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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decade, there have been numerous studies on the rise, characteristics, and consequences of the emergence of populist parties in Western liberal democracies. However, most analyses of European populist parties have focused on the right-wing populist parties. Although some scholars have made valuable efforts to understand left-wing populism in Europe, these studies have paid attention to their ideological-organizational idiosyncrasies or the characteristics of their electoral bases. This paper aims to fill the gap in the economic and political contexts in which Radical Left Populist Parties have achieved significant electoral results putting into practice a fsQCA analysis and examining their uneven electoral performance in Europe. Following some previous work applying QCA techniques, this paper tests the theory on the importance of economic and political factors. Findings indicate that the electoral performance of radical left populism cannot be explained in a univocal way, highlighting the crucial role of equifinality in understanding this political phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 in Israel started with illiberal constitutional change efforts by the new right-wing government and concluded with a brutal attack by Hamas terrorists and the subsequent war. Both occurrences galvanized two massive surges of civil society activism. The first was a mass protest that impeded the government's undemocratic legislation. The second was a large- scale mobilization to support a variety of populations affected by the war, providing services and goods that supplanted the failed governmental crisis response. Using a Serving Elite perspective and elaborating on this concept in the Israeli context, the paper analyzes the organizations that transitioned overnight from protest to service delivery. While these are two known roles played by civil society in general, such a transition from protest to support within the same organization is unusual, if at all existent. The paper analyses nineteen (19) in-depth interviews with leaders of 10 prominent organizations active in the protest and the aid phases. It explores their participants, forms of organizing, activities, ideologies, and interconnections, particularly emphasizing the transition. Thematic analysis of the interviews revealed the emergence of a new Serving Elite in the making, liberal in orientation, and developed during the crises. This perspective provides an opportunity to highlight processes deeply embedded in Israel's social, political, and cultural landscapes, changing elites and power relations, and Israel's culture of entrepreneurship. It also provides a framework for analyses of serving elites in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of an Islamic state has often been criticized on account of its failure to articulate full and equal citizenship for non-Muslims. It is also often assumed that non-Muslims in Islamic societies would want a form of individualist citizenship modelled on liberal democracy. This article contends that it is mistaken to suppose that non-Muslims in the Islamic world would automatically aspire to a universal form of citizenship founded exclusively on the political thought and political experience of liberal societies in the West. Using contemporary Egypt as a case study, it illustrates that there are points of convergence between the type of citizenship that is advocated by moderate Islamists and the type of citizenship that the Coptic Orthodox Church is striving for. Drawing on Coptic and Islamist political theory as well as the historical struggle of the Coptic Orthodox Church for their rights as a religious group, this paper points to important similarities between moderate Islamist conceptions of citizenship and those of conservative Coptic Christians. This paper considers such points of convergence with reference to communitarian political theory and addresses the implications of a communitarian form of citizenship for narratives that position Islamist conceptions of citizenship as antithetical to the interests of religious minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to explore how historical context influences the content and selection of rhetorical legitimation strategies. Using case study method, this paper will focus on how insurance companies and labor tried to defend their legitimacy in the context of enactment of Medicare in the USA. What factors influenced the strategic (rhetorical) decisions made by insurance companies and labor unions in their institutional work? Design/methodology/approach: The study is empirically grounded in archival research, involving an analysis of over 9,000 pages of congressional hearings on Medicare covering the period 1958–1965. Findings: The authors show that rhetorical legitimation strategies depend significantly on the specific historical circumstances in which those strategies are used. The historical context lent credibility to certain arguments and organizations are forced to decide either to challenge widely held assumptions or take advantage of them. The authors show that organizations face strong incentives to pursue the latter option. Here, both the insurance companies and labor unions tried to show that their positions were consistent with classical liberal ideology, because of high respect of classical liberal principles among different stakeholders (policymakers, voters, etc.). Research limitations/implications: It is uncertain how much the results of the study could be generalized. More information about