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To this day, materials surrounding the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution that live in the archives of Addis Ababa University are designated as "clandestine literature." Their publication was a clandestine affair; critiquing the emperor of the then-oldest Christian kingdom in the world and eventually professing Marxist thinking, they amounted to blasphemy. However, building an argument for Ethiopian revolution was premised on another heretical proposition: that Ethiopia, world-famous for having eluded European colonial rule, was a client state of US imperialism during the mid-century age of decolonization. This article employs a selection of Ethiopian revolutionary papers—including magazines, newspapers, and journals produced and distributed across Ethiopia, North America, and Europe—to provide a genealogy of "US Imperialism in Ethiopia," a composite, hand-transcribed document of the late 1960s that has since been destroyed. Assembling materials marked by both their refutation of and proximity to US empire, this article argues that building the case for US imperialism in Ethiopia was a necessary step to clarify and link Ethiopian revolutionary struggle to anticolonialism. In the process, the article thinks with and extends the archival designation "clandestine" as both the conspiracy of alleging US imperialism in Ethiopia and an analytic for reading other transnational networks of revolutionary papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current and past historical research on Russia and China's borderlands heavily relies on the concept of ethnicity. Both the Russian and Qing empires ascribed to an "ethnic mode of ruling" in their borderlands, reflected in the estate inorodtsy and the Eight Banner system. In view of how strongly state-determined categories of ethnic identification can influence historical analysis, this paper observes that the focus of research is shifting from "ethnicity" to "regionality". The paper also explores how the communist regimes in Russia and China of the 20th century handled the legacy of the multiethnic empire with the politicization of ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Pollution Is Colonialism" by Max Liboiron is a thought-provoking book that challenges the dominant scientific narratives surrounding pollution and colonialism. The author argues that pollution should be understood as the violence of colonial land relations rather than simply environmental damage. The book proposes a different approach to science that recognizes the importance of relationships with the land and seeks to build good relations with Indigenous communities. It emphasizes the need for gratitude, acknowledgements, and a duty to obligations, particularly in relation to Indigenous methods. The text highlights the need for a reorientation in research practices to prioritize good land relations and diverse futures. [Extracted from the article]

This paper documents the resilience of fenye (分野, lit., "field allocation") and its applications through the nineteenth century in China. Despite literati (and eventually imperial) criticisms that the fenye system of correlative cosmography was outdated and unworthy of belief, fenye retained a sizeable audience through the close of the Qing period. At the top, the Qing imperial state continued to reference fenye correlations in its official communications late into the dynasty. In local society, literati looked to newly issued dynastic sources of astrological knowledge to update local gazetteers; in the nineteenth century, these trends were pronounced along frontier areas lacking longstanding gazetteer records. Finally, people engaged in the practice of fengshui looked to fenye knowledge to update the values and layout of the compass, the historical origins of which related to geomantic practices. In the Qing period, the compass was both theoretically and physically altered under the influence of Jesuit-introduced "Western Learning" (Xixue 西學). The paper contends that the status of fenye in pre-twentieth century China was seldom an allor-nothing proposition between a celebrated component of imperial orthodoxy and an outdated relic in inexorable decline: people critiqued fenye, used fenye, and updated fenye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the informational practices shared between human and computer machine learners as they train to sense the world through lines of order, or vectors. The paper does this by exploring the affective conditions through which vectors draw relations of data over a persistent, colonial image of race. Through analysis of pedagogical practices at the Summer Institute for Computational Social Science in Chicago, and a corresponding year-long machine learning design group, this paper examines how contemporary machine learning practitioners train themselves to sense calculative relationality on the basis of racialized difference. The paper compares this vectorized sensibility with 20th century enumerative practices in the United States by analyzing the racial statistics of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kelly Miller, and Frances Kellor to trace out affective histories of the vector. Ultimately, this paper asks how machine learners – whether algorithms or their human users – often project lines of colonial order upon other forms of life, and how, by questioning the claim of vector relations and their informational objects, we can confront this sense-training and reimagine ourselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a preliminary examination of François Noël's (1651–1729) translation of Zhu Xi 朱熹's (1130–1200) Elementary learning (Xiaoxue 小學, 1187), which was included in Sinensis Imperii Libri Classici Sex (Six Classics of the Chinese Empire, 1711). In particular, by taking the chapter about the Five Human Relationships (wulun 五倫), "Quintuplex humanae conditionis ordo," as case study, the paper will demonstrate how Noël's writing agenda differed from that of his predecessors, with his translation acting as a systematically construed tribute to the sapientia sinica in the background of the Rites Controversy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heritage-making's intrinsic dissonance has been thoroughly established in the field of critical heritage studies, and yet it is a reality that continues to be obscured in heritage practice in settler colonial cities. Authorised heritage discourse continues to project existing state-led systems of heritage-making as a self-evident 'public good' for current and future generations. In settler colonial cities, this increasingly includes attempts to incorporate Indigenous views and values into its framing. However, existing statutory processes that