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In this paper, I recount the circumstances which have caused me to question deeply my own complicity in Eurocentric education, which is really all we have to offer our Aboriginal students. Coming from my position as a white, female, middle-aged university professor with a history of school teaching and school counselling, I outline the concerns I have with both schools and faculties of education, fearing personal complicity in cultural genocide. In particular, I am concerned with three things: one, how we frame and name our own racism -- to come to feel comfortable talking about our own biases and prejudicial thoughts, actions, and attitudes-as a necessary first step to action; two, how we disadvantage Aboriginal students in our universities, for whom success may require some form of personal "amputation," and three, how we, as teacher educators, can begin to model, through our own culturally sensitive actions and through our teaching, ways of becoming culturally sensitive classroom teachers. While I do not provide answers to the thorny question of "what to do," I do hold out hope that working in arrangements of mutual respect with those of another culture can lead us to idiosyncratic and powerful models of change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the novel `The Hand that Signed the Paper,' by Helen Darville. Plot; Characters; Anti-Semitism; Background information on Darville; Implications for ethnic writing.

Historically, immigration has been an urban phenomenon in Canada. Over the last two decades, however, more and more immigrants have begun to settle in smaller cities and even in rural areas. Given this shift, there is a need to know more about how federal and provincial settlement and integration policies and programs function beyond the metropolis. This paper takes a place-based qualitative case study approach to shed light on how the settlement and integration sector works in rural Saskatchewan. The research is based on interviews with individuals working within or adjacent to the settlement and integration sector, as well as a focus group carried out with immigrants themselves. The findings of the study reveal that there are many challenges that make it difficult to meet the needs of immigrants in rural Saskatchewan by way of formalized supports. Nevertheless, those working in the sector have drawn on local strengths and resources to devise innovative solutions to meet the needs of the growing immigrant population. The paper concludes by arguing that local communities should be given more flexibility and a bigger role to play in the development of settlement and integration policies and programs. Settlement and integration works differently across geographical space, and a ‘one-size fits all’ approach to service provision is not enough to meet the current needs of all communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports a qualitative study built upon the findings from this team’s previous studies over the past two decades that identifies risk factors and guiding principles to develop a culturally sensitive practice model for Chinese youth in conflict with the law. Crime intervention for Chinese Canadian youth is under-researched. This paper reveals that Chinese youth and their parents internalize problems of systemic inequity. Their needs are not properly addressed due to model minority stereotyping. Over the last two decades, there is a shift in demographics of the Chinese community in Canada that mirrors the socio-economical changes in China over twenty years that requires cultural nuance in providing services to the Chinese community. In general, Chinese youth and their families experienced cultural and language barriers and challenges in addressing mental health issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to fill a lacuna in existing literature by adopting a feminist and intersectional framework and analysis to examine the experience of racism of individual Chinese residing in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), and to explicate how macro and meso-structural processes impact Chinese individuals and communities during COVID-19. We draw on data analysis from a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) funded research project, and focus our analysis of the experience of anti-Chinese racism before and during COVID on i) context of racialization and racism, i.e., geopolitics, Chinese culture and identity, and media representation; and ii) experiences of racialization and racism, in the form of stereotyping, microaggression, and verbal acts of racism. We demonstrate that anti-Chinese racism has persisted prior to COVID-19, however, the pandemic exacerbates precipitating racist ideologies, policies and practices, allowing them to manifest and proliferate. In particular, our paper elucidates how different forms of antiChinese racism interact with individuals’ intersectionalities (i.e., race, class, gender, age, ability, English/French fluency, immigration/citizenship status, etc.) to further complicate how individuals are differentially targeted and how they experience racism differently. As well, our paper illuminates how individual interviewees utilize their agency to devise strategies to deal with anti-Asian racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, also known as the Chinese Exclusion Act, banned the entry of Chinese people to Canada and required all Chinese in Canada, including the Canadian born, to register with the government. The act devastated Chinese Canadian lives and communities. This paper applies two of Hannah Arendt’s insights into the social organization of totalitarianism to understand how anti-Chinese racism has been structured. Focusing on the discourse of Asian/Chinese exclusion in the Canadian House of Commons and Senate in 1922 and 1923, the paper shows that the idea of Chinese exclusion was closely linked to the white supremacist vision of Canada that its land and resources were and should be the monopoly of people of European origins. As such, anti-Chinese racism was not just an ideology, or individual prejudices or ignorance, but it was a social structure that was integral to the making of the country, and whose invention can be traced historically. The historical activity of the Chinese in trying to stop the passing of the act brings the functioning of this social structure into sharp relief. The consequences of this structure continue today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on a conversation I had with D.Š., a 42-year-old woman who emigrated to Nova Scotia in 2014 from Bosnia and Herzegovina with her husband and young son. We met in December 2022 to talk about the idea of 'home' when it comes to being an immigrant and a firstgeneration Canadian. As a first-generation Canadian who emigrated to Canada from the former Yugoslavia in 1992 and someone who has been personally interested in diasporic identities in the Canadian context, I found D.Š.'s perspective meaningful and illustrative of many issues relating to challenges and potentials in Canada's official status as a multicultural nation. D.Š.'s narrative identifies, restructures, and deconstructs in multiple ways a key social boundary, 'foreignness,' which is embedded in the practice of homemaking and the process of integration understood as relational. My analysis of D.Š.'s narrative is conceptualized in terms of the identity work that is required of all Canadians for Canada to live up to its official status as a multicultural country. In the analysis, I draw upon the philosophy of encounter, the concept of 'homemaking' and recent studies on relational integration. The paper engages empirically the meaning of relational integration in the context of everyday 'homemaking.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the Canadian government deployed the Rural and Northern Immigration Pilot (RNIP). The program provides a pathway to permanent residency for skilled immigrant workers. It aims to address key challenges associated with labour market shortages that are a result of increasing retirement populations, declining birthrates, and the “exodus” of youth to urban cities (Bousmah and Grenier 2022). Unlike other programs, the RNIP aims to attract newcomers through a “community economic development-driven model” where local employers and community partners aid newcomers in securing suitable employment and providing services and mentorships to encourage inclusion and long-term settlement (IRCC 2022a). Although pathways to permanent residency provided through pilot programs can be attractive, their effectiveness in retaining skilled workers within underpopulated rural regions remains understudied. Using content analysis, this paper examines the implementation of the RNIP in Ontario (specifically North Bay, Sault Ste. Marie, Sudbury, Thunder Bay, and Timmins). Using federal and region-specific websites and community reports, we employ a case study approach to compare strategies and community initiatives relative to the needs of each region. We analyze how these regions are implementing this “community economic development-driven model” and question whether these measures are successful in creating feelings of belonging and inclusion among immigrants – factors we argue are essential for longterm settlement. Without addressing reasons for why long-term settlement may be unattractive and difficult for locals within these communities, newcomers that aim to settle in these regions may experience challenges that remain unrecognized. Overall, we consider whether community membership and long-term settlement can be adequately addressed through the implementation of such pilot programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past, immigrants and refugees tended to overlook small and mid-sized cities in Canada, but this has changed since the beginning of the 21th century, and the mid-sized city of Kelowna has gradually emerged as a popular destination for newcomers from all over the world. Housing is critical to the resettlement and integration of all immigrants. Recent immigrants, especially renters, face challenges in their settlement and housing experiences, including limited financial resources, language barriers, and rental-housing discrimination based on ethnicity or race, and yet relatively little is known about these experiences and the barriers they encounter in mid-sized cities. This paper explores the settlement and housing experiences of recent immigrants in the city of Kelowna, a mid-sized city in the interior of British Columbia (Canada) with a focus on the rental housing market. The study draws on data from questionnaire surveys administered in 2015 and 2018 with a total of 67 recent immigrant respondents. The findings reveal that immigrant newcomers experienced financial stress and significant challenges in locating affordable rental housing due to high housing costs, low vacancy rates, lack of reliable information, language barriers, and discrimination by landlords based on immigrants’ ethnic and racial background. Immigrants are increasingly redefining the social and cultural geography of mid-sized Canadian cities, and there is a need to ensure that they are able to access affordable, adequate, and suitable housing, and ultimately settle into society. This is particularly crucial given the rising cost of living in Canada, the projected increase in immigrant levels for 2023-25, and the importance of immigrant settlement in a post-pandemic context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, municipal governments across Canada have made efforts to attract and retain newcomers in mid-size cities. This paper reports on a community-based photovoice research project to explore immigrant experiences securing professional employment in Durham Region, Ontario. Nine immigrants from diverse origins provided their photographs and written reflections and participated in semi-structured individual interviews and focus groups; they discussed the images representing their experiences in more depth and proposed calls for action to facilitate needed changes. The whole