the organizations whose use of rhetorics the authors studied could have strengthened our conclusions. Practical implications: The practical relevancy of the revised paper is that the authors should not expect hegemony challenging rhetorics from organizations, which try to influence legislators (and perhaps the larger public). Perhaps (based on the findings), this kind of rhetorics is not even very effective. Social implications: The paper helps to understand better how organizations try to advance their interests and gain acceptance among the stakeholders. Originality/value: In this paper, the authors show how historical context in practice influence rhetorical arguments organizations select in public debates when their goal is to influence the decision-making of their audience. In particular, the authors show how dominant ideology (or ideologies) limit the options organizations face when they are choosing their strategies and arguments. In terms of the selection of rhetorical justification strategies, the most pressing question is not the "real" broad based support of certain ideologies. Insurance company and labor union representatives clearly believed that they must emphasize liberal values (or liberal ideology) if they wanted to gain legitimacy for their positions. In existing literature, it is often assumed that historical context influence the selection of rhetorical strategies but how this in fact happens is not usually specified. The paper shows how interpretations of historical contexts (including the ideological context) in practice influence the rhetorical strategies organizations choose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration became an especially thorny and publicly discussed issue with the so-called Refugee Crisis beginning in 2015. The stance of the Czech and Polish governments was dominated by strong anti-Muslim and anti-immigration rhetoric. Still, both countries have witnessed a steady increase in mainly short-term immigration from various Asian countries such as Bangladesh or Pakistan ever since. This paper analyses Czech and Polish migration policies against the backdrop of a historically constructed notion of anti-illegal immigration policy, and category of temporary migration, coupled with the problematic nature of debt-financed migration in Asia. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Czechia and Poland (2018-2021), in-depth and semi-structured interviews with migration experts, academic and grey literature, official documents, and the method of Accidental ethnography, this paper argues that silencing of actual labor immigration in political communication while employing anti-migration rhetoric represents a discursive gap typical for liberal democracies. It further concludes that rendering migrant labor as a temporary commodity and turning a blind eye on recruitment of international migrants represents a continuity practice of migrant labor subordination within the nation-state, originating during colonialism and the advent of capitalism in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rituparno Ghosh's cinematization of Unishe April (1994) and Dahan (1997) is a systemic triad interrogative feminist narrative of a case of sexual and non-sexual violence, the gendered spatial politics of Calcutta and the performativity of Bengali masculinity. The present study delves into the nuanced portrayal of the bhadralok masculinities in the cinematic texts of Rituparno Ghosh's Unishe April (1994) and Dahan (1997). This research paper aims to articulate the relationship of Bengali bhadralok masculinity and the scattered hegemonies of socio-cultural structures of domination and patriarchal systems operating on multiple levels in the Bengali context. The bhadralok politics of the yesteryears was built on a collusion with the colonial system and espoused a broad spectrum of ideologies, including nationalism, liberalism, and humanism. Scholarly writings on Rituparno Ghosh have documented gender politics with an implicit focus on the feminine and queer subjectivity. The arguments of the present paper depart from the idea that masculinity is a genderless and a reified construct. Through a specific focus on masculinity and the masculine ideology's nexus with gender social structuring, the present paper questions the invisibilization of masculine power, privilege, and performance. The bhadralok masculinity, though seemingly progressive and egalitarian, the embodiment preserves the patriarchal status quo of unequal gender relationships. Through an interrogation of the intersections of the changing bhadralok masculinities and its complex nexus with the changing social and cultural institutions across time and space, the study asserts that the cultured and sophisticated bhadralok gendered order is a failed political reconfiguration of masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes two related points. First, as liberals have started to realize that the welfare state is unable to deliver on egalitarian theories of justice, they have increasingly tried to dissociate their theories from the welfare state. Second, dissociating from the welfare state type of thinking is difficult for some liberal egalitarian theories such as John Rawls's theory of justice as his theory shares some of the same underlying thinking as found in the welfare state. For example, Rawls's understanding of universal citizenship and the difference principle resembles some of the aspects of the welfare state on how social equality and citizenship are tied to productivity and society as a venture of mutual cooperation. Consequently, liberals are caught in a difficult