclusive education, which prioritizes equality for all social groups through proper access to knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What has been the reaction of Kazakhstan toward the rising power and influence of Russia since 1994? This paper uses the concept of soft-balancing, specifically analyzing economic issues using Stephen Walt's balance of threats approach, in an analysis of Kazakhstan's relationship with Russia. It examines instances of Kazakhstan's internal and external economic soft balancing efforts vis-à-vis Russia to explain how it used economic tools to protect its energy security from Russia. After 1991, which marked the collapse of the Soviet Union, the newly independent countries of the former Soviet Union – the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), including Kazakhstan, needed to create an institution that could tackle economic and energy problems in the region. I argue that the Eurasian Union idea promoted by the president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, was a skillful attempt to simultaneously maintain a close cooperation with Russia and to soft balance against Russia's influence through collaboration with other CIS countries. However, that initiative failed and did not have the intended economic soft balancing effect. When Russia started asserting its economic and political power over the Central Asian and Caspian regions, Nazarbayev once again resorted to the economic soft balancing policy, but this time by relying on outside players. Part 2 of this article discusses two cases of such external economic soft balancing efforts: participation in the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline project, and the economic cooperation with Turkey as part of a free trade zone. The BTC pipeline project and the close economic cooperation with Turkey ended up being a more productive soft balancing effort than the earlier Eurasian Union initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has initiated major reforms to upgrade its education system. However, significant disparities exist in the quality of educational provision in rural and urban schools. This study presents the stakeholders' – school leaders, teachers, students, parents, and education managers – vision, priorities, and aspirations of quality of education, as well as the opportunities, resources, and support available to them, and the disparities and challenges they face in achieving the quality of education they aspire for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participants saw that preferred future as follows: Infrastructure for agriculture development and beyond Kazakhstan is the leading trendsetter in the consumption of agriculture products. As the local start-up landscape strengthens and private sector activities expand, Kazakhstan could benefit greatly from expanding the application of futures and foresight thinking. Smart city applications to treat waste Kazakhstan has the best waste-recycling technologies, hosts a global waste-trading platform, and launches a "one waste one corridor initiative." It was a scenario where advanced agriculture value changed production and the Kazakhstan brand was strengthened through rural-urban links. [Extracted from the article]

This short essay reflects on the process of running a Causal Layered Analysis scenario exercise with the Institute for Professional Development at the Academy of Public Administration in Kazakhstan in collaboration with John Sweeney (from the then Qazaq Research Institute for Futures Studies). We worked with approximately 50 public administrators over a 3 day period, culminating in a Causal Layered Analysis scenario process that challenged and reviewed the national vision. The process surfaced fundamental dynamics and tensions in national identity and representation. The findings and process are detailed here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay aims to share with the community of practice an approach for incorporating and embedding Futures and scenarios into business school curriculum as part of strategy development practice with a view to strike a balance between scientific rigour and practical relevance of management education. Through the conduct of a 3-day Foresight for Strategy Development workshop curated for as an intensive course for a cohort of DBA students at the Narxoz Business School, Almaty, Kazakhstan, the author describes the step-by-step process of building scenarios and shares some of the learning outcomes from the workshop. The 3-day workshop was designed with two objectives; that is, to teach the basic skills of futures thinking by introducing futures studies, and to incorporate the five stages of scenario development process as part of strategic planning practice. While students learned the reasons for and the process of embedding scenarios as a planning tool, and were able to apply theory to practice in classroom exercises, this cohort of DBA students found it quite challenging to have a proper grasp of Futures concepts and methodologies. They were overwhelmed by the amount of contents they have to process within the space of a 3-day intensive workshop. This feedback was not peculiar to this cohort of students and it was a common lament received from the various workshops conducted in different countries including Malaysia, United Arab Emirates, Taiwan, Bahrain and Oman. This was particularly true with those in the developing economies where futures studies is relatively a new discipline. This experience tells us there is an opportunity to fill this void by introducing and embedding futures studies and scenarios as part of the planning and strategy development in Management courses in Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines how banks and microfinance