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Barbara wrote about toxic masculinity before Jordan Peterson and incels and about white middle-class economic anxieties before Trump. BARBARA EHRENREICH DIED ON SEPTEMBER 1, FROM the aftereffects of a severe stroke. That side of second-wave feminism has been all but lost, but as Deirdre, Barbara's longtime friend as well as writing partner, told me, "We were fighting for a women's movement that was for all women, and Barbara never forgot that - the class consciousness of early feminism.". [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the relation of U.S. presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton to U.S. liberals and the U.S. Democratic Party. Topics include progressive and feminist aspects of Clinton's early career, Clinton's role in the triangulation strategy of former U.S. President Bill Clinton to win over moderate voters, and Clinton's approach to foreign policy issues and military interventions. The notion of progressivism in U.S. politics is addressed.

The article discusses Turkish democracy in the run-up to the nation's elections on June 7, 2015, and it mentions Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's authoritarian views regarding an Armenian genocide during the 20th century. According to the article, the Turkish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) has the best chance of helping the nation's liberals and leftists in blocking Erdogan's efforts to rewrite Turkey's Constitution and seize additional political power.

The article discusses U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren, focusing on calls by liberals for her to run for President in 2016, despite announcements that she will not. Topics include a discussion of her position as a major figure standing against the financial industry and political corruption; the emergence of grassroots movements dedicated to getting Warren to run; and whether she has the popular support among enough demographics to win the Democratic nomination and election.

The article focuses on author and journalist David Brock. Topics include is memoir "Blinded by the Right," his founding of the media monitoring organization Media Matters for America, and his conversion from a conservative to a liberal. Information is provided on Brock's involvement in U.S. politics and his support of the U.S. Democratic Party.

The article discusses the need for political liberals in the U.S. to develop and promote a bold vision for liberalism. A widening wealth gap between the rich and the poor, the Afghan war, and an unregulated banking industry are just a few of the challenges the author says liberals must address. He believes the international nature of many problems including climate change and unemployment makes it essential that a new liberal vision champion the interests of people around the world, not just those of Americans.

The article discusses economic development in China and the rise of authoritarian capitalism there and in other countries. The article notes concerns among U.S. liberals regarding responses that could be made to China's emergence as a global power. The author opines regarding China's strong grasp on its economic growth despite intervention that the U.S. might consider. He believes that any such actions could backfire on the U.S. Radio personality Doug Henwood is cited regarding the financial might that China could wield with its holdings of U.S. dollars and U.S. Treasury Bills.

The article reports on the activities of former U.S. congressman Dick Gephardt. The central focus of the article is that Gephardt, while in office considered a liberal advocate for the working class, labor unions and for environmental protection, has become a lobbyist for corporate interests after returning to private life in 2005.

The article reports that after years of a disorganized and divided movement, campus liberals are following their conservative peers and organizing slick, creative events and protests, funded by the Center for American Progress's Campus Progress project. Campus Progress provides funding and support to left-leaning campus groups, but some fear that the organization's centrist leanings will take the radicalism out of liberal campus politics.

Offers a look at why liberals in the United States believe that President George W. Bush can bring democracy to Iraq and questions why some liberals refused to march against the U.S.-led Iraq War. Report that leftists have moved towards faith in U.S. power and skepticism of popular movements; Belief of some liberals that mass movements are blind to evil or apologize for it; Suggestion that liberals are inspired by that which minimizes fear; Role of liberalism in inspiring various social movements, including the war against slavery, women's rights and civil rights; Failings and compromises of liberalism; Statement that U.S. liberals in the past have looked at the rest of the world as a rebuke to illiberalism at home or a goad to domestic reform.

Focuses on the role of radio talk show host Amy Goodman in championing media reform in the United States. Statement that Goodman reported on the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, from a few blocks away from the World Trade Centers in New York City; Reference to the radio news program "Democracy Now!"; Transformation of "Democracy Now!" from a niche radio program to a multimedia institution broadcast to some 330 community radio and television stations; Rise of the progressive media during the President George W. Bush years; Reference to the book "The Exception to the Rulers," by Goodman and her brother, David Goodman; Issues Goodman deals with on "Democracy Now!" including the abortion debate, Social Security reform, the death penalty, and the Iraq War.

Offers a look at Air America, the liberal/progressive talk-radio network. Report that the network is being broadcast in fifty cities in the United States; Role of Danny Goldberg as Air America's chief executive officer; Popularity of liberal radio talk show hosts Jerry Springer, Al Franken, and Ed Schultz ; Creation of Air America's progressive talk competitor, Democracy Radio; Comments made by Tom Athans, the executive director of Democracy Radio; Comments made by Gabe Hobbs, a vice president in charge of programming for Clear Channel Communications.