uphold normative approaches prove resilient to change. Continued prioritisation of tangible artefact amid private property rights impairs the heritage field's ability to acknowledge alternative possibilities and to genuinely engage in decolonising transformation. This paper examines three cases where heritage dissonance has erupted into protest and protection action outside of the authorised heritage discourse: the Old Swan Brewery in Perth, Western Australia; Ihumātao in Auckland, New Zealand; and the West Berkeley Shellmound in Berkeley, California. It analyses the contestation of values that led to protest action, what 'authorised' attempts were made to heritagise each case and to what result. In so doing, the paper demonstrates how existing processes of statutory heritage-making continue to be inadequate for Indigenous and emerging heritage aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper centres the colonial pre-histories of 'the digital' to complicate posthumanist theorisations of subjectivity. Posthumanism helpfully undercuts human exceptionalism by presenting subjectivity as always-already co-constituted by technology. However, this paper argues that it insufficiently engages the human as the historico-political effect of negating the assumed non-technological colonial Other. Focusing on liberal humanism between the 16th and 19th centuries, the paper theorises the modern human as bound up in 'technological onticide'. The presumed absence of technology became a (theo-centric, ratio-centric, bio-centric) measure of the Other's sub-humanity, at the same time as this Other was expected to be humanised through its technologisation. An emphasis on technological onticide complicates universalist theories of subjectivity that take it as always a matter of human-technology co-constitution. The paper argues that, to confront the legacies of ontological murder, conceptual room needs to be made for in human, counter human or un human theories of subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ṣuġhrā Humāyūñ Mirzā (1884–1958) was a reformer, journalist, writer and traveller from the erstwhile princely state of Haidarābād, Dakkan. She wrote prolifically and used her fiction and non-fiction as a vehicle for her reformist ideas and objectives. However, scholarly focus on Ṣuġhrā Begum's reformist work alone risks dismissal of her literary creativity and innovation. This paper aims to address this gap through an analysis of the narrative and stylistic features of Ṣuġhrā Begum's Urdū novel, Mohinī (1929). I suggest a reading of this text on its own terms, i.e. one that emerges from the text and the motivations of its author, rather than through measurements with standard—usually Western—yardsticks or other assumptions about Ṣuġhrā Begum's ostensibly singular priorities. Instead, I argue that Mohinī should be read in the context of the development of the Urdū novel, which was taking shape through the encounter between Western modes of representation made prominent through colonialism and existing Indian storytelling traditions, such as the qiṣṣāh. In the process, this paper expands the scholarship on this writer by offering a study of the creative features of her fiction and calls for the imagination of South Asian and wider Persianate print realisms that are not bound by rationalist epistemologies and encapsulate broader systems of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the issue of colonialism and racism in Joseph Conrad's novel Heart of Darkness. The researcher surveyed scholarly articles, books and other sources relevant to the area of the research, providing a critical evaluation of this work. Basically, the title carries a rich connotation which indicates darkness in the colonial European psyche, making it disproportionate to equate physical darkness with spiritual darkness. The common characteristics of savagery between the Europeans and the Africans are traced back to a mutual dark and weak civilization, which in turn makes room for the more powerful to impose imperialistic rules on the less powerful. Further, this paper shows that the European banner of 'civilization' is hypocritical and raised to legitimize the false authority of taking over the jungles of Africa. The scenes revealing their corruption, including their acts of violence and murder, are concluded to be the dominant features of the civilization which they exalt. There is too a metaphoric but ironic correlation between the Africans and the Europeans regarding worshipping idols, as the white man is praying to ivory, and the black man is practicing questionable beliefs of spirituality. Moreover, the European ignorance of the dark continent shapes the fictional perception of black people and the African landscape as "prehistoric". Besides, there is a point of distinction between the white man of culture and the black man of nature, yet this gap neither justifies conquering Africa nor disgraces the African cultural inheritance. At last, there is a parallel image presented with regard to the European empire representative, Kurtz and his alleged possessions. Kurtz's white fiancé and Kurtz's black mistress portray the gap between European ideals and African disconnection with the least implications of civilization, which both are ultimately denounced by European imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of American empire are overdue for critical scholarship on the secret U.S. documents that Chelsea Manning sent to WikiLeaks in 2010. The documents feature important information about the role of the United States in the world, but few scholars have investigated what the documents reveal about the structures and operations of American empire. This paper proposes two ways for scholars of American empire to begin incorporating the documents into their research. First, this paper calls for recognition of a field of study called American empire studies. Scholars have been conducting research on empire for over a century, but they have not organized a field of study that is needed for critical scholarship, such as work with the WikiLeaks documents. Second, this paper identifies a method of analysis called the critical diplomatic history method. Several works of critical scholarship provide lessons for how scholars can use the critical diplomatic history method to examine the WikiLeaks documents. By identifying a field of study and a method of analysis, this paper makes the case that scholars can work with the WikiLeaks documents to reveal hidden imperial structures, generate momentum for dismantling the American empire, and empower social movements that are working to create a better world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs postcolonial criticism to examine the roles of leaders of independence movements in the