research cycle was informed by feminist intersectionality to illuminate the role of macrostructural forces operating in the socio-economic context of immigrant lives. The project findings testify to (1) the existing services’ failure in assisting immigrants to face systemic challenges: find meaningful learning opportunities, create strong networks, and address bureaucratic demands; (2) the experiences of rejection, judgement, misrecognition, and devaluation of immigrants from recruiters, employers, employment services staff and residents; and (3) the resistance of these challenges by the immigrants through perseverance, positive outlook, and support of family and compatriot community. These findings make it clear that having services that focus on individual job search or professional skills is insufficient: solutions require the participation of the entire society. They highlight the urgency of municipal action to change the local social and service provision climate by including immigrant voices and experience in decision-making about services and policy development and educating social and employment services personnel, employers and the community in anti-racism and immigrant experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we use semi-structured interviews with 35 asylum-seeking women to elicit a narrative of their forced migration journey which included a stop in Turkey, a perilous sea crossing facilitated by smugglers and a stay in a European Union borderland, Greece. We explore their experiences with a focus on the adversities they faced, especially gender-based violence, woven in the broader violence of mobility under restrictive border and asylum regimes. Their interaction with the environment reveals a range of responses of conformity with, and resistance to, unequal social relations and discriminatory cultural practices. We conceptualize these responses as resilience, a process in the making, shaped by practices - thoughts, emotions and embodied acts - rather than an achieved state. We understand resilience as a process built through the use of personal but also communal resources, according to the social ecology model. In this paper, we focus on the individual resilient responses, the "resilient moves" of women in the refugee context of the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, the women's identifying and naming of the hardships they face point to the social structures that these hardships are rooted in, thus requiring interventions in social policies and institutional practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist scholarship that brings issues regarding legal status to the forefront contributes to our understanding of the diverse and specific experiences of migration in relation to domestic and family violence. Scholars taking an intersectional approach have examined how migrant women with insecure status confront a series of barriers in their daily lives, impacting their ability to seek help and exacerbating their experiences of violence and abuse in receiving contexts, such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States. While existing studies have generated important findings, limited research has been conducted with victim-survivors to understand their help-seeking pathways. Drawing on interviews with 18 victim-survivors and 23 professional stakeholders, this paper seeks to contribute to existing scholarship by examining how women with insecure migration status living in Victoria, Australia, accessed support for domestic and family violence in the context of migrant precarity. The paper highlights that, despite their limited entitlements, victim-survivors sought out formal assistance and in doing so, worked with different stakeholders to negotiate a pathway towards support and safety. The study also reveals that women had different outcomes and while some were able to begin to rebuild their lives, others were faced with further legal, social and economic precarity and continued to live with the threat of removal from the country. These findings suggest that understanding women's intersectional location in society is required in the design of effective policy responses that seek to address domestic and family violence at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the findings of a qualitative study which was undertaken to examine the speech patterns of Canadian university administrators when discussing their perspectives of (1) the barriers to and enablers of educational equity and (2) the extent to which their identity/positionality influences their leadership capacity to advance educational equity. The study aimed to uncover and examine the dominant ideological perspectives and discursive practices of senior administrators in relation to educational equity. The findings uncover discourses of democratic racism across the ten narrative interviews. An analysis of the ideologies underpinning these discursive barriers suggests that change agency is related to both diverse leadership and diversity leadership – identity/positionality and consciousness/proficiency to influence change. The paper reinforces calls for sectorwide and institution-specific efforts (1) to diversify senior administrative teams, with a particular emphasis on cabinet level racial and gender diversity, and (2) to increase the level of proficiency among senior administrative teams to effect more transformative change. Moreover, the paper suggests that contemporary and critical models of leadership, governance, and organizational change are needed to meaningfully advance and account for EDI change in the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 pandemic made temporary residents in Canada particularly vulnerable, as their precarious legal status, barriers in accessing healthcare, financial and job insecurity, the impossibility of travel, and social isolation intensified. International students were among those who had to navigate these challenges while being made invisible due to their liminal status of being students and temporary residents. Our research with international graduate students and their families shows that even in pre-pandemic times, this population was battling financial insecurities, issues of work-life balance, social isolation, and travel restrictions; issues compounded at the intersections of race and gender and exacerbated by Covid-19. Given that the Covid-19 pandemic has amplified underlying inequities in Canada at the systemic level, with more racialized people being infected with Covid-19 and dying from it, and more racialized people with precarious legal status losing their livelihood, we can assume that international students are no exception. Measures adopted by the Canadian government, such as the Canada Student Emergency Benefit, excluded international students, who contribute over 20 billion dollars annually to the Canadian economy and are a source of revenue for Canadian universities and colleges. In this paper, we explore how the Covid-19 pandemic affected international graduate students and their familial lives in a city in Alberta and what impact government policies had on their lives. Based on 20 in-depth interviews with international graduate students and their spouses, this paper highlights the disparity in support between international students and Canadian citizens during the pandemic, including financial support, institutional assistance, isolation, and transnational interactions. We also explore how institutional assumptions and governmental policies during the pandemic undermine the gendered and racialized experience of international graduate students with their immediate and transnational families. We contend through our analysis that the treatment of international students during the pandemic should be a concern of academic justice given the vulnerable, precarious, and relatively invisible status of this population, underscored further by the intersectional discriminations experienced by many students who are looking to find a future in Canada. La pandémie de Covid-19 a rendu les résidents temporaires au Canada particulièrement vulnérables, car leur statut juridique précaire, les obstacles à l'accès aux soins de santé, l'insécurité financière et professionnelle, l'impossibilité de voyager et l'isolement social se sont intensifiés. Les étudiants internationaux étaient parmi ceux qui devaient relever ces défis tout en étant rendus invisibles en raison de leur statut inconstant d'étudiants et de résidents temporaires. Nos recherches auprès d'étudiants étrangers diplômés et de leurs familles montrent que, même avant la pandémie, cette population était confrontée à des problèmes d'insécurité financière, d'équilibre entre vie professionnelle et vie privée, d'isolement social et de restrictions de voyage, problèmes aggravés par l'entrecroisement de la race et du genre, et exacerbés par la Covid-19. Étant donné que la pandémie de Covid-19 a amplifié les inégalités sous-jacentes au Canada au niveau systémique, avec plus de personnes racialisées atteints de Covid-19 et qui en meurent, et plus de personnes racialisées avec un statut légal précaire qui perdent leur gagne-pain, nous pouvons postuler que les étudiants internationaux ne font pas exception. Les mesures adoptées par le gouvernement canadien, telles que la prestation d'urgence pour les étudiants canadiens, excluent les étudiants internationaux, qui contribuent à l'économie canadienne à hauteur de plus de 20 milliards de dollars par an et sont une source de revenus pour les universités et les collèges canadiens. Dans cet article, nous examinons comment la pandémie de Covid-19 a affecté les étudiants internationaux diplômés et leur vie familiale dans une ville de l'Alberta et quel impact les politiques gouvernementales ont eu sur leur vie. Basé sur 20 entretiens approfondis avec des étudiants étrangers diplômés et leurs conjoints, cet article met en évidence la disparité de soutien entre les étudiants étrangers et les citoyens canadiens pendant la pandémie, y compris le soutien financier, l'assistance institutionnelle, l'isolement et les interactions transnationales. Nous explorons également la manière dont les hypothèses institutionnelles et les politiques gouvernementales durant la pandémie sapent l'expérience sexiste et racialisée des étudiants étrangers diplômés avec leur famille immédiate et transnationale. Nous proposons à travers notre analyse que le traitement des étudiants internationaux pendant la pandémie devrait être une préoccupation de justice académique étant donné le statut vulnérable, précaire et relativement invisible de cette population, souligné en outre par les discriminations intersectionnelles vécues par de nombreux étudiants qui cherchent à trouver un avenir au Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada and the United States have long histories of racism that permeate every institution and structure in our societies. While anti-racism movements have gained strength in recent years, we know very little about current rates of discrimination in the two countries or the impact on communities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Informed by critical race feminist theory, this paper examines levels of discrimination experienced by survey participants from Canada and the United States during the COVID-19 pandemic with a cross-sectional survey conducted during October 2021. We then assessed the broader impact of experiencing discrimination on depressive symptoms using logistic regression analysis. In both Canada and the US, multivariate logistic regression maintained that experiencing discrimination resulted in higher probabilities of reporting moderate to severe depressive symptoms. Other important factors included age, financial insecurity, and comorbid health conditions. Overall findings suggest that Indigenous, Black, and other racialized communities who experienced discrimination reported higher rates of depressive symptoms despite controlling for other factors. From a comparative perspective, discrimination rates were similar in Canada and the US, and had similar proportions across racial/ethnic groups. Discrimination rates did not