relationship where they can only partially move beyond the welfare state. Because of this affinity liberals should move beyond a Rawlsian framework, as Rawls's theory is difficult to completely dissociate from the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to address the wider questions of populism and its seeming contemporary rise within the specific context of the Philippines, regarding education. Starting from the assumption that neither politics nor education sits above cultures or spaces autonomously acting upon them but instead emerges with/because/against particularities; after a brief overview of populism, I explore the conceptual characteristics in context. This is informed from my own experiences of living and researching in the Philippines, including experience of the Mindanao conflict but also the failure of liberalism in the Philippines more generally, the failure of western education to 'develop' the nation and the reactions that led to the populists rise of Duterte. The paper offers an understanding of the complexities of populism and offers some hope to how education can meet the challenge through a specific example of critical participatory community education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we draw attention to the epistemological assumptions of market liberalism and standpoint theory and argue that they have more in common than previously thought. We show that both traditions draw on a similar epistemological bedrock, specifically relating to the fragmentation of knowledge in society and the fact that some of this knowledge cannot easily be shared between agents. We go on to investigate how market liberals and standpoint theorists argue with recourse to these similar foundations, and sometimes diverge, primarily because of normative pre-commitments. One conclusion we draw from this is that these similarities suggest that market liberals ought to, by their own epistemological lights, be more attentive towards various problems raised by feminist standpoint theorists, and feminist standpoint theorists ought to be more open to various claims made by market liberals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to outline a conceptual map of Rorty's post-philosophical endeavor. This endeavor serves the purpose of reevaluating and rethinking the West as a project specific to philosophy, enabling a view of the West from a different perspective - as a non-philosophical project through which an open liberal and post-philosophical culture are developed. Part one of the paper focuses on the problem of truth in traditional philosophy and shows how Rorty observes the challenges that philosophy faces as it falls into the trap of searching for the truth. Rorty asserts that he and the pragmatists simply do not offer any "theory of truth"; instead, he employs the formulation "theory about truth." Furthermore, the paper will examine the rhetorical strategies and the anti-essentialist redescription of liberalism. Instead of a conclusion, the paper focuses on universal irony in the light of post-philosophical laughter, which is often oversimplified as a callous reaction of cynical mirth, which can be swiftly repudiated when considering its broad context of the meaning that irony and laughter would hold in Rorty's liberal society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on exceptionalism is preoccupied with its distinctive national sources and resultantly differing styles. Exceptionalism has thus become almost synonymous with culture and identity, rather than international relations (IRs). The paper instead argues that exceptionalism reveals a relational identity that both informs and is informed by a multilateral relation prior to the emergence of exceptionalism. It also argues that all relational systems seek expansion and coexistence. Based upon a comparative study of Confucian and liberal multilateral relationalities, a similar cycle of engagement, conversion, disengagement, and learning is applicable to both. Two exceptionalisms in multilateral relationality differ, however. American exceptionalism embraces a transcendent identity with which to contrast with the rest, who share the same identity and are expected to follow the same rules. Chinese exceptionalism contrarily envisions a superior, benevolent identity to ensure harmony and peace among all, who share no collective identity. The paper traces how Confucianism diverges from liberalism with regard to what accounts for multilateralism—inclusiveness versus rule-based governance, and benevolent exceptions versus universal rights—and the resulting orientations during encounters with strangers. The last section before the conclusion corresponds to the growing attention in IRs theorising to the factor of emotion. Such rational–emotional connectivity—between exceptionalism and emotion—can further attest to the promise of the relational agenda in explaining pluriversal IRs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks for the main reasons of how was the Hungarian government of the Fidesz Party lead by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán able to within 13 years undermine the independent checks on their power so that it could convert what had looked like a stable but imperfect democracy into an autocracy? After listing the most obvious reasons the paper looks particularly at, how much is the way of a mostly elite-driven democratic transition using the tools of ‚legal constitutionalism'and ‚undemocratic liberalism'without real historical traditions of a liberal democratic constitutional culture and with the regionally determined value system is to blame. This