The article looks at politics and political attitudes in Massachusetts as of August 2004. I should explain, now that Senator John Kerry is the presumptive Democratic presidential candidate, that the phrase "Massachusetts liberal" does not mean what it is said to mean in the feverish fundraising letters of the political right. I should explain this particularly now, as gay people are marrying each other here in the Commonwealth, a development that likely will cause Massachusetts to be portrayed as Gehenna's vestibule over the next several months. Massachusetts politics never has been about conservatives and liberals. Massachusetts politics always has been about established power and the reform impulse, and, since the beginning of the last century, that struggle has taken place within a liberal Democratic context. Kerry carried his passion to his work in the Senate in the 1980s, when he drove many of the investigations into a secret foreign policy manifested most conspicuously in the Iran/contra scandal. The hearings that Kerry conducted were pure reformist Massachusetts liberalism. In its frustration, the President George W. Bush campaign may find itself running against a genuine Massachusetts liberal.

The article argues that liberals and progressives in the U.S. ought to support the Democratic Party, even when it strays from some of their beliefs, rather than third-party alternatives such as the Green Party that have little chance of winning elections. U.S. President Barack Obama and potential Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton are cited as Democrats deserving of support, whatever their ideological shortcomings.

The article discusses that immigrants are helping to create a dynamic, globally focused movement. Conservatives don't have welfare to kick around anymore, or the deficit to deplore, or Communism to declare the Democrats soft on. Liberals seem in even worse shape than conservatives. They lost the battle for universal health insurance in 1994 and have yet to figure out a way to return to the fray. Most of them seem resigned to working within budgetary limits that preclude any major new governmental initiatives.

The former U.S. President Richard Nixon has become the Rodney Danger-field of politics. Ever since he evaded prison, he has been looking for respect. He has revisited China four times, to remind liberal centrists of his single foreign policy triumph in office; he has come out for "hardheaded détente," a phrase calculated to impress moderate conservatives. In an article for the Open-Ed page of the "The New York Times, "Lessons of the Alger Hiss Case," Nixon's campaigns to rehabilitate his image hit a new low.

This article focuses on the book "Achieving Our Country: Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America," by Richard Rorty. The collective hero of the book is the reformist Left, which, from the progressive era until the mid-sixties, struggled within the framework of constitutional democracy to protect the weak from the strong. Rorty construes this camp broadly. Abandoning the distinction between radicals and liberals as a harmful relic of doctrinaire Marxism, he includes militant union leaders and New Deal bureaucrats.

The article presents a studied response to a federal court's ban on affirmative action programs in the University of Texas (U.T.), Austin, Texas. The new law, dubbed the "10 percent plan," entitles the top 10 percent of each high school graduating class to attend the U.T., the university's flagship campus, or any other state campus. Liberals and progressives have warned that the end of affirmative action would reinforce the elitist character of highly competitive public research universities like U.T. Austin. Instead, the end of affirmative action may erode that elitism, in ways that many of the liberals and progressives who call these universities home could find discomforting.

The article presents information on liberalism in the U.S. Most obviously, liberalism stands in a very uneasy relationship to democracy, which enshrines majority rule. Even leaving aside the institution of judicial review, the principles of liberal tolerance and equality call for an incredible degree of self-restraint on the part of those who think of themselves as a majority-silent or vocal. Where the majority is white-skinned, liberals demand equality for people whose skins are of a different color. Where the majority believes in traditional religious values and behaviors, liberals demand equality not just for people who have different values and behaviors but even for those who loudly flaunt them.

Describes attitude of liberals' towards socialism in the U.S. Existence of economic system in the U.S.; Ideology of the U.S. towards socialism; Analysis of energy crisis under capitalist set-up of the U.S.; Mal-distribution of wealth and other economic differences in the U.S.; Structural changes in the U.S. economic system.

Focuses on the criticism of California Governor Jerry Brown by liberals and media for his political stands. Allegations of manipulation of media made against Brown by the national media; Objections of liberals against Brown for neglecting the policy of liberal reforms and planned social change; Arguments given by Brown in defense of these complaints.