companies morally construed and evaluated their lending practices and income in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Banks occupy a powerful position in a monetary economy, because they do not merely create money 'out of thin air', but can charge for it, that is, interest. In doing so, they obtain unearned income and extract wealth. The article examines how banks and microfinance companies used myths, ideals, discourses, norms and emotions to justify and de-politicise their unequal power, unearned income and damaging effects. The study draws on the moral economy perspective and the post-Keynesian theory of money to understand financial institutions' moral justifications and rationalisations of their position and power. This article contributes to a wider literature on neoliberalism and morality in post-socialist economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we used the institutional corruption framework to analyze the evolution of labor unions in Kazakhstan. As a research method, we conducted a case study by combining document analysis with survey data covering (n)1,200 respondents across all 14 regions of the country. Our findings suggest that external and internal influences weakened labor unions and diverted from fulfilling their primary purpose of promoting interests of their members. External influences, represented by restrictive regulatory framework and state intervention, create conditions of limited independence of labor unions leaving them extremely narrow scope to operate in. Internal influences are represented by disagreements and conflicts between national-level labor unions. This article stipulates that dysfunctional and institutionally corrupt labor unions in Kazakhstan serve as an indicator of state fragility. The findings confirmed that institutional corruption of labor unions has an adverse impact on public trust, while a frequent occurrence of labor conflicts might impact political risk factors, contributing to increased state fragility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on how social capital, in the form of trust, reciprocal relations, and networks, has contributed to the sustainability of local communities in Kazakhstan in the face of various political and socioeconomic challenges. Drawing on qualitative data, we provide historical evidence of the persistence of locally derived social capital and investigate the ways in which it contributed to local sustainability in Kazakhstan. We first discuss how people in Kazakhstan have historically built and developed networks, reciprocal relations, and mutual trust under different political and economic institutions, for example, in the form of reciprocal labor aid as part of nomadic culture (e.g., "Asar") and collective funds (e.g., "Kotel") during Soviet times. We then offer an in-depth understanding of social capital as a form of insurance for local communities, and how it facilitates socioeconomic interactions in contemporary Kazakh society. This study contributes to the understanding of this traditional sense of trust and communal cooperation, as well as its viability in the context of a market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governance literature in the developed world is rich with scholarship on the role conceptions of civil servants and how these guide their behavior in the attainment of political objectives set by elected representatives. There is however a dearth of research on the various roles civil servants play in developing countries, specifically those located in authoritarian states. This study uses Q methodology to examine the politician–bureaucrat interface in Kazakhstan, a highly centralized post-Soviet state. It finds evidence of three types of officials: job bureaucrats, policy entrepreneurs, and ethno-politicos. Tribalism and ethno-politics feature as an undercurrent in the political-administrative interface at the senior level. There is an overriding allegiance to the dominant political party that makes neutrality less important as an administrative tenet. Advancement as a career official has little to do with meritocracy, despite the façade, but rather connections are what matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares how the global policy of deinstitutionalisation (DI) of child welfare travelled, was translated and institutionalised in two post-Soviet countries – Russia and Kazakhstan. These countries share a Soviet legacy of child-welfare systems dominated by residential care and have recently introduced similar DI reforms based on the global child rights framework. However, despite similar institutional legacies and post-Soviet conditions, the DI reforms have produced different outcomes in terms of the scope and pace of the institutionalisation of DI policy. In Russia, the DI of child welfare has been a fast-moving and sweeping reform, while in Kazakhstan, the implementation of DI has been an incremental and gradual process. We argue that the institutionalisation of the DI policy in two post-Soviet contexts was an outcome of the interplay between structural factors and the agency of policy actors who translated global DI ideology into domestic policy discourses. Yet, they were 'sold' with quite different discursive frames – one nationalist, another one trans-nationalist – in these two countries. We claim that the geopolitical position of a country is also a significant factor for framing and thus, in the end, in how child-welfare systems have been reformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tests the assumptions of the literature regarding the neoliberal agenda ('Washington Consensus') promoted by international organisations through knowledge transfer and about the power they supposedly have through loan conditionality to impose their will