also leads to the question, how to allocate the responsibility for the backsliding between the elites and the citizens, influenced and often manipulated by the leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates changes in the promissory visions articulated in education reforms around the world. We use structural topic modeling to inductively analyze the content of 9,268 reforms from 215 countries and territories during the period 1970–2018 using the World Education Reform Database. Our findings reveal a decline in traditional management-focused reforms and a rise in reforms related to data and information. We also find an expanding commitment to educational access and inclusion, but reforms framed explicitly in 'rights' language diminish. We argue that the rise of data-centric reforms and the retreat from rights-based approaches may both reflect and contribute to a broader erosion of the liberal world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Target 4.7 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) calls on states to ensure, by 2030, that "all learners acquire the knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development". This paper argues that the wording of this target holds three inherent problems, which, together with a commitment to using existing datasets to measure progress towards the SDGs, are resulting in indicators and assessment tools that are not fit for purpose. In response, an alternative "Inside-Out" design strategy is proposed, which is grounded in inductive, intersubjective and values-based approaches for designing indicators and assessment. The approach is elaborated, along with the ways in which it addresses the inherent problems of Target 4.7, its potential challenges, practicalities and caveats. A case study is provided, exemplifying how the "Inside-Out" design is being applied to the Monitoring, Evaluation and Learning (MEL) process being developed within the Transforming Education for Sustainable Futures (TESF) research and practice Network Plus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As early as within the ancient period and the emergence of the Roman law and then also in the Middle Ages, the contract theory played an important role in establishing order. Contractualism has assumed great importance in the milieu of Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. It was primarily concerned with agreements that were intended to secure the covenants of people with God and took on the character of a normative contract as a source of law. In the field of state and law, the influence of contract theories asserted itself particularly on the threshold of the modern period in the context of the development of liberalism in its early forms. Contract theories emerge in this period in a dominant part of writers of the early liberalism, with the central motivation being to secure the protection of an individual against the arbitrary will of another individual or authority of any kind. The basic motivation of contract theories became the objective to establish a sovereign in the state. Such process of choice is accompanied by a legally unstable state of nature, which is characterized by the existence of the lex naturalis (natural law) and ius naturale (natural right). This article deals with the definition, analysis, and comparison of the concepts of natural law and natural right in the context of the three most relevant thinkers of the given period, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke. The aim of this paper is to highlight overlaps and differences in the way of discussing these concepts, which at the time formed the basis of what we now call the statecraft. In addition, the text is also enriched by author's criticism and analyses of problematic or content-inconsistent passages in the philosophy of individual authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios is the property of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to provide a clarification of how 'education in a postliberal world' differs from the concept of 'postliberal education;' and second, to contribute to an understanding of the backlash against liberalism and liberal education in recent years. The paper is primarily conceptual and only secondarily descriptive in that it prioritizes the importance of clarifying the conceptual haze surrounding the notion of postliberalism and related terms (i.e. illiberalism, anti-liberalism); it is argued that this conceptualization is necessary as these concepts have different educational implications in different political contexts. The paper outlines a number of broad dimensions that are important to explore in future research on the entanglement between postliberalism and education; it also discusses how the concept of postliberalism could be used fruitfully to account for changes in education in ways that take into consideration the recent critiques against liberalism and liberal education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the new phenomenon of writing centres being made a part of universities, particularly the liberal arts private universities, in India, as growing in a way that lends it to consciously choosing queer pedagogy and to building it as a politically queer space. While some aspects of the queering of writing centres mirror the invisibilizing and the burden of proving the worth of their existence in the way queer communities are, other aspects build on what queer theory enables in terms of understanding what it takes to build communities where what is normative will continually shift what it excludes. Queer theory reminds us of the fluid and