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This paper reviews the dialogue and controversies between the paratexts of a corpus of collections of short novels –and romances– published from 1624 to 1637: Novelas ejemplares y prodigiosas historias (1624) and Varias fortunas (1627) by Juan de Piña; La desdicha en la constancia (1624) and El cuerdo amante (1628) by Miguel Moreno; Sucesos y prodigios de amor (1624) by Juan Pérez de Montalbán; Tardes entretenidas (1625), Jornadas alegres (1626), Tiempo de regocijo (1627), Escarmientos de amor moralizados (1628), Lisardo enamorado (1629) and Huerta de Valencia (1629) by Alonso de Castillo Solórzano; Experiencias de amor y fortuna (1626) and Historia de Hipólito y Aminta (1627) by Francisco de Quintana; and Novelas amorosas y ejemplares (1637) by María de Zayas. It focuses upon the active literary field around Lope de Vega, on the collaborations of the printers Juan González and Luis Sánchez with de bookseller Alonso Pérez and, over all, on the “Prólogo al que leyere” and the “Prólogo de un desapasionado” in the Zayas’s volume. After proposing a writing date for the first one (1626), it is shown that the author of the second foreword (c. 1635-1637) was Castillo Solórzano. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the aim of reconstructing the critical text of Por la puente, Juana, an entertaining and peculiar urban comedy from Lope de Vega's mature years, this article systematically refers for the first time to the text contained in Part xxvii extravagante, besides referring to the best-known edition of the comedy published in the 'authorized' Part xxi of comedies of the Phoenix of the Wits. This has brought to light some corrupted readings in the text's transmission process, of which we offer a few examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the supposed influence of the Bosco's painting in the book by Lope de Vega, Rimas humanas y divinas del licenciado Tomé de Burguillos, refuting the scholar Sánchez Jiménez and denying a relationship between the pictorial work of the one and the poetics of the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The archetype of the "fool (or simpleton) for the Christ" (the saint subjected to public derision because of an apparent stupidity under which sacred wisdom hides) occupies an essential place in the Eastern hagiographic tradition, but appears less often in Western literature. Some works written on the border between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (such as the treatise De simplici obedientia by the jesuit Matthaeus Rader, the Flos Sanctorum by Alonso de Villegas or several "comedias de santos" by Lope de Vega) rescued the biographies of those "extravagant" saints, and with them all the echoes of a perfection based on the inversion of the appearances of knowledge. The study reviews the profiles of sacred stultice in these and other contemporary texts, as a preamble to a more ambitious exploration of the place that this hagiographic motif may have occupied in the discourse of the Counter-Reformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sponsorship and patronage have always been the reasons that concerned Lope's artistic life and we can see this in a great number of his works. In the present investigation, I study the play Las grandezas de Alejandro and its literary dedication, showing a different point of view from the studies made before. In order to do this, I will investigate the biography of the patron Lope refers to in the work, Fernando Afán de Ribera, focusing on his prececessors and the nobiliary life of his lineage. The research shows the author's necessity to please the political powers of his time and the desire he had of ascending to the aristocracy. I have also considered another reading of the drama: the autor claims his works as an artist, and suggests that sponsors and patrons need to be enlightened by the artists they protect. Thus, drama and dedication have a political and an artistic reading, which complement each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Lope de Vega's extensive theatrical production, merchants do not often appear. When they do, they are not usually protagonists nor have a positive connotation. Exceptions to this are two plays of Italian sources, El anzuelo de Fenisa (Fenisa's Hook) and Virtud, pobreza y mujer (Virtue, poverty and woman). The article carries out a detailed comparison between the tenth novella of the eighth day of the Decameron and El anzuelo de Fenisa. In his comedy Lope retains the overall structure of the novella and its main elements, but he also introduces structural innovations, such as a second plot line, and above all ends up neutralizing the implications of social dynamization that the merchant had more widely in the Decameron. In El anzuelo de Fenisa, through the character of Lucindo, the social strata opposition between the urban middle nobility and the world of merchants is avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article examines the authorship of the "auto sacramental" La Araucana, attributed to Lope de Vega in 1893 by Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo. A study of the auto compared with Andrés de Claramonte's plays regarding meter characteristics, parallel passages and noun series, suggests that this last poet of the Spanish Golden Age would be the closest playwright as to the literary style of La Araucana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study provides a new series of documents that makes an estimation of the date of Lope de Vega's comedy possible. Furthermore, a direct source of the play is precisely located, the reason why the play was written (a commission from the Toledo town hall) and other related circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the controversial inclusion of Lope de Vega's Roma abrasada in the genre of tragedy. Paying attention to the context of the first play which Lope himself referred to as a “tragedy", Roma abrasada is set against the tradition of the late 16th century tragedy in order to study how it follows it and how –maybe due to the new perspective of the comedia nueva– it deviates from it, opening (although quite imperfectly) the way for what would eventually become the “tragedia española". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fascination aroused by El caballero de Olmedo is due in part to the power of attraction of the secrets it contains. Some of them are easy to penetrate, others difficult, particularly for a modern public less aware of the «public secrets» (Taussig) of seventeenth century culture. Is the distance that separates Olmedo and Medina only a physical distance don Alonso has to traverse, or does it imply socio-cultural and political distance, ethnoreligious difference, questions of wealth, class and political weight? Yet more intriguing are the supernatural mysteries that besiege Alonso. The structure of the drama is another mystery. In the middle of this «comi-tragedia» (Ruano), there is a political interlude (Fothergill-Payne) in which the king discusses habits for Calatrava and Alcántara, giving Alonso a habit, and of the attire Jews and Moors should wear to distinguish them from old Christians. Is this a way of evoking a «public secret» that traps those not aware of it? These are the questions I consider in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the increasing theorization of secret spaces tailored for the prince's household in 15th- and 16th-century architectural treatises. From Leon Battista Alberti to Francesco di Giorgio Martini, architects and humanists conceived of the prince's household as one in which secret and public spaces were carefully distinguished. A number of architectural devices, such as secret doors, private stairs and listening tubes were designed so that the prince could be able to control all movements in his household. The echoes of this theorization, mediated by later treatises, such as that by Sebastiano Serlio, can be traced in 16th- and 17th-century literary works, such as those by Bartolomé Torres Naharro or Lope de Vega, both in the Italian and the Iberian Peninsula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lope and Quevedo know each other and go to the same artistic circles of Madrid; as far as concerning satire, critics tend to consider the first one as a disciple of the second one, even if Lope is quite older than don Francisco. Nevertheless, a relevant series of grotesque portraits of ugly women, that we can find both in Lope's poetry and theater from the beginnings of his artistic career, could have influenced Quevedo's writing together with innumerable other sources. Therefore, Lope too could be surprisingly considered, to some extent, a model for Quevedo's depiction of the ugly and old woman, which is a leitmotif of his unbeatable satirical writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to show the Quevedian mechanisms of (rewriting and the complex relationships with Góngora, Jáuregui, or Lope, or, rather, with his stylistic proposals. A romance about the myth of Orpheus becomes a poetic proposal outside the Gongorism and the Castilian tradition claimed by Lope, which is the Quevedian answer to treatment of myth as serious poetic material, its authors and the controversy where they were inmersed. The Orpheus descent into hell shows the dissolution of the loving subject, loss of symbolic power of mythical elements and a metric-stylistic degradation that leads to indignity of mythology as valid element for a serious poetic expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work seeks to deal with the production of the "autos sacramentales" of Lope de Vega. A first and fundamental problem comes from the very definition of the genre. Thus, I take as reference two of the most repeated features in most definitions: the allegorical character and sacramental structure of the Eucharist. With a corpus of forty-two reliable autos of the Fénix, it is studied the presence of each of these two elements. On the one hand, it is about to establish its validity as a generic definition and, secondly, to elucidate the author's aesthetic affinities in the use of allegory, the final exaltation of the Eucharist, the use of biblical material in terms of literary tradition, the study of possible internal developments... and so on. That proves that Lope prefers the autos with an allegorical structure to the biblical ones. Moreover, none of these works with a final Eucharist exaltation has a biblical origin (except the parables), so, in order to insert the sacrament, Lope seems to feel more comfortable with the more diffuse boundaries that allegory offers. Thus, although he occasionally borrows plot material of literary and religious tradition, Lope would rather to invent or participate in the commonplaces of his contemporary writers when he approaches the auto sacramental. And finally, it is interesting the use of the history in the autos, not well considered by critical tradition, however, it is something that Lope seems not to avoid at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the reasons behind the conspicuous absence of mentions of Diego Velázquez in Lope de Vega's works, examining the relationship and ideological coincidences between the poet and the painter. To do so, we analyze Velázquez's career during Lope's life and the social links that united or separated the two, suggesting that one of the latter, Vicencio Carducho, was the reason behind Lope's silence in regards to Velázquez. We advance this hypothesis examining the respective aesthetic ideologies of Lope, Velázquez, and Carducho, and paying special attention to Caravaggio's role in the work of the latter. Finally, we use these deductions to reflect about Lope's relationship with painting and about his general modus operandi in the literary field of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the meaning and connotations of the title of Lope de Vega's discourse. For so doing, we compare it with the one presented in other poetic treatises from the Classical period and Renaissance Humanism, pointing to the contrast between art and nature and between classical art and contemporary creation. We argue the value and the ambiguous nuances of the notion of novelty in the people of the 17th century, and pay attention to the presence of the concept of new art in the practical