on countries in financial need. In addition, it examines 'avant-garde measures' of neoliberal reforms exceeding the requirements from international organisations. Looking at the social policy concepts and advice these organisations give countries in the former Soviet Union, it utilises the example of healthcare reform in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia. The article examines the general advice these organisations gave between 1991 and 2018 for the reorganisation and management of the countries' healthcare systems, especially concerning the introduction of a mandatory health insurance system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, universities have an interest in recruiting the most talented students; however, limited attention has been given to how these students experience their transition and adjustment to university life. This mixed-methods study analyzes the academic, social, emotional, and institutional dimensions of gifted students' adjustment to university in the context of post-Soviet Kazakhstan, a country characterized by a strong emphasis on the education of gifted students. The findings of the study confirm that the process of gifted students' adjustment to university is a complex phenomenon, and all the aspects of students' first-year experiences should be carefully taken into consideration when studying the transition to postsecondary education. The results of the study are useful for understanding the issues that gifted students face in the transition to higher education and have important implications for research on gifted students' postsecondary experiences internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the study is determined by the question as to in which version the environmental consciousness of a person should be considered. The novelty of the study is determined by the possibility of not only forming ecological awareness but also imparting environmental education in their professional and everyday living environments. The authors consider the aspect of structuring the teaching of ecological knowledge of students as the most active layer of the population. It is shown that the possibility of forming environmental awareness depends on the critical role of the media and public policy. The practical significance of the study lies in the possibility of development and structural determination of the direction of the formation of the influence of environmental competence among students for use in everyday activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article joins the discussion on foreign aid triggered by the rise of multiplicity of emerging donors in international development. Informed by the constructivist framework of analysis, this article evaluates the philosophy and core features of Kazakhstan's chosen development aid model and explains the factors that account for the construction of distinct aid patterns of Kazakh donorship. This article asserts that Kazakhstan embraces a hybrid identity as a foreign aid provider through combining features and characteristics pertaining to both—emerging and traditional donors. On one hand, it discursively constructed its identity as a "development cooperation partner," adopting the relevant discourse of mutual benefit, respect for sovereignty, and non-interference, which places it among those providers that actively associate themselves with the community of "emerging donors." On the other hand, it selectively complies with policies and practices advocated by traditional donors. This study suggests that a combination of domestic and international factors played an important role in shaping Kazakhstan's understanding of the aid-giving practices, and subsequently determined its constructed aid modality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kazakhstan's model of ethnic management is often classified as a typical example of national identity-building. Kazakhstani politicians and media, however, prefer to refer to it as their unique third way. The article attempts to disprove both these claims. It argues that Kazakhstan merely uses two different ethnic management approaches—national identity-building and hegemonic exchange. The article tests this hypothesis by conducting a comparative analysis of various theoretical approaches to ethnic management and applying them to Kazakhstan. Furthermore, it explains what this dual approach means in terms of operationality by outlining the key challenges the model faces. The final section of the article summarizes its findings and provides recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates why, in two very different regimes, similarly high levels of labor militancy are evident in Kazakhstan's oilfields and South Africa's platinum belt. It also explores the common dynamics leading up to the massacres at Zhanaozen (2011) and Marikana (2012). The hypothesis-generating most different systems comparison highlights the challenges of labor relations where extraction at fixed sites combines with volatile prices and shareholder pressures in a globalized economy to raise the stakes for business, labor, and state. Also significant are blockages in existing channels for bargaining linked to quiescent unions. These jointly necessary conditions account for increased militancy in extractive industries in Kazakhstan and South Africa. To account for the Zhanaozen and Marikana massacres, timing and sequence are considered. Both standoffs came later in the strike wave, prompting impatient state and business elites to criticize the protests as "criminal" acts, and priming security personnel to employ violent repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the cultural and educational mission of modern media related to the spiritual and cultural education of youth