constantly reconstituting nature of identity formation whether it is based on non-binary gender identity or identities caught in the debilitating intersections of class, caste, religion, ability and sexuality. This has led to a recognition that communities formed around the learning of reading, writing and thinking, as writing centres are, are predisposed to shift focus from product to process as a move in the practice of teaching writing because it considers the individual reading-and-writing-selves present in the classroom as subjects-in-formation. This paper argues that writing pedagogy is creating queer communities because it invites and supports unsettled subjective selves to the process of knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Familial acceptance of queer relationships has long been at the centre of the same-sex marriage discourse in India. This is no coincidence since in India family as an institution represents caste, religious, class and other social privileges. Developing on Bordieu's work on family, this paper examines three Hindi films— Ek Ladki Ko Dekha To Aisa Laga (2019), Shubh Mangal Zaada Savdhaan (2020) and Badhaai Do (2022)—to formulate the 'ideology of familialization' as the basis of the queer narratives in these popular film texts. Through narrative analysis of these texts, this paper argues that these narratives function at two levels: one, at the level of inducting the erstwhile subjects of developmentalist economy into the neoliberal economy; and two, they selectively transform the familial space of these subjects to make it conducive to integrate LGBTQ persons. The narratives perpetuate a consensus about the importance of selective co-option of queer individuals within the socially dominant traditional families, to keep the cycle of social privilege undisturbed by producing what Bordieu calls 'unproblematic inheritors'. This, I argue, prevents the individual queer characters from building a modern queer community, a radical collective with intersectional politics at its heart, at the cost of alienating those who do not come from such caste/class privilege. This serves the interest of both the neoliberal market/State and the Hindu upper caste dominated social, perpetuating the Ideology of Familialization which eventually has the power to function as a governmental tool of transforming the 'deviant' lovers into 'model' queer citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tabayyun is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyse how the theory of economic and institutional liberalism applies to the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and its Investment Fund (3SIIF), particularly in the context of Ukraine, which was attacked by Russia in February 2022. The study integrates theoretical perspectives from security studies, political science, and international relations with the practical implementation of the 3SI and 3SIIF. It uses scholarly literature on liberalism along with official 3SI and 3SIIF documentation. By comparing the theoretical principles of liberalism with the operational practices of the 3SI, the article draws conclusions about the alignment of these practices with liberal theory. The findings indicate that the theory of liberalism can be used to explain and describe forms of regional cooperation such as the 3SI, which reflects its relevance across various operational and conceptual dimensions. The acceptance of Ukraine as a participating 3SI partner was one of the signals to Russia that Ukraine is a part of the Western world, where goals are achieved through voluntary integration, trade and investment cooperation, free market, and democratic principles, and not through dependency, violence, and military action. Finally, the paper illustrates the application of liberalism theory to the geopolitical realities of the 3SI and draws attention to its effectiveness in achieving economic and regional security goals. The research may influence future regional policies and strategies, especially in the context of Ukraine’s integration into Western structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of populism in Western democracies creates presumed threats on liberal international order. Although a number of scholarly works are dedicated to the populist challenge on liberal democracy, the analysis of populism's implications on the liberal order is limited. This paper deliberates on a concise review of the consequences of populism on the Western liberal order. In order to delineate the study, the article is devoted to the Western populism and its implications on liberal order. The paper, while analyzing the components of liberal international order by drawing on the analytical framework of structural liberalism, intends to claim that populism has adverse consequences on certain elements of the order than others. However, the implication is not an inflection point for the Western liberal order. Furthermore, this paper also provides some explanations behind the limitations of the populist threats to the Western liberal order. The main argument to highlight is that populism is detrimental more to liberal democracy than to the liberal order itself, and the Western liberal order has the capacity to withstand the tide of populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Equality discourse endeavors often aim to eliminate the various positionings of people in order for them to become equals. This paper aims to re-approach the notion of educational equality beyond neoliberal definitions and reconceptualize it in light of the Aristotelian philia, with attention paid to its ethical dimensions and