When the Nobel Prize was awarded recently to Mikhail Sholokhov, a writer was honored who has been an active and loyal member of the Soviet Communist Party since 1932. In this role he was always ready to carry out "tasks" in defense or explanation of official policy, able to change his views and emend his literary texts and to be eloquent in castigating heresy and heretics. It would be an absurd mistake to count him among the Soviet liberals, or to suppose that his little village of Veshenskaia in the Don country is a refuge from activity and from metropolitan politics. He has seldom known peace or sought refuge and the record of his life is one of deliberate engagement, in the Soviet meaning of that term.

This article focuses on the crisis of conscience faced by Methodists. The Methodist Church occupies a position in the U.S. religious life so indistinct as almost to defy generalization. It demands little or no theological conformity, and in its midst are fundamentalists, conservatives, neo-orthodox, existentialists, liberals, personalists, naturalists and a probable majority that is unconcerned with the finer points of faith. The most widely recognized and oft-derided characteristic of Methodism over the years has been its encouragement of personal piety.

The article discusses right-wing politics in Dallas and Houston, Texas after the 1963 assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, and mentions the political activities of liberals in Texas, anti-Communist campaigning, and right-wing propaganda. The right-wing John Birch Society, opposition to the federal government, and Dallas mayor R. L. Thornton are also mentioned.

This article presents portrayal sketch of senator Thomas J. Dodd. He is a junior senator from Connecticut. In the lexicon of American politics, he can be classified as neither liberal nor conservative. He seems, to be an incongruous mixture of both. His views are those of the Americans for Democratic Action. He has questioned the worth of the United Nations. Yet he remains a member, and was formerly Connecticut state chairman, of United World Federalists. He loudly proclaims the virtues of American freedom simultaneously.

The article focuses on several current issues in the United States. The jolting announcement by U.S. Steel of an across-the-board price increase represents a calculated political ploy in the classic tradition of power politics; the economic motivations were of minor importance. Along with labor leader George Meany, Big Business resented the President's intervention in the steel negotiations; but Meany and other statesman of labor, Jimmy Hoffa, who is not a statesman, did not go along, muted their resentments and decided to cooperate, while the executives of Big Steel nursed theirs in private and plotted their revenge. In its National Affairs Department, Newsweek, echoing a theme that is receiving increasing attention from the press, suggests that "perhaps the uneasy peace between U.S. President John F. Kennedy and the nation's liberal intellectuals was ill-fated from the beginning; perhaps discomfort on the Left was destined from the start." In this view, in the 1960 campaign Mr. Kennedy managed to make himself acceptable to the labor movement, the campus liberals, the editors of the "low-circulation but influential intellectual magazines," etc., but "he never was really one of the visceral liberals."

The article presents information on themes of two movies and their effects on the civilian life. It was with the ubiquitous appearance of the profitable box-office double feature, "Operation Abolition" and "Communism on the Map," that rightwing activities in the Northwest reached proportions sufficient to alert and alarm liberals in this area. Unpublicized signs and portents, however, had appeared much earlier. The two films, had begun circulating quietly and efficiently to a great number of church groups, service clubs, schools and military installations. The film was accompanied by a critique by one of the student leaders of the San Francisco demonstrations, of which it purports to be a documentary account.

The article presents information on several socio-political developments from across the world. With the light of constitutional liberty ablaze in the Near East as never before, the reactionary tendency at the various German governments seems to be distinctly strengthening. Having taken the Liberals and Radicals into camp by making them a part of the Parliamentary bloc that sustains the government, Von Billow and his imitators seem to feel freer than ever to suppress anything that looks like liberty of speech or criticism of the government on the part of its subordinates. The cable reports of the address made in London, England, last week to the shareholders of the Anchor Line by the chairman of the directorate, Richard Henderson, but reflect the depressed condition of the shipping trade. The speaker described the recent stagnation as "probably the worst since the formation of the company." Like other persons in misfortune the ship-owners have found that their troubles come not singly but in battalions.

Military personnel Ulysses Simpson Grant has now been nominated after his supporters and the country at large had a month to think over U.S. journalist and political leader Horace Greeley's nomination. All the originators of the Cincinnati Convention knew that Greenley's nomination was an atrocious blunder, only to be surpassed by the other blunder of supporting him after his nomination is irresistible. If one considers the situation, the full depth of the absurdity into which some of the Liberal Republicans have themselves will be apparent enough.

The article presents incidents related to the politics in the Europe. The downfall of the Empire in the lifetime of the French Emperor, amidst circumstances of extraordinary humiliation, will gratify one of the dearest wishes of some of the best of the French Liberals, which prevented many of them from accepting office, or making their peace with Caesar, even if they felt assured that lie was going to surround his throne with free institutions namely, the desire that it should not stand recorded. in French history, for an incentive and encouragement to other usurpers and traitors. Another event refers to the incident in which war loan is started by Prussians in the France.