vary significantly by gender, nor was gender a statistically significant risk factor for depressive symptoms. Further research, including qualitative studies, could fully assess the impact of gender on experiences of racism and depressive symptoms during the pandemic. The paper concludes with policy and public education suggestions to combat racial discrimination and highlights the need for added government action during times of crises. Le Canada et les États-Unis ont une longue histoire de racisme qui se retrouve dans toutes les institutions et structures de nos sociétés. Bien que les mouvements antiracistes aient gagné en force ces dernières années, nous savons très peu de choses sur les taux actuels de discrimination dans les deux pays ou sur l'impact sur les communautés pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. S'inspirant de la théorie féministe du racisme critique, cet article examine les niveaux de discrimination subis par les participants du Canada and des États-Unis pendant la pandémie de COVID-19, à l'aide d'une enquête transversale menée en Octobre 2021. Nous avons ensuite évalué l'impact plus large de l'expérience de la discrimination sur les symptômes dépressifs en utilisant une analyse de régression logistique. Au Canada comme aux États-Unis, la régression logistique multivariée a confirmé que le fait d'avoir été victime de discrimination entraînait une probabilité plus élevée de signaler des symptômes dépressifs modérés ou graves. Les autres facteurs importants étaient l'âge, l'insécurité financière et la comorbidité. Les résultats globaux suggèrent que les communautés indigènes, noires et autres communautés racialisées ayant été victimes de discrimination présen-tent des taux plus élevés de symptômes dépressifs, malgré la prise en compte d'autres facteurs. D'un point de vue comparatif, les taux de discrimination étaient similaires au Canada et aux États-Unis, et présentaient des proportions similaires dans tous les groupes raciaux/ethniques. Les taux de discrimination ne varient pas de manière significative en fonction du sexe, et le sexe n'est pas un facteur de risque statistiquement significatif pour les symptômes dépressifs. D'autres recherches, notamment des études qualitatives, pourraient permettre d'évaluer pleinement l'impact du sexe sur les expériences de racisme et les symptômes dépressifs pendant la pandémie. L'article se termine par des suggestions de politiques et d'éducation du public pour lutter contre la discrimination raciale et souligne la nécessité d'une action gouvernementale supplémentaire en période de crise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les nouveaux arrivants francophones en milieu minoritaire rencontrent des défis propres à leur insertion dans les communautés qui les accueillent. Utilisant le cadre théorique présenté par Bourdieu à propos de l'influence des structures sur les populations non-dominantes, cet article explore les dynamiques entre l'habitus, l'organisation collective et le capital social au sein de cette « minorité dans la minorité ». Il s'appuie sur des groupes de discussion avec des informateurs-clés et sur la littérature existante en se concentrant plus précisément sur le cas de la Saskatchewan, où la communauté fransaskoise participe à l'accueil et l'établissement des nouveaux arrivants. L'article vise à montrer les besoins organisationnels des nouveaux arrivants, liés à leur capacité à aller au-delà de l'ajustement à un nouveau milieu de vie afin de participer à la communauté. Ces besoins vont de pair avec les besoins d'établissement et leurs besoins communicationnels, relationnels et, pardessus tout, institutionnels, qui se voient clairement en Saskatchewan du fait de la faible densité de la population francophone minoritaire. Cette approche commence avec les choix que les immigrants peuvent faire, ainsi qu'avec la connaissance qui est développée grâce à l'engagement des bénévoles au sein du secteur informel de l'établissement et de l'accompagnement. Francophone newcomers in minority settings face challenges that are specific to their integration into the communities that welcome them. Using Bourdieu's theoretical framework regarding the influence of structures on non-dominant populations, this paper explores the dynamics of habitus, collective organization, and social capital among this "minority within a minority." It relies on discussion groups with key informants and on existing literature and focuses more precisely on the case of Saskatchewan, where the Fransaskois community takes part in the welcoming and settlement of newcomers. The paper aims to show the organizational needs of newcomers, tied to their ability to move beyond the adjustment to a new living environment toward participating in the community. These needs go together with settlement needs and communicational, relational, and, above all, institutional needs, and are clearly seen in Saskatchewan given the low density of the Francophone minority population. This approach begins with the choices that immigrants can make, as well as with the knowledge that is developed due to the engagement of volunteers within the informal settlement and support sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focused on Barbara Sapergia's Blood and Salt (2012), one of the first book-length works of fiction to engage with Canada's First World War internment operations, this paper examines the ways in which the novel grapples with discourses of class, ethnicity, and race during, and after, the first decades of the 20th century. Discussion of Sapergia's text is prefaced by historical background on the internment, including discussion of the widespread fear of "enemy aliens" which led to the incarceration, between 1914 and 1920, of some 8579 immigrants from empires (Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, German) (an estimated 5954 of them ethnically-Ukrainian) at war with the British empire and Canada. The analysis itself is informed by debates about Joy Kogawa's Obasan (1981), long-viewed as breaking the silence around the Second World War internment of Japanese Canadians but, in recent years, critiqued for its complicity in constructing that "dark chapter" of the nation's past as a forgivable anomaly. While the first four of Blood and Salt's seven parts, grounded in meticulous historical research, trace Ukrainian Canadian protagonist Taras Kalyna's (and his fellow internees') suffering at the Castle Mountain, Cave and Basin camps near Banff, the last three sections of the novel seem to narrate his triumph over trauma. Consequently, the essay addresses the possibility that Taras might be (mis)taken as a character who performs the part of an ideal immigrant or model minority: in exchange for gaining entrance into the prospering, white middle class, he turns a blind eye to historical instances of xenophobia and racism. Does his fictional narrative align with prominent Ukrainian Canadians' aggressive support in the 1960s for the problematic politics and practices of multiculturalism, as well as their acceptance of a disappointing compromise, in 2008, vis-à-vis redress for the internment operations of the First World War? Via close readings of the novel's protagonist (and his unresolved trauma), his wife's persistence in writing about the internment (and the reasons for it), and the tragic absent-presence of several minor, yet crucial, characters (some radically left-wing, others Indigenous), the paper argues that Blood and Salt, in fact, refuses to forget or forgive. Read alongside complex developments in Ukrainian Canada, between the First World War and the 1960s (and beyond), the text offers complicated perspectives on the historical actions of the government, their aftermaths, and all Canadians' shared responsibilities in contending with past and ongoing "dark chapters" of the national narrative. En analysant Blood and Salt (2012) par Barbara Sapergia l'une des premières oeuvres de fiction à s'intéresser aux opérations d'internement du Canada pendant la Première Guerre mondiale cet article examine les façons dont le roman aborde les discours de classe, d'appartenance ethnique et de race au cours des premières décennies du XXe siècle. L'étude du texte de Sapergia commence par un examen du contexte historique sur l'internement, y compris une discussion sur la peur généralisée des « étrangers ennemis » qui a conduit à l'incarcération, entre 1914 et 1920, de quelque 8579 immigrants venant des empires (austro-hongrois, ottoman, allemand) en guerre avec l'empire britannique et le Canada (environ 5954 parmi ces immigrants étaient d'origine ukrainienne). L'analyse elle-même est éclairée par des débats sur Obasan (1981) de Joy Kogawa, roman qui a été longtemps considéré comme texte brisant le silence autour de l'internement des Canadiens d'origine japonaise pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, mais qui a subi une critique, ces dernières années, pour sa complicité dans l'interprétation de ce « chapitre sombre » du passé national en tant qu'anomalie pardonnable. Alors que les quatre premières parties de Blood and Salt sont fondées sur une recherche historique méticuleuse et retracent les souffrances du protagoniste ukrainien canadien Taras Kalyna (et de ses camarades internés) dans les camps de Castle Mountain et de Cave and Basin près de Banff, les trois dernières sections du roman semblent raconter son triomphe sur le traumatisme. Par conséquent, l'article s'occupe de savoir si Taras pourrait être (à tort) considéré comme un personnage qui joue le rôle d'un immigrant idéal ou d'une minorité modèle : en échange de son entrée dans la classe moyenne prospère et blanche, il ferme les yeux sur des exemples historiques de xénophobie et de racisme. De manière tout aussi inquiétante, son récit fictif s'aligne-t-il sur le soutien agressif des Canadiens réputés d'origine ukrainienne dans les années 1960 aux politiques et pratiques problématiques du multiculturalisme, ainsi qu'à leur acceptation d'un compromis décevant, en 2008, concernant la réparation des opérations d'internement pendant la Première Guerre mondiale ? À travers des analyses du protagoniste du roman (et de son traumatisme irrésolu), de la persistance de sa femme à écrire sur l'internement (et des raisons derrière cette décision), de la tragique absence-présence de plusieurs personnages mineurs mais cruciaux (certains appartenant à la gauche radicale, d'autres Autochtones), l'article souligne que Blood and Salt refuse, en fait, d'oublier ou de pardonner. Prenant en compte des développements complexes au Canada ukrainien, entre la Première Guerre mondiale et les années 1960 (et au-delà), le texte offre des perspectives nuancées sur les actions historiques du gouvernement et leurs conséquences, ainsi que sur les responsabilités partagées de tous les Canadiens face aux « chapitres sombres », passés et actuels, du récit national. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines domestic and intimate partner violence (D/IPV) during the COVID-19 pandemic, within refugee households in Syrian informal tented settlements located in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley. We examine how the socio-economic and political environment as well as anti-refugee practices, impact Syrian economic outcomes, contributing to a significant rise of D/IPV. Data analysis reveals refugee women's resilience and responses after experiencing violence, despite the absence of access to organizations and authorities that ensure their protection. The analysis discloses the gap in protection for women refugees, resulting from economic constraints, distrust of authorities and humanitarian organizations, lack/inadequacy of protection policies, widespread corruption and a political climate against refugees in Lebanon, a country ridden with instability and crisis. Interviews conducted with refugee women confirm that rebuilding trust with official authorities in Lebanon is the key first step to attaining protection. This paper emphasizes the role of international and national policies and practices, alongside access to international humanitarian and development organizations, in enhancing refugee women's resilience against violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the growing diversity of Canada's population has modified the viewership and participation in what is widely considered the country's national sport: hockey. Using several quantitative sources, we contend that while hockey remains the country's most popular sport, its domination is increasingly challenged by the attraction to soccer and basketball amongst the expanding numbers of Canadians of non-European origins. The paper also considers how the demographic shifts will influence the extent to which youth participation in hockey remains a key vector in promoting belonging to Canada. In this regard, we found that hockey is relatively unchallenged as the sport that contributes most to a stronger sense of local belonging amongst newcomers. Ce article examine comment la diversité croissante de la population canadienne a modifié l'audience et la participation à ce qui est largement considéré comme le sport national du pays : le hockey. À l'aide de plusieurs sources quantitatives, nous soutenons que si le hockey reste le sport le plus populaire du pays, sa domination est de plus en plus contestée par l'attrait du football et du basket-ball parmi le nombre croissant de Canadiens d'origine non-européenne. Le document examine également comment les changements démographiques influenceront la mesure dans laquelle la participation des jeunes au hockey reste un vecteur clé de la promotion de l'appartenance au Canada. À cet égard, nous avons constaté que le hockey est relativement incontesté comme le sport qui contribue le plus à renforcer le sentiment d'appartenance locale chez les jeunes issu de l'immigration. À l'aide de plusieurs sources quantitatives, nous soutenons que si le hockey reste le sport le plus populaire du pays, sa domination est de plus en plus contestée par l'attrait du football et du basket-ball parmi le nombre croissant de Canadiens d'origine noneuropéenne. Le document examine également comment les changements démographiques influenceront la mesure dans laquelle la participation des jeunes au hockey reste un vecteur clé de la promotion de l'appartenance au Canada. À cet égard, nous avons constaté que le hockey est relativement incontesté comme le sport qui contribue le plus à renforcer le sentiment d'appartenance locale chez issus de l'immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how physical space shapes access to hockey arenas and participation in the game. Based on site observations and auto-ethnographic personal experience, this paper looks at how the concepts of 'multicultural common space' and 'affordance' can be used to better understand who participates in the sport and how space mediates participation in, and the imagination of, hockey and as an offshoot of Canadian identity. It uses the concept of 'affordance' to look at the opportunities people have to enter spaces and, in turn, the types of participation and interactions they have with hockey. More specifically, the paper explores if 'hockey spaces' are 'multicultural spaces' and, in turn, whether they are spaces that can foster shared identity and bonds. The paper examines 'hockey spaces' ranging from 'the pond' to the arena and all the way to the 'jumbotron' and discusses how specific hockey spaces shape who can participate in the game and how they can interact with others. The paper explores spaces as fields of interaction to understand the role that hockey plays in creating inclusive or prohibitive spaces for people from diverse backgrounds. Cet article examine comment l'espace physique façonne l'accès aux arénas de hockey et la participation au match. Sur la base d'observations de sites et d'expériences personnelles auto-ethnographiques, cet article examine comment les concepts d'« espace commun multiculturel » et d'« accessibilité » peuvent être utilisés pour mieux comprendre qui participe au sport et comment l'espace intercède dans la participation et l'imagination du hockey et, en tant que ramification, l'identité canadienne. Il utilise le concept d'« accessibilité » pour évaluer les possibilités que disposent les gens pour entrer dans les espaces et, à leur tour, les types de participation et d'interactions qu'ils ont avec le hockey. Plus précisément, l'article explore si les « espaces de hockey » sont des « espaces multiculturels » et s'il s'agit d'espaces qui peuvent favoriser une identité et des accointances. L'article examine les « espaces de hockey » allant du « bassin » à l'aréna et jusqu'à « l'écran géant » et discute de la façon dont le hockey façonne spécifiquement ceux qui peuvent participer et comment ils peuvent interagir avec les autres. L'article aborde les espaces en tant que champs d'interaction pour comprendre le rôle que le hockey joue dans la création d'espaces inclusifs ou restrictifs pour les personnes de divers horizons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores inequities in the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRCC) grant amounts awarded to successful applicants in Canada’s universities. Specifically, the study seeks to discern whether ethnicity and gender matter for amounts of SSHRCC’s award decisions using compiled SSHRCC data and names of successful grant applicants to generate a large sample from 1998 to 2018. Although the importance of ethnicity along with gender and region, as well as institutional factors such as discipline and status of an applicant’s university are explored in relation to higher education institutions’ applicants, our focus is on effects of racialization on SSHRCC’s decisions. We find that several factors affect the amount of grants awarded and that racialized applicants, especially men, have tended to receive less funding than non-racialized applicants over this period. In addition, on the one hand, the grant amount for racialized minorities has decreased in recent years. On the other hand, racialized women applicants received higher grant amounts than their counterparts, and particularly in recent years. Conceptual, empirical, methodological, and policy implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada, like other advanced Western countries, wrestles with the challenge of immigrant integration. Canadian scholars, policymakers and service providers are tasked with finding ways to assist immigrants to find livelihood as well as a sense of belonging in their new homeland. Because of their potential to isolate immigrant groups and/or prevent them from making important connections with the broader society, ethnocultural associations may be seen as a threat to this goal. This reasoning is not unconnected with the sparsity of research on informal immigrant ethno-cultural associations in Canada. Framed by anti-Black racist and feminist epistemologies and based on data collected in semi-structured interviews, this paper explores the experiences of francophone Sub-Saharan African women who participate in mutual aid and savings groups known as rotating credit associations in English or tontines in French. While focusing on the women's informal financial support networks, the paper documents aspects of their lives as minoritized francophones living and working in Toronto. The paper also examines tontines as a transnational practice with significant benefits to both participants and their host society. Given that tontines supplement revenue, they facilitate immigrants' integration into society. Our findings show that, as informal ethnocultural associations, tontines offer participants an opportunity to overcome aspects of the economic precariousness that they encounter in the labour market, while allowing them to express solidarity with one another and to cope with the isolation that they experience as newcomers to Canada. The article sheds light on how Sub-Saharan African immigrant women in the minoritized francophone community in Toronto have reproduced practices that they used in Africa to save money for their own and their family's material needs by organizing tontines. Comme d'autres pays occidentaux, le Canada fait face au défi de l'intégration des immigrants. Les chercheurs, les décideurs ainsi que les pourvoyeurs de services canadiens s'intéressent à la manière dont on peut aider les immigrants à mieux s'intégrer dans leur nouvelle société d'accueil. Dans ce sens, les associations ethnoculturelles, du fait de leur potentiel à contenir les groupes d'immigrants et/ou à les empêcher d'établir des liens importants avec la société en général, peuvent être considérées comme une menace pour l'atteinte de cet objectif. Cependant, peu de recherches portent sur les associations ethnoculturelles informelles d'immigrants au Canada. Dans, [End Page 7] ce sens, en s'appuyant sur des données collectées lors des entretiens semi-structurés, cet article explore les expériences des femmes francophones d'Afrique subsaharienne qui participent à des groupes d'entraide et d'épargne connus sous le nom d'associations de crédit rotatif ou tontines dans une perspective qui se fonde sur l'épistémologie féministe et anti-raciste noire. Bien qu'il se concentre sur les tontines organisées par les femmes immigrantes originaires de l'Afrique subsaharienne, il examine les aspects de leur vie en tant que francophones vivant dans un contexte francophone minoritaire et travaillant à Toronto. L'article analyse également les tontines comme une pratique transnationale présentant des avantages significatifs tant pour les participantes que pour leur société d'accueil. En constituant un revenu supplémentaire, les tontines facilitent l'intégration des immigrants dans la société. Nos résultats montrent qu'en tant qu'associations ethnoculturelles informelles, les tontines offrent aux participantes l'occasion de surmonter certains aspects de la précarité économique qu'elles rencontrent sur le marché du travail tout en leur permettant de renforcer leur solidarité et vaincre l'isolement qu'elles vivent en arrivant au Canada. L'article met en lumière la façon dont les immigrantes d'Afrique subsaharienne de la communauté francophone minoritaire de Toronto ont reproduit des pratiques qu'elles utilisaient en Afrique pour économiser de l'argent pour leurs propres besoins matériels et ceux de leur famille. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on sobranie (assembly) practice of the Doukhobor (Doukhobortsy or Spirit Wrestlers) community in Saskatchewan. The paper describes Doukhobor prayer homes, sobranie/molenie (prayer assemblies) as well as the major event of the year: Peter's Day celebrations. The study is based on over 60 hours of observations between 2010 and 2018. The evolution of the prayer assemblies from the early 20th century to modern times, as well as the issues facing the community, are outlined. The text of the Doukhobor Lord's Prayer is compared with the Lord's Prayer in other Christian denominations. Cet article met l'accent sur la pratique de la ''sobranie" (assemblée) de la communauté doukhobor (Doukhobortsy ou Esprit des combattants) en Saskatchewan. L'article décrit les foyers de prière des Doukhobors, la sobranie / molenie (assemblées de prière) ainsi que l'événement majeur de l'année : les célébrations de la fête de la Pierre. L'étude est basée sur plus de 60 heures d'observations entre 2010 et 2018. L'évolution des assemblées de prière du début du 20e siècle aux temps modernes, ainsi que les problèmes auxquels la communauté est confrontée y sont démontrés. Le texte de la prière du Seigneur Doukhobor est comparé à la prière du Seigneur dans d'autres confessions chrétiennes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, as Toronto neighbourhoods have become more diverse, they simultaneously have become more inequitable. Poverty and income disparity have increasingly become concentrated along neighbourhood lines. There is, however, little research on the discursive and experiential explorations of people living in these neighbourhoods and how these spaces are produced. This paper centers the culturalist constructions of space and its implications for racialized young people's negotiations of belonging in an east-end Toronto 'priority neighbourhood.' Drawing on a critical framing