the nonduality of difference and sameness. An ethic of philia is founded on mutual respect and admiration, promotes a good and worthwhile life, and requires time and familiarity. In light of the mutuality and multiplicity that are characteristic of the environment in which educational equality thrives, the article elaborates on three aspects of philia—recognizing difference, encouraging conversations about what counts as good, and horizontal and vertical characteristics of educational equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Business ethics can be regarded as a field dealing with corporate self-regulation as it relates to the treatment of stakeholders. However, a concern for corporate stakeholders need not take a corporate-centric perspective, as shown by recent efforts (especially Singer in Bus Ethics Q 25(1):65–92, 2015) to situate corporate conduct within Rawls' political theory. Although Rawls was largely mute on the subject himself, his theory has implications for business ethics and corporate governance more specifically. Given an understanding of a "Rawlsian society" as a whole—where corporations as associations are a part—this paper addresses how a Rawlsian perspective would safeguard against corporate harms in society. We argue that a Rawlsian society would primarily regulate corporate conduct through exogenous constraints in the form of legislation. To the extent that business ethics is concerned with endogenous constraints in the form of corporate-centric self-regulation regarding stakeholders, to adopt a Rawlsian perspective is to assume instead a society-centric perspective and to impose exogenous constraints on corporate conduct in the form of legislation for the benefit of citizens. In the context of Rawls' political liberalism, normative concerns in business are accounted for through legislation and the system of background justice. In a clear departure from Singer (Bus Ethics Q 25(1):65–92, 2015, Bus Ethics J Rev 6(3):11–17, 2018a), we further develop our argument to propose that Rawls' theory can be interpreted as providing a rule for corporate governance. The rule—which is imposed exogenously for the good of society—states: After choosing the corporate constraint mechanism (exogenous vs. endogenous) that best promotes the Liberty Principle, choose the corporate control regime (shareholder vs. stakeholder) that maximizes economic efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses if and how alternative news media manifest their counter-hegemonic potential within the current conjuncture of populist politics in Western liberal democracies. Based on the method of critical discourse analysis, it compares the ways in which the yellow vests movement is discursively (re)constructed by two Flemish legacy newspapers and five alternative news media. Analytically, it engages with an agonistic pluralist perspective. Findings show how both newspapers and alternative media reproduce the same discursive constructions that legitimize the yellow vests' socio-economic and political grievances. What distinguishes alternative from traditional media is not so much their counter-hegemonic potential but their ideological crystallization, as they reproduce only one discursive construction each. With legacy media now also operating as sites of contestation, this paper makes the importance of the role of political context all the clearer in the assessment of the counter-hegemonic potential of alternative news media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) established in 2015 has developed an institutional framework that on the paper largely mimics the European Union's. The article suggests that a closer examination of the economic interdependence in the region adds valuable knowledge regarding the development of the organization. The analysis follows a (post)-functionalist model and highlights how the integration process responds to economic interdependence, and that the integration process has the potential of generating spillovers. The Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC) has initiated work targeting the removal of non-tariff barriers, and business associations in the region are paying attention to the organization. Yet, there are also several constraints to integration in the region linked to the member states' reluctance to delegate substantial powers to the EEC, and their insistence on the cooperation as being merely economic. These limitations are in line with previous suggestions in the literature regarding non-democratic regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that, contrary to what some critics suggest, political liberalism is not exclusionary with regards to the rights and interests of individuals with cognitive disabilities. I begin by defending four publicly justifiable reasons that are collectively sufficient for the inclusion of members of this group. Briefly, these are the epistemic uncertainty that inevitably exists about individuals' actual capacities, the political liberal duty to treat parents fairly, the social framework that is required for the fulfilment of parental duties, and the necessity of cultivating certain emotions that are strongly associated with reasonableness. These reasons show why a more inclusive reading of political liberalism is plausible, and how this can be achieved without abandoning or revising the theory's commitment to public reason, the political conception of the person, and the role of social cooperation. I then turn to the question of what a more inclusive political liberalism would look like. More specifically, I argue that, although it would not require the participation