Presents information related to the political scenario in the U.S. Allegations made by conservatives against liberals on double standards on civil liberties; Emergence of blacks as national leaders in electoral polities of California; Organization of Black Caucus by members of the U.S. House of Representatives.

Focuses on political conditions in Berkeley, California. Involvement of youth in radical and liberal policies of politicians; Suggestions for change in local governance of Berkeley.

The article discusses the 1967 National Conference of New Politics political convention in Chicago, Illinois, where liberals, radicals, and African American civil rights advocates strategized over the 1968 presidential election and issues such as the Vietnam War and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Political power struggles between black and white attendees, activist Carlos Russell, and the liberals' attitudes are also mentioned.

A great deal of optimism was being expressed a year ago with reference to the American poor. Some liberals and civil rights leaders were enthusiastic about those programs of the U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) that aim to provide real opportunity for poor and disadvantaged groups to pull themselves up by the boot straps. Economists and social welfare workers were pleased by the success of their long efforts to call attention to the plight of the invisible poor among the public. Recent events have dampened this initial enthusiasm. The combination of attacks by some members of the Congress on the high cost of OEO programs, the criticism of liberals on the minuscule efforts and expenditures into public office--these and related events cause increasing concern among those who thought that at least a beginning was being made toward abolition of poverty.

This article presents information on the talk among liberals about enacting an amendment to the U.S. Constitution in order to give U.S. Congress adequate powers for dealing with its immense national economic tasks Thus far it has been chiefly talk. It was a desire to help crystallize progressive thought and pave the way to action that led the editors of The Nation to address a telegram to five leaders of liberal, farm, and labor opinion The telegram and the four answers we received are printed at the end of this editorial discussion. No clear picture of strategy or policy emerges from them But they offer a starting- point for what is undoubtedly-whether or not it is featured in the campaign-the paramount issue before the country today.

The article focuses on the memorandum submitted by a group of religious, labor, education, and liberal leaders, to the General Assembly of the United Nations, offering a constructive plan for the solution of the Arab-refugee problem. The Arab of formerly mandated Palestine is truly a displaced person. Three years of palliative measures have not alleviated his misery. To solve the problem, it is necessary first to take it out of the vacuum to which it has been relegated, to look at it in the full context of its cause and effect, political and economic.

The article presents information on E. L. Godkin, the editor of the periodical. Godkin educated by Queens College in Belfast. His object was to apply certain broad reform principles to American affairs; his avowed method was to base his course on the facts of human nature and the experience of history. He seized his opportunity as no other man in the country could have done. To understand the scope and force of the work done by the periodical under Godkin one must recall the position of the United States when the first number appeared, in 1865.

This article presents information on U.S. Congress proceedings. The newly elected liberals to the House of Representatives suggest the dilemma confronting his colleagues, though most of them do not share his sense of futility. In the light of Congressional antics during the past few weeks, it would be comfort to learn that there are any liberals at all in the Seventy-eighth Congress. Exactly how many there are it is as yet impossible to say, for many Congressmen are still unknown quantities even to their fellows.

The article author comments on developments related to political and social developments in the U.S. The last two weeks have witnessed a historic clash between two theories of political behavior-the quarterback" or opportunist theory, long indorsed by the U.S. President, and the theory which insists upon the importance of a thought-out, consistent political line. It seems to the article author that events have demonstrated the superior value-especially for a nation fighting for the survival of democratic institutions-of the second theory. What amazes and alarms the author is the ease with which so many persons sincerely committed to the democratic cause have accepted football tactics as adequate to the demands of a complex political-military struggle.

Way back in the days when Communists were fellow-travelers of liberals and other anti-fascists, people used to debate the question of their "sincerity." Did the Communists believe in democracy? Did they genuinely support the New Deal? The tendency among many non-Communists of the left was to give them the benefit of the doubt and accept their support and their labor in the various causes on which all could agree. They might be heading for some Stalinist Mecca beyond the democratic horizon, they might be cantankerous and rather unreliable companions, but they were accepted as pilgrims on the same dusty road, beset by the same dangers and opposed by the same foes.