analysis of newspaper discourses, this paper illustrates how young people who inhabit these spaces are differentially positioned. Through interview data, I examine how youth and youth service providers living in Malvern (a 'priority neighbourhood') negotiate production and representation of racialized spaces. Au cours des dernières décennies, plus les voisinages de Toronto deviennent plus diversifiés, simultanément ils sont devenus inéquitables. La pauvreté et la disparité des revenus se concentrent de plus en plus le long des quartiers voisins. Il existe cependant peu de recherches sur les explorations discursives et expérientielles des personnes vivant dans ces villes voisines et sur la façon dont ces espaces sont conçus. Cet article se concentre sur les constructions culturalistes de l'espace et ses implications dans les négociations racialisées des jeunes occupant un « quartier prioritaire » du nord-est de Toronto. En se basant sur une analyse critique du recadrage des discours médiatiques, cet article illustre comment les jeunes qui habitent ces espaces sont différemment positionnés. À travers les données des entretiens, j'examine comment les jeunes et les prestataires de services pour les jeunes vivant à Malvern (un « quartier prioritaire ») négocient la production et la représentation d'espaces racialisés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, the meatpacking industry relies heavily on a workforce comprised of racialized migrants and immigrants, many of whom are former refugees. In the spring of 2020, the industry saw devastating COVID-19 outbreaks leading to hundreds of infections, numerous fatalities and plant closures in Southern Alberta. Based on findings from a community-university research partnership, the intersections of immigration status and the conditions of work faced by im/migrant-refugee workers are analyzed in the Alberta meatpacking industry. Drawing on 225 survey responses and 17 qualitative interviews with im/migrant and refugee workers, the concept of 'intentional precarity' is advanced to explore the strategies that the industry uses to maintain a docile workforce. This paper makes three contributions. First, we present original accounts of the 2020 COVID-19 outbreaks in Canadian meatpacking from the perspective of im/migrant workers; second, we demonstrate that im/migrant workers are not just autonomous labourers, but rather people embedded in caring and kin networks that are both local and transnational; and third, we unpack the fraught relationship between im/migrant workers, their families and the dirty, difficult, dangerous (3D) – and, during COVID-19, deadly – work environments. We argue that families act as a buffer against 3D work by offering protection and assistance in times of crisis, such as the COVID-19 outbreaks in slaughterhouses. Yet, obligations to support family are also often the primary reason for workers to take jobs in meatpacking in the first place. Au Canada, l'industrie de conditionnement de la viande dépend fortement d'une main-d'œuvre composée d'immigrés et d'immigrants racialisés, dont beaucoup sont d'anciens réfugiés. Au print-emps 2020, l'industrie a connu des épidémies dévastatrices de COVID-19 qui ont entraîné des centaines d'infections, de nombreux décès et la fermeture d'usines dans le sud de l'Alberta. Sur la base des résultats d'un partenariat de recherche communauté-université, les intersections entre le statut d'immigration et les conditions de travail auxquelles sont confrontés les travailleurs immigrés-réfugiés sont analysées dans l'industrie de conditionnement de la viande en Alberta. À partir de 225 réponses à un sondage et de 17 entrevues qualitatives avec des travailleurs immigrants, immigrés et réfugiés, le concept de " précarité intentionnelle " est avancé pour explorer les stratégies utilisées par l'industrie pour maintenir une main-d'œuvre docile. Cet article apporte trois contributions. Premièrement, nous présentons des comptes-rendus originaux des épidémies de COVID-19 de 2020 dans l'industrie canadienne de conditionnement de la viande du point de vue des travailleurs immigrés et migrants ; deuxièmement, nous démontrons que les travailleurs immigrés et migrants ne sont pas seulement des travailleurs autonomes, mais plutôt des personnes intégrées dans des réseaux de soins et de parenté à la fois locaux et transnationaux ; et troisièmement, nous dévoilons la relation tendue entre les travailleurs immigrés et migrants, leurs familles et les environnements de travail sales, difficiles, dangereux (3D) et, pendant le COVID-19, mortels. Nous postulons que les familles agissent comme un tampon contre le travail en 3D en offrant protection et assistance en temps de crise, comme les épidémies de COVID-19 dans les abattoirs. Pourtant, l'obligation de subvenir aux besoins de la famille est souvent la raison principale pour laquelle les travailleurs acceptent un emploi dans l'industrie de la viande. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The site of "one of the world's strictest and longest running stay-at-home mandates," lockdowns in Ontario have become a source of contention within provincial public discourse, often understood as restrictive, exhausting, and detestable. Amongst this, however, there exists a group of Ontarians for whom staying-at-home is conversely perceived as liberating and restorative – a group (n=29) of Somali Canadian mothers. Twenty-nine (n=29) individual interviews with Ottawa-based Somali mothers revealed a converging reality which diverges significantly from dominant public opinion: rather than restrictive and isolating, lockdowns are perceived by these women as liberative and restorative, for they offer a prolonged respite from the anti-Black racism and Islamophobia negotiated in settler colonial space. The locked down Somali home provides its doubly racialized (Black, Muslim) inhabitants the room to exist without consequence, in part by forging physical and psychic distance between Somali mothers, their kin, and the daily navigations of anti-Black and Islamophobic subordination. This paper engages a Black feminist lens to critically consider how mothers contend – in-house – with the marginalization their Black Muslim children negotiate in urban public space. By leaning on the Somali mothers' perceptions of lockdown, this work wages the salient argument that, for certain marginalized groups in settler colonial societies, private space provides considerably more liberation relative to their public counterpart. The first of its kind to read lockdowns-as-liberative and restorative, this article contributes to Black feminist sociology, Black Canadian geographies, as well as Somali diasporic studies writ large. Le site de «l'un des mandats de maintien à la maison les plus stricts et les plus longs au monde», les confinements en Ontario sont devenus une source de discorde dans le discours public provincial – souvent compris comme restrictifs, épuisants et détestables. Cependant, au sein de ce groupe, il existe un groupe d'Ontariennes pour qui ces mandats étaient perçus comme libèrent et réparatrif – un groupe (n=29) de mères Somaliennes canadiennes. Des entretiens individuels avec vingt-neuf mères Somaliennes ont révélé une réalité convergente qui s'écarte significativement de l'opinion publique dominante: plutôt que restrictives et isolantes, les confinements sont perçus par ces femmes comme libératrices et réparatrices, car elles offrent un répit prolongé loin de la Négrophobie (le racisme anti-noir) et l'Islamophobie négociés dans une société coloniale. La maison Somalienne enfermé offre à ses habitants doublement racialisés (noir, Musulman) la possibilité d'exister sans conséquence, car ils forgent une distance physique et psychique entre eux et les navigations quotidiennes de la subordination Négrophobie et Islamophobie. Cet article engage une lentille féministe noire pour examiner de manière critique comment les mères contestent – dans leur maison –avec la marginalisation que leurs enfants Musulmans noirs négocient dans l'espace public urbain. En s'appuyant sur les perceptions des mères Somaliennes du confinement, cet article avance l'argument saillant que, pour certains groupes marginalisés dans les sociétés coloniales, l'espace privé offre considérablement plus de libération par rapport à leur homologue public. Premier texte à considérer les confinements comme libérateurs et réparateurs, cet article contribue à la sociologie féministe noire, aux géographies canadiennes noires, ainsi qu'aux études sur la diaspora Somalienne au sens large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With global migration, many Chinese mothers quit their jobs in China and go abroad to help their young and teenaged children live and study in North America. Previous studies on capital and migration have examined how cultural capital interacts with people's migration processes to achieve educational credentials (Kim 2016; Munk, Poutvaara, and Foged 2012; Pherali 2012), and how migrant parents help children acquire cultural capital (Carlson, Gerhards, and Hans 2017; Erel 2010). This paper introduces the notion of "transnational cultural capital" and examines how Chinese migrant mothers in the United States and Canada deploy cultural capital, learn culture and language, and parent their children transnationally. More specifically, utilizing semi-structured, in-depth interviews with fifteen Chinese migrant mothers in North America, this paper argues that Chinese migrant mothers mobilize mothering as cultural capital via transnational migration. This paper suggests that a multi-level analysis—through the micro-level of individual strategies, the meso-level of transnational family relations, and the macro-level of structural factors (e.g. the state and neoliberalization)—might be especially useful analytically, when considering the notion of "transnational cultural capital" in examining migrant mothers' transnational experiences. Avec la migration mondiale, de nombreuses mamans chinoises démissionnent de le leur emploi en Chine et partent à l'étranger pour aider leurs jeunes enfants et adolescents à vivre et à étudier en Amérique du Nord. Des études antérieures sur le capital et la migration ont examiné comment le capital culturel interagit avec les processus de migration des personnes voulant obtenir des qualifications éducatives (Munk, Poutvaara et Foged 2012; Kim 2016; Pherali 2012), et comment les parents migrants aident les enfants à acquérir un capital culturel (Carlson, Gerhards, et Hans 2017; Erel 2010). Cet article présente la notion de « capital culturel transnational » et analyse comment les mamans migrantes chinoises aux États-Unis et au Canada déploient le capital culturel, apprennent la culture et la langue et éduquent leurs enfants de manière transnationale. Plus précisément, en utilisant des entretiens semi-structurés et approfondis avec quinze mamans migrantes chinoises en Amérique du Nord, cet article soutient que les mamans migrantes chinoises mobilisent le maternage comme capital culturel à travers la migration transnationale. Ce travail suggère qu'une analyse à plusieurs niveaux—à travers le micro-niveau des stratégies individuelles, le méso-niveau des relations familiales transnationales et le macro-niveau des facteurs structurels (par exemple, l'État et la néolibéralisation)—pourrait être particulièrement utile à l'analyse, lors de l'étude de la notion de « capital culturel transnational » dans l'analyse des expériences transnationales des mamans migrantes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that transnational aid activism is an intersectional practice which cuts across personal, community, and national endeavours towards an emergency disaster response. The disaster response provided after super typhoon Yolanda devastated Tacloban City in 2013 is examined as a case study of transnational practices, focusing in particular on how power structures are manifested in the transfer of funds and distribution of relief goods and services. This paper offers a reflective interpolation of intersectionality applied in transnational aid using autoethnography, deriving in particular from volunteerism with ReadWorld Foundation. The personal and transnational nexus necessarily bring in a new perspective of the "personal is global" situatedness among diasporic individuals like myself. Intersectionality as praxis offers possibilities in examining humanitarianism and transnational aid activism today. Cet article postule que l'activisme de l'aide transnationale est un entrecroisement qui considère les efforts personnels, communautaires et nationaux pour apporter efficacement de meilleures solutions en cas d'urgence de catastrophe. Les solutions proposées dans le cas de la catastrophe du Super Typhon Yolanda , qui a dévasté la ville de Tacloban en 2013 est un cas en examen dans ce travail et analyse spécifiquement comment les structures de pouvoir se sont manifestées dans le processus de transfert des fonds et de la distribution des biens et services. Cet article est une réflexion interpellative à l'usage de la politique d'entrecroisement dont s'est servi la fondation ReadWorld pourévaluer de l'aide transnationale, notamment dans le cas de l'autoéthnographie et le travail bénévole. La corrélation entre le personnel et le transnational apporte nécessairement une nouvelle perspective à l'expression « L'individuel est global » et son positionnement parmi les individus de la diaspora comme moi. L'entrecroisement en tant que méthode offre d'importantes possibilitiès à la recherche au sujet de l'activisme humanitaire et de l'aide transnationale aujourd'hui. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a future for Canadian multiculturalism as national policy, normative framework, and governance regime in a postmulticultural world of shifting demographics, new mobilities, and multiple identities? In response to a question that evokes both dismay and disagreement, this paper analyzes and assesses the salience and prospects of Canada's official multiculturalism through the prism of a postmulticultural lens. However durable and popular as a diversity governance model, an official multiculturalism is showing signs of crisis since it is no longer theoretically attuned to the demands of a rapidly changing, highly mobile, and diversely complex world. The paper argues that any move beyond multiculturalism as diversity governance is not about rejection or retreat. More accurately, it's about building on multiculturalism's positives while moving positively forward in ways more responsive to new realities, evolving trends, and creative possibilities. This paper also proposes a re-energized multicultural governance model for living together with/in/through a complexity of differences across a global/national/local nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arguably, the first work of Canadian fiction in English to depict Ukrainians was Ralph Connor's The Foreigner, a Tale of Saskatchewan, published in 1909. Since then, some of Canada's major writers, including Margaret Laurence, Margaret Atwood, Morley Callaghan, Sinclair Ross, and W. O. Mitchell have depicted Ukrainians in their works. Gabrielle Roy, writing in French, also created Ukrainian characters. Beginning at least in 1954 with the publication of Vera Lysenko's Yellow Boots, writers of Ukrainian origin began to break through into the pantheon of CanLit. The publication of works by writers of Ukrainian origin increased dramatically following the adoption of Multiculturalism and the resultant infusion of government funding into the "culture industry." This article considers the depiction of the Ukrainian immigrant in two plays—Paper Wheat, written by a collective, and Gwen Pharis Ringwood's A Fine Coloured Easter Egg; in several novels—Frederick Philip Grove's Fruits of the Earth, Arthur G. Storey's Prairie Harvest, and Vera Lysenko's Yellow Boots; and in Gabrielle Roy's short story "The Well of Dunrea." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International students can be a source of skilled workers for many industrialized countries with an aging population. However, it is unclear if international students would stay after completing their studies, given booming economies in their home countries. The present paper explores the decision processes international students make when contemplating whether to stay or return home after completing their studies. The paper is based on an autoethnographic account of an international student who studied in Canada, and follows her journey as an international student through to settlement as a self-initiated expatriate. Initially, personal factors (such as family encouragement), public policy, and employer practices "pushed" the student to repatriate back to her country of origin after her studies. However, personal ambitions (such as travel and career development opportunities) and prospects for a better life "pulled" her back to Canada. Personal agency and positive experiences also contributed to her adjustment and success as a self-initiated expatriate. The present paper adds to existing literature on the "push" and "pull" dynamic of international student retention in the host country. It further enhances our understanding of why international students decide to remain in the country following the completion of their studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Africa is the second highest source region of immigrants to Canada, very little research has been conducted on the postmigration experiences of African immigrant children. This paper explores the schooling experiences of African migrant children and their families in Alberta, Canada. We center the voices of African migrant children and their parents and illustrate the ways in which systemic racism in schools manifested in negative stereotypes about African people and curriculum marginalization impacts on children's education. Further, we highlight the support mechanisms in schools and in African migrant families, such as tutoring and parent engagement in education, that help students to overcome the challenges they face and do well academically. Bien que l'Afrique soit la deuxième région d'origine des immigrants au Canada, très peu de recherches ont été menées sur les expériences post-migratoires des enfants immigrants africains. Cet article explore les expériences de scolarisation des enfants migrants africains et de leurs familles en Alberta, au Canada. Nous mettons l'accent sur les voix des enfants migrants africains et de leurs parents et illustrons les façons dont le racisme systémique dans les écoles, qui se manifeste par des stéréotypes négatifs sur les Africains et la marginalisation des programmes scolaires, a un impact sur l'éducation des enfants. En outre, nous soulignons les mécanismes de soutien dans les écoles et dans les familles des migrants africains, tels que le tutorat et l'engagement des parents dans l'éducation, qui aident les élèves à surmonter les défis auxquels ils sont confrontés et à obtenir de bons résultats scolaires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is substantial evidence that members of visible minorities experience labour market disadvantages in Canada; however, some fields appear more welcoming than others. Engineering could be perceived as one such field since visible minority men appear to be over-represented in this profession. While research has documented barriers to entry to practice for the internationally educated, there has been little attention devoted to exploring the career experiences of visible minority engineers. This study adopts an intersectional lens to explore the career experiences of visible minority men and women within engineering in Ontario, Canada. Through analysis of both survey and interview data, this paper reveals that race and gender cross-cut to shape career opportunities. Specifically, members of visible minorities have fewer opportunities to exercise authority on the job and fill managerial roles. Discrimination and access to capital limit career opportunities. Visible minority women are particularly disadvantaged. Il existe des preuves substantielles que les membres des minorités visibles sont désavantagés sur le marché du travail au Canada ; toutefois, certains domaines semblent plus accueillants que d'autres. Le génie pourrait être perçu comme l'un de ces domaines puisque les hommes des minorités visibles semblent être bien représentés dans cette profession. Bien que la recherche ait documenté les obstacles à l'entrée dans la pratique pour les personnes formées à l'étranger, peu d'attention a été accordée à l'exploration de l'avancement professionnel des ingénieurs des minorités visibles. Cette étude adopte une optique intersectionnelle pour explorer les expériences de carrière des hommes et des femmes des minorités visibles dans le domaine du génie en Ontario. Grâce à l'analyse des données d'enquête et d'entrevue, cet article révèle que la race et le sexe se croisent pour façonner les possibilités de carrière. Les femmes des minorités sont moins susceptibles d'avoir la possibilié de participer à la prise de décision, tandis que les hommes et les femmes des minorités visibles sont moins susceptibles d'occuper des postes de direction. La discrimination et le capital social contribuent à l'inégalité des trajectoires professionnelles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine how the degree of newcomer youth assimilation and acculturation, food insecurity, resilience, and social connections affect the mental health of recent refugee and immigrant youth in a mid-sized city during the COVID-19 pandemic. The data for this study are based on a sample of newcomers, mostly refugees, surveyed between July and November 2020. Indicators of mental health problems include the frequency in which respondents felt sad, stressed, confused, isolated, helpless, nervous, hopeless, or depressed during the COVID-19 pandemic. Multivariate analysis points to the importance of resiliency and family density (i.e. number of siblings) for decreasing mental health problems, while food insecurity and length of residency in Canada increased them. Among these, food insecurity followed by resiliency were the strongest predictors of refugee and immigrant youth's mental health. Dans cet article, nous examinons comment le degré d'assimilation et d'acculturation des jeunes réfugiés, l'insécurité alimentaire, la resilience, et les liens sociaux affectent la santé mentale des jeunes réfugiés et immigrants récents dans une ville de taille moyenne pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. Les données de cette étude sont basées sur un échantillon de nouveaux arrivants, principalement des réfugiés, interrogés entre juillet et novembre 2020. Les indicateurs de mauvaise santé mentale incluent la fréquence à laquelle les répondants se sont sentis tristes, stressés, confus, isolés, impuissants, nerveux, désespérés ou déprimé pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. L'analyse multivariée souligne l'importance de la résilience et de la densité familiale (le nombre de frères et sœurs) pour la diminution des problèmes de santé mentale, cependant que l'insécurité alimentaire et la durée de résidence au Canada ont accru la mauvaise santé mentale. Parmi ces facteurs, l'insécurité alimentaire suivie par la résilience étaient les prédicteurs les plus forts de la santé mentale des jeunes réfugiés et immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs a quantitative intersectional analysis to explore the current labour market participation of Caribbean women care workers in Canada within the nexus of gender, race, and immigration status characterizing the care economy. Historically, Caribbean women were thought of as the quintessential migrant care workers; however, little or no recent analyses in Canada have used quantitative methods to analyse their current position. Using 2016 Census microdata files, we find that Caribbean women in Canada (both immigrant and Canadian-born) are mostly engaged in work as nursing assistants and registered nurses, with Caribbean-born women more likely to be engaged in lower-status care work. Analyses indicate that taken together, race, ethnicity, and immigrant status have a considerable impact on the likelihood of working in care. Black and