of individuals with cognitive disabilities in the practice of legitimation, it would require their full inclusion in the realm of justice as equal rights-bearers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-examines the tension between professional and liberal education by revisiting The Idea of the University (1852), the seminal mid-nineteenth century treatise of John Henry Newman. In returning to Newman's classic text, we are interested in the significance of his lectures for a contemporary Higher Education increasingly under pressure to be 'useful:' on this understanding, 'useful' denotes an arguably limited and utilitarian sense where the university guarantees its students a well-paying job on graduation. In pressing on this distinction between 'the useful' and 'the useless' – a distinction that continues to plague discourse on the contemporary university – our paper focuses on the experiential and pedagogical aspects of education that find recurring emphasis in Newman's classic work: aspects of place, of community, and of the teacher–student relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When observing media texts, one cannot help but notice that some political terms are used with a meaning widely different from that offered by mainstream middle-size dictionaries, which generally stick to the initial, sometimes etymological senses. Corpora analysis confirms the shift in senses and divergence of use. The aim of this paper is to analyse the meaning and use of two terms ubiquitous in the public sphere: fascist/fascism and liberal/liberalism, their original meanings, and subsequent changes in meaning and use. Though the limited space available for defining terms in a general explanatory dictionary makes it extremely difficult to reflect all ideological tinges and meanings, where a frequently used political term seems to have developed stable, different, even opposite meanings, this should be reflected by introducing ideological polysemy in dictionary definitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys the transmission of the German idealist conception of freedom to Japan during the Meiji period and explores its significance to the subsequent development of the Kyoto School of Philosophy. My discussion focuses on, first, mapping the context in which Kiyozawa Manshi first adopted the German idealist conception of freedom; second, showing how Tosaka Jun criticized Nishida philosophy as a disguised form of German idealism; and third, considering Nishitani Keiji's rejection of the conception of freedom found in Western existentialism in favor of a conception anchored in Nishida philosophy. I show how none of these three philosophers rejects liberalism in toto, but how they reject one form to adopt another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Eletrônica História em Reflexão is the property of Revista Eletronica Historia em Reflexao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Petre Țuțea (October 6, 1902 - December 3, 1991) was a Romanian Christian thinker and an orator, who was preoccupied with philosophical and religious matters. He was the author of numerous studies and articles that focused on economic, social and political issues in the inter-war era. This paper intends to point out the main guiding lines of Petre Țuțea's system of thought as an economist and his personal comprehension of the relation between the economic and the political elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mihai Eminescu (January 8, 1850 -- June 14, 1889) was a poet, a prose writer and a publicist who was active around the year 1848. He was equally interested and approached the economic, social and political themes that defined the Romanian society of his times. This paper wishes to point out the guiding lines of Eminescu's economic thinking and the fundamental reference points of his economic and political ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a book review of "In the Shadow of Justice: Postwar Liberalism and the remaking of political philosophy" by Katrina Forrester. The book examines the development and reception of John Rawls's ideas, focusing on how they have been interpreted and criticized since the publication of his influential work, "A Theory of Justice," in 1971. The review highlights the book's scholarly nature and its exploration of the political context in which Rawls's ideas emerged. It also mentions the challenges to liberal philosophy in the 1980s and the broad and contested agenda facing today's political philosophers. [Extracted from the article]

Public reason liberalism demands that political decisions be publicly justified to the citizens who are subjected to them. Much recent literature emphasises the differences between the two main interpretations of this requirement, justificatory and political liberalism. In this paper, I show that both views share structural democratic deficits. They fail to guarantee political autonomy, the expressive quality of law, and the justification to citizens, because they allow collective decisions made by incompletely theorised agreements. I argue that the result can only be avoided by changing public reason's role in collective decision-making. Instead of incompletely theorised agreements, we should demand agreement both on the public reasons themselves and on the other premises that justify political decisions. In this way, it is always possible to point to a procedure-independent reason that justifies democratic decisions, and the reasoning of the state is public and contestable. Finally, I explain how this, in turn, implies that only political liberalism can be