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The current political condition of Great Britain has been analyzed in the article. It has been viewed that the Labour party can be relied upon to clean whatever mess the English Tories may choose to make. Party leader Harold Wilson has just done it with the devaluation of the pound, and the American press is even more jubilant than the Tories. The irony in the present episode is that Harold Wilson is a far better economist than are most politicians. However, a question has been raised that why didn't he devalue shortly after taking office and blame the necessity, fairly enough, on his predecessor. It has been assessed that the Labour party had a very small margin in the British House of Commons and to govern at all probably had to make commitments which tied Wilson's hands.

The British general election was at bottom, a contest between two liberal parties, one of which had the great advantage of holding power. It was little wonder, then, that the Tories came back, a swing of less than 2 percent of the vote giving them a margin of 59 seats in the new Parliament. Little wonder, either, that the official Liberal Party, which put up 110 candidates in an earnest attempt to stage a comeback, won only five seats. Middle-of-the-road voters could rally behind either Conservative party or Labor position and feel comfortable whatever the outcome.

Three things have happened in Great Britain in recent weeks that taken together make it very unlikely that the political truce will continue in Britain for many more months. The first was a revolt by 116 Tory Party backbenchers against the government's catering bill. The second was a series of six by-elections in all of which the Tory candidates were returned but with majorities so small as to prove a great swing to the left in the electorate. The third was the vote of 119 members, including all non-government members of the Labor Party, against the government's policy with respect to the Beveridge Report. Catering is a sweated industry in Britain, very many of those working in it receive only a few shillings in wages and live mainly on tips. War conditions have brought a great expansion in the industry, canteens in factories and communal restaurants in cities and even in small towns are part of the organization of this country for maximum production.

This article presents information related to the field of politics. The close of last session left William Ewart Gladstone's ministry in a position as strong as they had ever occupied. Their party was thoroughly loyal and united, their Tory antagonists were discredited by repeated failures in debate and by internal dissensions. The social movement in England represents a demand for the interference of the state in the interests of the people. One cannot hope to have the benefits at once of active state interference and of adherence to the system of laissez-faire. Now it is by adherence to this system, especially in all matters of trade, that England has obtained unexampled wealth and prosperity.

This article focuses on the political developments from several parts of the world. Ever since the end of August a brisk and uninterrupted political skirmishing has been in progress. In Great Britain, the Tory Party came back to London doubly sanguine, thinking that they possess abundant materials for assailing the Ministry, and cheered by the success which has attended them in several recent elections. In Egypt, it is well known that from the time of the deposition of Ismail and the establishment of the European Control, the Fellaheen, or the body which includes all the smaller peasant proprietors have been relieved from the odious abuses of taxation under which they have long suffered.

The article reports that when British men and women consider how they are going to vote in the coming elections, they will be influenced chiefly by their view of whether a Labor or a Tory victory will best assure the continuance of full employment. For the past nine years employment has remained at about 98 per cent. With the memory of jobless millions of pre-war years stilt fresh, this has meant a great deal. Laborites never tire of comparing employment figures for years after World War II with those for years after World War I and they claim full credit for the difference. Tories for their part deride the government's role. They say the cold war and the repayment of sterling balances overseas have provided an artificial market for British goods.

The article focuses on the politics in Great Britain. The author discusses the issue of Rudi Dutschke, a German student, who was excluded from Britain on ground of his participation in political discussion with people. There is moment in the country against a bill to control the unions, by union leadership and the Labour Party. The new Tory Party government in the country has dropped the bland upper-class style of the Macmillan era. But the persistent problem is political, in the strictest sense. The change in the Labour Party leaves no adequate political channel, for defense or for advance, and though we shall eventually make one it may take some time. The article also analyzes the policies of the new British government.

The author discusses political opposition in Great Britain, particularly between the Labour Party, the Tory Party, and the Liberal Democratic party. George Osborne, who is the Chancellor of the Exchequer, has a proposal to end child benefits payments from the government to families where one person earns more than £44,000 a year. The reaction of members of the other political parties to this idea is discussed, particularly that of Liberal Democrat and deputy prime minister Nick Clegg and Ed Miliband, leader of the Labour Party.

The article presents information about issues concerning Great Britain. It seems to be generally conceded by the English Tories that the Liberals will come into power at the next general election, which will take place this year or the beginning of next year. This concession is, in fact, so freely made that they have begun to discuss openly what their policy in opposition will be. The hope of statesman William E. Gladstone's death or breakdown, though not wholly abandoned, has lost nearly all its value as a political force. There is every sign that he will hold out at least two years more.

The condition of business in the British Parliament, which has caused some anxiety ever since the beginning of the session, when ten nights were wasted in the debate on the Address, grew still more serious when the Ministry had received a shake by the division on the Affirmation Bill. Although that bill was understood not to be a Cabinet matter, still a defeat after so long a debate and in so full a House could not but damage the prestige and weaken the authority of a Government which came in with so great a majority. Though the point was in itself insignificant, the want either of loyalty among the supporters of the Government, or of watchful activity in the Government whips in bringing up their men to vote, produced a considerable impression, and increased the discouragement of the Liberals. The Tories began to take heart, and to talk of their return to power as not such a distant event, after all.