other racialized women earn less than White women annually, but Black care workers enjoy the attendant wage and benefit advantages of primarily working in institutions rather than in-home care. Findings also demonstrate that, in some cases, Caribbean women earn more than Western and Canadian-born women working in the same care positions. This suggests that Caribbean women have carved out a space for themselves in care work, as the positive impact of ethnicity on earnings in certain care work positions is specific to Caribbean ethnicity. Nonetheless, Caribbean women's concentration in care work generally, and lower-status care work specifically, indicates that recruitment of these workers is still centred around essentialized ideas of this group. Cet article se sert d'une analyse intersectionnelle quantitative pour explorer la participation actuelle au marché du travail des femmes caribéennes travaillant dans le secteur des soins au Canada, en affinité avec le sexe, la race et le statut d'immigration qui caractérise l'économie des soins. Historiquement, les femmes caribéennes étaient considérées comme les travailleuses sociales migrantes par excellence ; cependant, peu d'analyses récentes voire aucune au Canada n'ont utilisé des méthodes quantitatives pour analyser leur travail actuel. À l'aide des fichiers de micro données du Recensement de 2016, nous constatons que les femmes caribéennes au Canada (immigrantes et nées au Canada) sont principalement engagées dans un travail d'infirmières auxiliaires et d'infirmières praticiennes, les femmes nées dans les Caraïbes étant plus susceptibles d'être engagées dans des tâches de soins de statut inférieur. Les analyses indiquent que, pris ensemble, la race, l'origine ethnique et le statut d'immigrant ont un impact considérable sur la probabilité de travailler dans un établissement de soins. Les femmes noires et autres femmes racialisées gagnent moins que les femmes blanches chaque année, mais les soignantes noires bénéficient des avantages salariaux et des avantages sociaux en travaillant principalement dans des institutions plutôt que dans des soins à domicile. Les recherches démontrent également que, dans certains cas, les femmes caribéennes gagnent plus que les femmes nées dans l'Ouest et au Canada qui occupent les mêmes postes de soins. Cela suggère que les femmes caribéennes se sont taillé une place dans le travail de soins, car l'impact positif de l'origine ethnique sur les revenus dans certains postes de travail de soins est spécifique à l'ethnicité Caribéenne. Néanmoins, la concentration des femmes caribéennes dans le travail de soins en général, et dans le travail de soins de statut inférieur en particulier, indique que le recrutement de ces travailleurs est toujours centré sur des idées inhérentes à ce groupe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that Canadian immigration law, policy, and practice have historically excluded, race and disability, on a number of grounds, and that there is a common link between them, which is the perception of immigrants' inability to adapt and integrate into a Canadian identity. The paper conducts a historical analysis of the Canadian immigration framework situated at the intersection of identities based on race and disability, which we link through Critical Race Theory analysis; and class, which is shown through the "excessive demand" standard, the origins of which we trace in relation to the commodification of immigrants based on their economic value. This paper shows how the marking of immigrant ethnic groups as medically inadmissible--currently by imposing an "excessive demand" test on health care or social services as a class-based admission criterion--both has historical grounding in turn of the century exclusionary logic of racism and ableism, and defies equality standards in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. When we apply "interest convergence," we see how the limits to Canadian generosity or liberal tolerance are implied in current immigration restrictions. This application shows that even reforms that have now distanced immigration law from having prohibited classes and therefore do not explicitly mention race, disability or disease have only benefited disabled racialized immigrants when those reforms also aligned with the economic interests of the state. We draw upon historical exclusionary laws based on race and disability, that defined race as a disability, and more recent case law based on disability and class, regarding the denial of immigration status to persons with disabilities unless families volunteered to cover costs of care and policies surrounding immigration inspection, to show a continuing pattern of systemic exclusion. According to this pattern, ethnic groups confronting Canadian borders were read alongside and through their diagnoses of disease and disability as undesirable and unassimilable. This now confronts those with disabilities who are considered economically undesirable. The current challenge is therefore to recognize these historical, ableist (discrimination against disability) patterns, and to create policies and laws that are not based on such exclusionary understandings of difference but that instead continue to transform our definition of citizenship and identity in equitable and inclusive ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious groups and churches have always played, and continue to play, vital roles in the settlement and integration of newcomers to Canada. In the 1980s, several not-for-profit agencies emerged with Catholic and Mennonite roots to respond to the arrival of thousands of refugees to the province from Southeast Asia and Central America. Today, these agencies are particularly interesting as they both challenge prevailing views on secularization and the provision of public services, and play an exceptionally active role in providing services to newcomers. This paper explores the interplay between the prevalence of a liberal secular ideology in Canada and the shifting identities of faith-based organizations in Alberta. Based on archival research and interviews, this paper demonstrates that it is the shifting and, often conflicting, views of staff and volunteers that have contributed to the secularization of identities in most of these agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantitative methodologies play a critical, though often unacknowledged, role in establishing and maintaining unequal power relations in Canada. This power imbalance is readily apparent in Indigenous sport-for-development initiatives, which are permeated by deficit perspectives that produce and accentuate understandings about Indigenous dysfunction. As a result, these initiatives, no matter how positively framed or how much progress is noted, maintain hegemonic systems because the ideological foundation that supports them ignores systemic racism and instead frames Indigenous people, communities, and cultures as being the source of their own problems. In 2018, our research began to explore what an Indigenous-led sport-for-development quantitative model might look like to counter the deficit perspective. We used the 2019 National Aboriginal Hockey Championships (NAHC) as our pilot. Established in 2002, the NAHC is an Indigenous-led event for under-18 male and female First Nations, Métis, and Inuit youth throughout Canada. Our intent was to identify and articulate what makes the NAHC unique, other than it being run by Indigenous people for Indigenous youth. Key questions that guided our research included: what would Indigenous sport leaders want to know about their youth athletes? How would their interests in hockey align with and diverge from dominant mainstream interests? What would the data tell us? What depiction could we create about the athletes and the NAHC? Would that representation reinforce or challenge the deficit perspective, or would it be something altogether different? In this paper, we examine 1) how Indigenous development discourses have created an unequal playing field for Indigenous sport in Canada, 2) how quantitative methodologies reinforce unequal relations, 3) how hockey statistics diffuse the value of Indigenous quantitative methodologies for the NAHC, and 4) the possibilities and challenges of using quantitative methodologies to advance the NAHC specifically, and Indigenous sport more broadly, in Canada. Les méthodologies quantitatives jouent un rôle essentiel, bien que souvent méconnues, dans l'implantation et le maintien de relations de pouvoir inégales au Canada. Ce déséquilibre de pouvoir est amplement apparent dans les initiatives autochtones de sport pour le développement, qui sont imprégnées de perspectives déficitaires qui produisent et accentuent la compréhension du dysfonctionnement autochtone. En conséquence, ces initiatives, peu importe à quel point elles sont formulées de manière positive ou à quel point les progrès sont notés, maintiennent des systèmes hégémoniques parce que le fondement idéologique qui les soutient ignore le racisme systémique et considère plutôt les peuples, les communautés et les cultures autochtones comme étant la source de leurs propres problèmes. En 2018, nos recherches ont commencé à explorer à quoi pour-rait ressembler un modèle quantitatif de sport pour le développement dirigé par les autochtones pour contrer la perspective du déficit. Nous avons utilisé les Championnats nationaux autochtones de hockey (CNAH) 2019 comme modèle. Créé en 2002, le CNAH est une organisation dirigée par des autochtones et réunissant des jeunes hommes et femmes de moins de 18 ans, Premières Nations, Métis et Inuits à travers le Canada. Notre intention était d'identifier et d'articuler ce qui rend le CNAH unique, à part le fait qu'il soit géré par des Autochtones pour les jeunes autochtones. Les questions essentielles qui ont guidé notre recherche sont les suivantes : qu'est-ce que les dirigeants sportifs autochtones voudraient savoir sur leurs jeunes athlètes ? Comment leurs intérêts pour le hockey s'aligneraient-ils sur les intérêts fondamentaux et en divergeraient-ils ? Que nous diraient les données ? Quelle représentation pourrions-nous bâtir sur les athlètes et le CNAH? Cette représentation renforcerait-elle ou remettrait-elle en cause la perspective du déficit, ou serait-ce quelque chose de tout à fait différent ? Dans cet article, nous examinons 1) comment les discours autochtones sur le développement ont créé un cadre de jeu inégal pour le sport autochtone au Canada, 2) comment les méthodologies quantitatives renforcent les relations inégales, 3) comment les statistiques sur le hockey propagent la valeur des méthodologies quantitatives autochtones pour le CNAH, et 4) les possibilités et les défis de l'utilisation de méthodologies quantitatives pour faire progresser le CNAH en particulier, et le sport autochtone en général, au Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between the participation in organized ice hockey by immigrants and racialized minorities (compared to those born in Canada and who are white) and their sense of national identity and sense of belonging to Canada. A Bourdieusian theoretical framework is utilized to conceptualize hockey in terms of a field, habitus, and cultural and symbolic capital. The argument is made that hockey is Janus-faced and a contested terrain with a tension between exclusion and inclusion whereby human agency is vitally important. Yet the hockey arena and engagement in the game, either as players or fans or in some other capacity, provides a multicultural common space potentially enabling an interactive pluralism amongst diverse communities. The data are derived from qualitative semi-structured interviews with hockey players, fans and key informants in Calgary and Toronto. Overall, the findings show that for most immigrants and racialized minorities engaged in organized ice hockey, there is more likely a sense of Canadian national identity and a sense of belonging to Canada compared to the Canadian-born and to whites. These findings further add to the value of making hockey more inclusive via equity, diversity and inclusion policies and initiatives. Cet