rescued—by accepting what I will call strong political liberalism. Modifying justificatory liberalism in the necessary way will inevitably open the door to an objectionable form of perfectionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many liberal philosophers claim that people are free to do as they will by default; any interference must be justified. This supposed presumption of liberty does a significant amount of theoretical work for public reason liberals such as Gerald Gaus and John Rawls. This paper shows that Gaus’s explicit defense of a presumption of liberty fails. Gausa and his many followers repeatedly appeal to a particular thought experiment from Stanley Benn. We argue that this thought experiment fails to show that there is a presumption of liberty, but instead shows, at best, the trivial point that when any particular moral concern is specified to be the only relevant concern, then there is a presumption in favor of that concern. Further, Gaus, along with Shaun Nichols, has tried to demonstrate empirically that the intuitions and conclusions he draws from this example are fairly uniform and universal among other moral agents, but we explain why their experimental results do not vindicate any such conclusion. We conclude that undermining the alleged presumption of liberty places public reason liberalism in serious jeopardy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of security from a political perspective, arguing that it is often seen as a basic right and fundamental requirement of a legitimate state. The author discusses the expansion of the definition of security to include vulnerabilities beyond physical safety, such as poverty, but raises concerns about the lack of oversight in this expansion. The text also examines different perspectives on security, including the proposals of Jeremy Waldron and Jessica Wolfendale to include elements like the maintenance of a way of life and moral recognition. However, the author argues that these proposals are not successful in justifying why these elements should be considered essential to security. The article also discusses the relationship between coercion, autonomy, and the justification of the state, emphasizing the role of the state in ensuring autonomy. It explores different dimensions of security, including objective and subjective security, and concludes that security should protect the necessary preconditions for autonomy. The text proposes modifications to the traditional understanding of security, suggesting that it should focus not only on physical safety but also on the absence of external coercion that limits individual choices. It also explores the idea that security can be linked to recognition and self-worth, emphasizing the importance of international cooperation and the establishment of laws against aggression. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these ideas for national security policies and the potential benefits of preventative approaches that require international cooperation. It also highlights the need for collaborative efforts and an internationalist approach to security to protect the autonomy of states and their populations. The paper acknowledges that security can factor into [Extracted from the article]

This article analyses UNESCO's advocacy of social-emotional learning (SEL) as key to achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)—particularly SDG target 4.7. It interrogates the agency's growing emphasis on digital SEL and conscious "whole brain" approaches as part of a wider neuroliberal turn towards the behavioural, psychological and neurological sciences and considers their implications for UNESCO's status as the "conscience of humanity." It argues that "SEL for SDGs" operates as a "flag of convenience" hoisted by UNESCO to garner legitimacy in a global governance landscape increasingly shaped by private/corporate interests, new (tech-based) philanthropy, and neoliberal policies and funding infrastructures. It demonstrates how the privileging of biological and neuropsychological explanations for complex global problems is reconfiguring UNESCO's global citizenship work towards a depoliticised, individualistic and neuroliberally-inflected "conscious human brain" response to complex societal challenges which forestalls political dialogue and undermines an appreciation of their material and economic determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Stuart Mill is considered one of the most important representatives of the classical school of political economy. His intellectual development exhibited a gradual transition toward more socialistic views. This transition was partly the result of his interaction with French utopian socialists, which led Mill to theoretically construct an economic system lying between what is now called market capitalism and revolutionary socialism. For Mill, socialism would be a new organic period after the transitory and critical period of the "stationary state." This paper delineates the core tenets of Mill's stationary state and presents it as an early anticipation of what from the 1920s on is called "market socialism." Mill's optimistic vision of the stationary state was based on the spread of associations, the socialization of knowledge among all people, competition, and the importance of individuality. These elements are connected with Mill's idiosyncratic, liberal and utilitarianist vision of (market) socialism which prepares the ground for his socialist utopia based on the ideal "from each according to his capacities; to each according to his needs." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]