For two decades American radicals have participated vicariously in the triumphs and retreats of the Soviet regime. Events in the Soviet Union have molded their thinking, overshadowed native politics, and conditioned their emotional level. The ten days of October that activist John Reed chronicled were to influence American radical thought for a generation; and in August 1939, the ten days that elapsed between Germany's announcement and the Soviet's ratification of the German-Russian pact seemed equally momentous. This article aims to give an outline of what representative radicals and liberals were thinking in this period of upheaval. The central fact is that these are moments of transition among radical and liberal forces. If the issue of Russian policy has once more troubled and divided them, it must now be seen in the context of the greater issue of the war itself.

In this article, the author focuses on socio-political issues as of August 19, 1875. It seems to be the fate of the English Conservatives of late years to stimulate radical tendencies a good deal more than the Liberals could or would. An Ohio correspondent, in a column, puts together some facts which are just now worth noting because they have a good deal of bearing on the fate of the currency question. That question is again coming up, and is again assuming a threatening aspect and exerting a depressing influence on the business of the country.

This article presents information on various political developments in the world. When the new French Chamber met, it was difficult to know exactly what its character would be. One thing was certain, the monarchical group, Royalists and Bonapartists together, which numbered as much as 150 in the last Chamber, had been reduced to about fifty. But the republican majority was composed of very heterogeneous elements, it embraced the Opportunists, the more or less conservative Republicans, the more or less advanced Radicals, and with them a large number of socialists. Although the Government majority in Great Britain, after the general election, fell slightly short of what sanguine Liberals had anticipated, seldom did a session open with higher hopes than that which met here on the 31st of January. The Queen's speech foreshadowed the following great measures, home rule, registration reform, shortening duration of Parliament, one man one vote, employers' liability, parish councils, local veto, church suspensory bills preparatory to disestablishment for Scotland and Wales.

The article discusses the U.S. President Donald Trump's rhetoric, considered anti-Semitic by the author, on the loyalty of liberal American Jews, referencing U.S. neoconservatives' (neocons') similar rhetoric towards American Jews who support liberalism. Trump's pro-Israel policies, including his support of right-wing Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu, are discussed. An overview of the periodical "Commentary's" negative comments on the political activity of liberal American Jews is provided.

The article looks at the June 2012 U.S. Supreme Court decision upholding most provisions of the U.S. Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. The author lauds the decision, calling it a major liberal victory. He also expresses some disappointment with the decision, however, noting that a majority of the justices stated that neither the commerce clause nor the "necessary and proper" clause of the Constitution could have authorized the law.

The author discusses the U.S. Supreme Court and the significance of the 2012 U.S. presidential election with respect to judicial nominations. He lists issues the court is hearing cases on or is likely to hear in the near term, including gay marriage, Voting Rights Act enforcement, and indefinite detention of enemy combatants, and discusses the balance between conservative and liberal justices. Also discussed are numerous vacancies in the federal courts.

In this article the author discusses conservatism in the United States. The central focus of the article is the observation that liberals and those persons on the political left wing have mistaken the source of conservatism's appeal and have allowed conservatives to paint government as a constraint to personal freedom. A number of topics are addressed including economic issues arising from conservatism, the free market and conservative ideals of liberty, and the economic policies of former U.S. president Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

This article reports on the campaign tactics of Republicans and U.S. President George W. Bush. Bush and his fellow Republicans have been pounding the campaign podium with the threat of what will happen if Democrats get elected, which includes warning what will happen in Iraq and raising of taxes. But the Republicans do not acknowledge their own problems with the economy and handling of the war.

The article presents the author's argument that progressive liberals should work toward the redistribution of wealth in the U.S. It's time for progressives to launch a comprehensive challenge to America's extreme concentration of income and wealth. This is not only morally and economically right; a number of developments suggest that it is also one of the areas where progressives can aggressively take the political offensive. The top 1 percent now claim more income each year than the bottom 100 million Americans taken together. An only slightly larger elite group, the top 5 percent, own just under 70 percent of financial wealth and more than 80 percent of unincorporated business assets. At one level is the ever more obvious routine corruption among the wealthy--from the brokerage and insurance-industry insider deals and the $9 billion cooking of the books by Fannie Mae executives to the New York Stock Exchange's self-dealing arrangements and the Enron, WorldCom and other scandals. Progressives need to grasp fully, and then communicate, the morally outrageous nature of what is happening in the wealthiest nation in the history of the world. The time is ripe for an all-out effort to demand change--and to force the other side to attempt to defend what is in fact indefensible.

This article contends that the progressives' fight against the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush should be brought to the state and local levels and away from Washington, D.C. This is because for three years progressives have taken the battle for affordable healthcare, education and environmental protection in Washington, D.C. without success. The Democrats in Congress are unable to unite and get their acts together. Democrats should aim to win in states and local levels.