treatises in the context surrounding the work of Lope de Vega as well as the growing importance of this notion at the time of the "novatores" and the Enlightenment -except from issues related to aesthetic questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the prehistory of Quevedo's friendship and literary alliance with the king of theater, Lope de Vega, analyzing the attitude that both writers showed towards Spain's image in 1609, mainly focusing on two works they produced that year: España defendida and Jerusalén conquistada To do so, the author studys the data about their relationship in order to contextualize the books in their careers. Next, the article will analyze the works' respective patriotic attitudes, and the Jerusalén's relationship with Lope's theater. We will thus relate the works' patriotism with the movement of national renewal that characterized the Spanish reaction to foreign anti-Hispanic propaganda (the Black Legend). In addition, the author will explain the works' kind of patriotism in the context of Quevedo and Lope's respective political positions in 1609. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideal of the perfect courtier was a model of virtue for the people at the end of the 16th century. Before and after Lope de Vega, many poets of the Golden Age tried to be “a second Garcilaso". The Fénix wanted the same, so he proclaimed to have served his King as a soldier in two occasions: the Azores islands and the Armada Invencible. With this last episode on quarantine, the tale of the victorious campaign of the marquis of Santa Cruz that can be found in his comedy El galán escarmentado wouldn't prove that Lope participated in the conquest of the Terceira island. Just the opposite. Because a comparative analysis with the Comentario en breve compendio of Cristóbal Mosquera de Figueroa demonstrate that the poet used it to compose his verses. The fact that he needed the testimony of others to tell the events that he witnessed would question his presence in that military campaign and therefore his precious status of soldier-poet of which he constantly boasted about it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of the first Russian translation of El castigo sin venganza in the configuration of the Lopian canon in Russia. A reading of the Russian version, by Sergei Yuriev, suggests that both in its reformulation of the title (El castigo no es la venganza) and in its many modifications of the characters, Yuriev's translation radically distances itself from Lope's text, eliminating the tragic character of the Duke of Ferrara's motivations, and presenting the relationship between Casandra and Federico as an idealized love, innocent and natural. Such changes, imposed in part by the translator's historical circumstances, resulted in the general failure of the work on the Russian stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the many masks that Lope de Vega adopted is that of the theorizing subject who reflects on his own poetry. This paper focuses on the sonnets of the Rimas de Tomé de Burguillos in order to study how Lope utilizes this mask as a means of a metaphysical self-interrogation, in a serious tone or with irony, on the nature and pragmatics of poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the academic career of maestro Antonio Carreño, focusing on his evolution as an hispanist and commenting upon important milestones in his influential work as an expert in Golden Age Spanish literature in general, and particularly, of Lope de Vega. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se presentan resúmenes en español e inglés de los artículos publicados en este número de la revista incluyendo "Quevedo en América. Bibliografía Inconclusa" de Celsa Carmen García Valdés, "Juan del Valle y Caviedes como lector de Francisco de Quevedo" de Pedro Lasarte y "La ortografía de Quevedo. Pautas para su estudio" de Marta Blanco.

"Heráclito Cristiano" has very often been regarded as a sincere, even autobiographical, religious repentance book of poems. Nevertheless, an analysis on the structure of this group of poems can lead us to the idea of a more deliberate and meaningfully artistic composition of it. Besides, a comparison with "Rimas Sacras" by Lope de Vega, a thematically similar book, and very close to "Heráclito Cristiano" in time, can help us to understand how Quevedo conceived and constructed this literary work [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a first stage in the study of the general relations between Cervantes and Quevedo, trying to settle down some premises to carry out this study. The author compares their biographies, ancestors, experiences in the court and literary predilections. It is also very important to analyse their affinities and enmities, especially when a friend of one writer is the enemy of the other, as it happens with Lope de Vega. Also, the author examines the influences that they received from each other to clear the way of this relation between our two authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strenght of love and eroticism is present in the beginning of the classical theatre. Later, the Cristianism and the Neoplatonic ideals stimulated by Leon Hebreo and Marsilio Ficino establish a new period in which Lope writes his theater. Love is the central column in Lope's work. It improves young lovers and they are enriched by it. Lope's theater is built by love, the great architect of this theater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lope recreates the main archetypes of literature in his time: the prisoner, the shepherd, the pilgrim, the insane for love. Those figures remind us other similar mythical figures such as Leander or Icarus. But once the plot is solved, and after examining their conscience and released from deviant behaviours, all the characters abandon their disguise, even the renegade Rosardo, and decide to love properly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se presenta un resumen en inglés y español para el artículo "Quevedo y Lope (poesía y teatro) en 1609: patriotismo y construcción nacional en La España defendida y La Jerusalén conquistada" de Antonio Sánchez Jiménez.