in Kazakhstan. Over the past two decades, the socialization problems of Kazakh youth have been removed from the state's social policy agenda. Methods of comparative and complex analysis were applied in this study. To define acute youth problems, the study analyzed television projects and printed materials related to different periods of media activity in Kazakhstan. Several sociological measurements were used to reveal the needs of the television audience. The study defined the key socialization factors and institutions of young people. The article describes the role of media in establishing social standards of behavior, communication, and activity that directly affect the process of socialization. The study analyzes the activities of TV channels performing a cultural and educational function. The need to strengthen the editorial policy of media resources, focusing on socially significant issues with priority given to social and educational broadcasting, became an essential conclusion of the study. The results of the study allowed to compile an average portrait of the young generation, as well as to identify the key characteristics for the correction of life strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a key partner in China's Belt, and Road Initiative (BRI), since it comprises the majority of territories which the BRI's overland route, the Silk Road Economic Belt, needs to traverse as it crosses Central Asia on the way to Europe. The goal of this article is to explore the BRI in the context of BRI–EAEU coordination. The first part of the analysis focusses on the ways the Eurasian Economic Commission delineates the "Greater Eurasian Partnership" and counterposes it against China and the BRI. Then, the article compares two sets of interpretations of the BRI and "Greater Eurasian Partnership" obtained from interviews with elites in Kazakhstan and Russia. The interviews indicate that the BRI has had a much more forceful impact on local elites than Russia's idea of "Greater Eurasian Partnership." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the role of DNA methyltransferase 1 (DNMT1) in N -methyl- N ′-nitro- N -nitrosoguanidine (MNNG)–induced malignant transformation of Kazakh esophageal epithelial (EE) cells to better understand the pathogenesis of esophageal cancer (EC). The 3-(4,5)-dimethylthiahiazo (-z-y1)-3,5-di- phenytetrazoliumromide method and colony formation assays were performed to determine the MNNG dose for malignant transformation. Colony formation assays showed the effects of different frequencies of MNNG exposure and different cell passages on malignant transformation. A nude mouse tumor experiment indicated the malignancy of Kazakh EE cells expressing high DNMT1 levels and of transformed cells. The result shows that when the dose, frequency, and time of MNNG exposure increased, cell morphology became irregular, cell-contact suppression disappeared, and cell tolerance and growth rate increased. Colony formation occurred in the Kazakh-DNMT1 group after 14 transfections and 27 passages. Significant differences in DNMT1 mRNA and protein levels were observed in different types of cells and tumor tissues (F = 140.644, p < 0.001; F = 105.545, p < 0.001). Our study demonstrated that DNMT1 could promote MNNG to induce malignant transformation of EE cells, and this study will help understand EC better in order to develop appropriate treatment strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although 'resources' and 'nationalism' are core analytical categories in geography, the concept of 'resource nationalism' has received little attention in the discipline. We address this lacuna by reviewing relevant literature across the social sciences, and tracing key concepts and scalar frames to advance a critical approach to resource nationalism. In contrast to realist approaches, we understand it as a political discourse mobilized by a wide range of actors. Highlighting its multiple, co-existing, and often contradictory narratives about places, subjects, identities, and materialities, we illustrate the relevance of this critical framework with brief examples from Kazakhstan, Bolivia, and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a reflective analysis of a local scholar on methodological challenges of conducting research in Kazakhstan — a post-Soviet, authoritarian, Central Asian country. It specifically addresses the problems of getting access to government officials and the quality of data, describes the strategies applied by the researcher to mitigate these obstacles, and discusses the impact of the political environment on decisions relating to the research design, ethical integrity, safety of participants and researchers, and publication dilemma. This article will be of interest both for researchers who are doing or planning to conduct research in Kazakhstan and Central Asia and those who are researching in nondemocratic contexts as methodological challenges of an authoritarian regime stretch beyond the geographical boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the prevalence and associated multilevel risk and protective factors of intimate and nonintimate partner violence among a sample of 249 HIV-positive women in Kazakhstan. We found high prevalence of both lifetime intimate partner violence (52%) and nonintimate partner violence (30%). Together, nearly 60% experienced at least one incident of violence by either an intimate or nonintimate partner (gender-based violence [GBV]). In the multivariate analyses, we found associations between several individual, interpersonal, and socio-structural risk factors and GBV. Findings provide direction for practice, policy, and future research to address the intersection of GBV and HIV in Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]