article explore la relation entre la participation au hockey sur glace organisé par des immigrants et minorités raciales (comparé avec ceux qui sont nés au Canada et qui sont blancs) ainsi que leur sens d'identité nationale et leur sens d'appartenance au Canada. Utilisant les théories de Bourdieu pour conceptualiser le hockey en termes d'un champ social, habitus, et capital culturel et symbol-ique. L'argument est fait que le hockey est un terrain contesté et il est en conflit avec un aspect d'exclusion et d'inclusion où l'action humaine est d'une importance vitale. Pourtant, l'arène de hockey et l'engagement dans le jeu, soit comme joueur ou admirateur, fournissent un espace commun multiculturel qui peut également promouvoir un pluralisme interactif parmi les diverses communautés. Les données sont dérivées des entrevues qualitatives semi-structurées avec des joueurs de hockey, des admirateurs de hockey et des informateurs clés à Calgary et Toronto. En tout, les résultats démontrent que pour la plupart des immigrants et minorités raciales qui sont engagés dans le hockey organisé, leur sens d'identité nationale et sens d'appartenance au Canada est plus fort par rapport à ceux qui sont nés au Canada et ceux qui sont blancs. Les résultats démontrent davantage la valeur rattachée au besoin de faire le hockey plus inclusif à travers des politiques et initiatives touchant à l'équité, la diversité, et l'inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian-raised players in the National Hockey League are increasingly coming from large cities with rising numbers of visible minority and immigrant youth. In this paper, we compare the demographic characteristics of recent big-city NHL players with those of their hometowns. We also examine which city-level characteristics are associated with the number of NHL players from the same hometown. Our analysis of publicly available hockey player data and Canadian Census data show that the NHL players from big cities do not reflect the growing diversity in their hometowns, whether they are from established hockey hometowns (e.g. Calgary, Edmonton, Toronto) or emerging hockey hometowns (e.g. Mississauga, Oakville, Vaughan). Our city-level regression analysis also finds that the size of the male youth population and local socioeconomic characteristics are associated with the number of NHL players from a certain city. Finally, we discuss the implications of majority-minority Canadian cities in recent years for the diversity of NHL players in the near future. Les joueurs de la Ligue nationale de hockey élevés au Canada viennent de plus en plus de grandes villes comptant un nombre croissant de jeunes issus de minorités visibles et d'immigrants. Dans cet article, nous comparons les caractéristiques démographiques des derniers joueurs de la LNH dans les grandes villes avec celles de leurs villes natales. Nous examinons également quelles caractéristiques au niveau de la ville sont associées au nombre de joueurs de la LNH de la même ville natale. Notre analyse des données sur les joueurs de hockey accessibles au public et les données du recensement canadien montrent que les joueurs de la LNH des grandes villes ne reflètent pas la diversité croissante dans leurs villes natales, qu'ils soient issus de villes natales de hockey reconnues (Calgary, Edmonton, Toronto, par exemple) ou de hockey villes natales émergeantes (Mississauga, Oakville, Vaughan, par exemple). Notre analyse de régression au niveau de la ville révèle également que la taille de la population de jeunes hommes et les caractéristiques socioéconomiques locales sont associées au nombre de joueurs de la LNH d'une certaine ville. Enfin, nous discutons des implications des villes canadiennes minoritaires à majorité au cours des dernières années dans la diversité des joueurs de la LNH dans un avenir proche. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 18th, 2019, settler scholar Sam McKegney and Anishinaabe scholar Mike Auksi conducted an interview with Eugene Arcand at Queen's University's Isabelle Bader Centre in Kingston, Ontario in the territories of the Haudenosaunee and Anishinaabe Peoples. Arcand had travelled to Kingston to act as a Keynote Speaker the following day at the "Roundtable on Racism in Hockey." On Arcand's insistence that the efforts, experiences, and ideas of roundtable participants be honoured in ways that promote tangible change, the roundtable's organizers Courtney Szto, Bob Dawson, McKegney, and Auksi distilled the event's findings into the Policy Paper for Anti-Racism in Canadian Hockey, which has since been downloaded over 7,500 times. The interview below is supplemented by a brief excerpt from a recorded conversation McKegney had with Arcand, his wife Lorna, and Craig McCallum at the Arcands' home on Whitecap Reserve in Saskatchewan in the Spring of 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interviews with Indigenous and settler players on the Beardy's Blackhawks Midget AAA hockey team, as well as with those players' parents, unanimously acknowledge racism directed at Indigenous players during the team's most recent season. More insidiously, the interviews register social pressures within hockey culture that discourage reactions to such racism and thereby condition acquiescence to and potential reproduction of oppressive colonial conditions. As one First Nation parent states, "you just kind of get used to it and... either shrug it off or retaliate. We've really chosen to shrug it off for the most part." This paper ruminates on the manufacture of compliance in order to interrogate the internalization of various tropes in hockey culture that, we argue, conspire to sustain racialized oppression in the game. In doing so, we advocate for the implementation of decolonial anti-racism strategies at all levels of the sport. Des entrevues avec des joueurs autochtones et allogènes du club de hockey Beardy's Blackhawks Midget AAA, ainsi qu'avec les parents de ces joueurs, reconnaissent unanimement le racisme envers les joueurs autochtones au cours de la dernière saison de l'équipe. Plus insidieusement, les entrevues enregistrent des pressions sociales au sein de la culture du hockey qui découragent les réactions à un tel racisme et conditionnent ainsi l'acquiescement et la regénénération potentielle des conditions coloniales oppressives. Comme le dit un parent authochtone, « on s'y habitue en quelque sorte et... soit on l'ignore, soit on riposte. Nous avons vraiment choisi de ne pas en tenir compte pour la plupart. » Cet article retourne la question du façonnage de la conformité dans le but de scruter l'inhérence, de divers clichés dans la culture du hockey qui, selon nous, conspirent pour soutenir l'oppression racialisée dans le match. Ce faisant, nous plaidons pour la mise en œuvre de stratégies antiracistes décoloniales à tous les niveaux du sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the employment experiences of racialized social workers, many of whom were immigrants, in Ontario in recent years. This article has four central objectives. First, to provide an overview of the perceptions of racialized social workers regarding the ways they are perceived and treated by supervisors, co-workers, other professionals, as well as clients and the effect that such views and treatment has on them. Second, the perceptions of racialized workers regarding the ghettoization, marginalization and disempowerment they may experience in the workplace. Third, to explain three strategies they use in managing power relations within the workplace (i.e., conformity, collaboration, and conflict). Fourth, to provide some suggestions on what must be done to improve the perceptions and treatment of racialized social workers by supervisors, co-workers, other professionals and clients. The major findings are that negotiating power relations is a complex process and includes experiences of tensions and awkward silences due to the sensitivity of the topic of race. The paper concludes that in moving forward constructively it is imperative to engage in difficult but crucial conversations that can contribute to the identification of ways to address tensions and awkward silences on matters of race in the context of social work, as well as in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews the current literature on immigration and settlement and provides a feminist analysis. It places a particular emphasis on immigrant mothers' experience in order to reframe research on Canadian immigration policies and practice. Through discussing how the three waves of feminism led to the historical development of Canadian immigration policies and settlement practice, this paper examines Nancy Fraser's (2008) thinking about the welfare state, "misframing," and neoliberalism for rethinking the "gender neutral" literature on immigration policies and settlement services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Awareness is mounting of a new racialized discourse that promises to profoundly challenge how we think and talk about racism. Micro-aggressions consist of those words and interactions perceived as racist by racialized targets that rarely reflect vindictive intent yet inadvertently inflict insult or injury. A theorizing of micro-aggression as racism 3.0 secures a discursive framework that not only situates the definitional locus of racism within the lived-experiences of the micro-aggressed. It also re-positions the debate over who decides what counts as racism, what racisms count by transferring the focus of racism from a set of conditions to a claims-making process. This paper analyzes the distinction between racism 3.0 and racisms 1.0 and 2.0; explores the micro-aggression 'turn' that defines racism 3.0; examines micro-aggressions within the linguistic context of everyday racism; re-conceptualizes racism through the interpretive lens of claims-making ("racism-making"); and demonstrates how racism 3.0 offers a distinctive perspective for understanding contemporary racism. Data for this paper are drawn from a synthesis of existing sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the creation, development, and significance of the office of Ukrainian chaplaincy in the Canadian military forces during World War II. Seven Ukrainian chaplains—three from the Ukrainian Catholic Church of Canada and four from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Canada— served the approximately 32,000-35,000 military personnel. Of these, three chaplains served in England and two in Europe. The work of the chaplains is discussed as is the role of their superiors in Canada and abroad. The paper evaluates the significance of the Ukrainian chaplaincy in the military effort, as well as in the development of the post-WWII Ukrainian Canadian community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s and 1970s William Kurelek was a widely recognized Canadian artist whose paintings were purchased for public and private collections in Canada and abroad. Kurelek was a celebrity when he died of cancer at fifty years of age in Toronto on November 3, 1977. This paper describes Kurelek's career—focusing on his exhibition history, his illustrated books, and the role played by his art dealer, Avrom Isaacs. His exhibition history showed him to be an incredibly prolific artist, one whose art was inspired by his religious and moral passions, by the prosaic stories of ordinary Canadians, by the Canadian landscape, and by his fascination with history. His illustrated books typically consisted of paintings and drawings organized into a series designed to tell a story—a device also used for many of his exhibitions. Kurelek's own life story, told in his own words, provided the story line for his best loved books such as A Prairie Boy's Winter and Lumberjack. Isaacs and Kurelek formed a comfortable and useful business relationship whereby Isaacs encouraged Kurelek to paint what he wanted and made Kurelek known to the press, the public, and the Canadian art establishment. Finally, the paper reviews William Kurelek: The Messenger, the 2011 catalogue for Kurelek's latest major retrospective exhibition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]