That contest between the two British Houses of Parliament which has now become an annual event, expected as regularly as harvest in August and fogs in November, is keeping before men's eyes in England the question of what is to be done with the House of Lords. While the House of Lords remains what it is, they must necessarily recur whenever the Liberal party has a majority in the House of Commons. How, then, is the House of Lords to be reformed? Some of the Peers themselves, particularly the younger Tory Peers, who of course are more hot-headed, chafe so much under their present condition of nominal equality of powers, theoretical superiority in rank, and practical obligation to submit to the will of the Commons, that it is by no means impossible that they may seek to precipitate a solution of the problem.

This article focuses on Spencer Walpole's astounding feat of parliamentary statesmanship on Robert Peel in Great Britain. In 1832 the Tories were defeated all along the line, and the Toryism of George the Third and Lord Eldon, Lord Chancellor in the ministry of Lord Liverpool, was destroyed past hopes of revival. Peel created the Conservative party and evoked the conservatism of the nation. He checked what threatened to be a revolution and within three years broke the strength of the Whigs, and in less than ten years returned to office at the head of the ablest and strongest body of Conservatives which has held power during the century.

The great commercial reforms in England, which were timidly commenced by William Huskisson half a century ago, were conclusively settled in their principle by Robert Peel. It is connected with the effort now being very systematically made to win back the counties to the Liberal side. They were its strength before the Reform Bill of 1882, which, by the Chandos clause, handed them over to the Tories. For a long time the farmers will remain the political retainers of their landlords, believing in their patronage and not believing in the protection of the ballot. A more serious hindrance to the reform of the land-system will be the opposition of the great family solicitors, who hold the title-deeds of country gentlemen and are their confidential advisers and social confessors, and whose business would be cut down to nothing if the sale of land was made easy and simple negotiation gave a title.

This article focuses on the Great Britain's forthcoming general election. The betting on the election has opened with odds of six to four in favor of a Tory majority. That is probably a realistic appraisal, for the Labor government's recent "form" has not been that of a winner. It has, of course, been dogged by bad luck. The promised harvest from the seeds of economic expansion and social reform sown between 1945 and 1950 has partially withered in the fierce heat of the post-Korean international crisis. But Labor has shown no great ability or inspiration in the face of difficulties, and it looks like a government of mentally and physically weary men which an equally weary electorate may seek to replace, hoping that a change in political direction will bring better times.

The Tory ministry of 1885 has been the briefest ministry of the last half century, having lasted just seven months. When, on William Ewart Gladstone's resignation last June, after an unexpected defeat, office was offered to Lord Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil Salisbury, there was much difference of opinion in Tory circles as to whether it would or would not be better to remain in opposition. Although the Tories have been beaten at the general election, their defeat is nowise due to their having taken office. On the whole, Lord Salisbury stands now before the country with a character for administrative judgment, as well as vigor, which he never enjoyed before.

This article focuses on the recent Irish elections and the struggle in Ulster of the province. The elections in Ireland have been not only the most dramatically interesting of all the recent contests, but the most momentous in their ultimate political results. When the last Parliament ended, Ireland was represented in the Imperial Parliament by about forty-seven Parnellites; nearly thirty Gladstonians, twenty of whom were moderate Home Rulers and the rest regular Liberals from Ulster and twenty-five Tories. Now there are eighty-five Parnellites, eighteen Tories, and not a single Liberal. Of the seats in the three Roman Catholic provinces, twenty went to them unopposed. In the remainder, candidates, sometimes Tory, sometimes Liberal, were put forward by a recently-formed association of persons zealous for the British connection, called the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union.

The appointments consequent on the change of Great Britain's Government have now been completed, and the Tory Ministry may be examined as a whole. Attempts have been made to oppose the reelection of several of its members by their respective constituencies, but these attempts have failed in very case hitherto, partly because the constituencies were previously Tory in their complexion, partly because there is a general and not unnatural feeling that it is unfair to prevent a man from resuming his seat in Great Britain's Parliament just when his ambition has been gratified by the receipt of an appointment. Besides, electors have a sort of pride in being represented by a person honored by the Crown with an office, and fancy that if they want anything done for their locality they have a better chance of getting it put through.

The article discusses the British Labour Party conference held in Manchester, England, and points out how the meetings and conversations between Prime Minister Gordon Brown's Labour Party and the Tory Party resembled a theatrical production of William Shakespeare's play "Macbeth" because of references to knives and decapitation. Many of Brown's problems have been linked to economic problems and a run on the Northern Rock bank.

The defeat of the British Labor Party was an instance more of the stupid than the pathetic, and it may have implications for all persons who despise postmodern politics and postmodern journalism. In the past the Labor leadership always had an explanation for what it suffered at the hands of the Tories. It was invariably because there were too many people in the party, who gave a scrofulous appearance to what would otherwise be recognized as a perfectly decent and respectable social-democratic racket. If it wasn't the association with supposed middle-class rabble, then it was the ghastly embarrassment of having to associate with all those greedy trade unions, combinations of working stiffs who had no idea of the slothful and acquisitive image they presented.

The article focuses on news previously featured in this journal. At a private gathering in Paris a year ago British statesman David Lloyd George was told to his face that the expectation in England, among the Tories, was that he would presently land squarely in the Conservative camp. The political situation in Germany today is so confused that it must be impossible for an outsider to form any conception of it. The political ability and acumen of the Germans are being put to a test now that the people have the power to decide their own fate.