decolonization process. The objective is to ascertain the extent to which the policies of the colonial period are reflected in the leadership understanding and roles of the administrative culture in colonist-colony-colonized relations and to what extent the policies of the colonial period are related to recolonization. This paper examines how the dominant themes of the debates during the colonial period were reflected in the attitudes and policies of the post-independence leaders. In conclusion, this study asserts that a comparable experience in the process of re-colonization is reflected in the dominance of certain policies and debates surrounding nationalization, despite the movements of independence that originated against the colonists. In this regard, the article compares the leaders of Botswana and Zimbabwe, two neighboring countries with similar historical backgrounds but disparate experiences. This comparison, based on postcolonial criticism, has revealed that although the decolonization process has been experienced, it offers examples of leadership, one positive and the other negative, as a continuation of re-colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the imposition of British colonial rule over the great West African forest kingdom of Asante (1901), and its immediate aftermath. Specifically, it focuses on the prolonged detention without trial under special ordinances of Kwame Amankwa and others who were arrested and removed to custody on the seaboard of the Gold Coast Colony. It discusses at length the entanglement of Kwame Amankwa and others in the coils of British colonial legislation and practice as they sought release into freedom and a return to Asante. Thus, the paper deals with the impact of the new colonial order on the lives of named individuals, and in doing so it suggests ways in which the new dispensation impacted on received ideas of history and culture as expressed in personhood and ideas of a stable belonging among those affected by it. It is suggested that the experience of the named individuals discussed was an extreme version of the doubt and despair that affected many Asante from time to time as the new order embedded itself. In general terms, this paper seeks to explore the still neglected response of Africans as individuals to the advent of colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large segments of Austria-Hungary’s population were affected by an escalating food shortage during World War I, leading to widespread undernourishment, particularly in urban areas. This paper argues that this impending crisis significantly empowered scientific experts. Operating between civil society and the imperial state, these experts multiplied and strengthened their connections to both spheres during the war, emerging as major producers of policy advice. This was true even in the realm of biopolitics, where decisions were made about whom to let live and whom to let die. Focusing on eugenics and its scientific proponents, this paper traces their growing interactions with voluntary associations providing food aid and civil administration at central, municipal, and local levels. Spanning four distinct urbanized contexts in the Habsburg Empire – Vienna, Budapest, Northern Bohemia, and Prague – the analysis reveals that eugenic ideas increasingly permeated discussions about food provisioning during the war in each of these locations. By the conflict’s end, eugenics had become a pivotal discourse framing public debate on the hunger crisis, depicting it in racialized terms as an intergenerational biological threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mexican Studies / Estudios Mexicanos is the property of University of California Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reconsiders Ezekiel's alleged anti-imperial attitude toward the Babylonian empire. It nuances the alleged attitude with Frantz Fanon's theory of colonized subjects' desire to be like their colonizer. Looking at Ezekiel's privileged social location, I argue that the book exhibits a desire to be like the Babylonian empire. Ezekiel intertwines Babylonian's "anti-Egyptian" propaganda with Yahweh's interest in maintaining loyalty toward the empire. To support this argument, the paper first surveys the Babylonian and Egyptian conflict over the Levant. It then reconsiders the situation of Ezekiel and his community in exile. Further, it discusses Fanon's theory of colonized subjects' desires and how Ezekiel operates within it. It concludes by looking at what Ezekiel might gain through this maneuver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of historians and teachers of history tend to believe that it was the Propaganda of the educated elite that led to the Philippine Revolution of 1896. Reynaldo Ileto already made a powerful critique on such perspective by analyzing the mentalité of the pobres y ignorantes, and showed that they indeed possessed a certain worldview that was far different from that of the Ilustrados of the Propaganda Movement. Ileto, however, remained within the limits of the Catholic ideology and its appropriation by the masses in the 19th century. This paper aims to study ginhawa, a Filipino concept, as both a concept and an ideology. The paper argues that ginhawa was used by the natives in interpreting the workings of colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the case of Canada, this paper offers an investigation of how members of Indigenous nations perceive the system of government using data from the 2019 Canadian Election Study (CES). Given the legacies of colonialism, we consider if Indigenous individuals in Canada adopt a distinct outlook on political institutions, actors, and democracy when compared to other Canadian voters by leveraging quantitative tools. We find that Indigenous people have a significantly more negative perception of several political institutions, politicians, and democracy in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a relatively understudied topic in the literature of Cypriot political history, namely the relations between Cyprus and African countries during the Makarios era. Drawing upon the official archives of the UN, USA, UK, and the Republic of Cyprus (specifically the Press and Information Office, PIO, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, MFA), as well as Cypriot newspapers, this research is grounded in historical analysis. The main findings of the paper suggest that Makarios perceived the Zurich-London status quo in Cyprus as contrary to principles such as self-determination, democracy, independence, and sovereignty, prompting him to engage in an international struggle for change. Makarios’s attitudes towards Cyprus aligned with African countries’ collective struggle under frameworks such as AAPSO, the Non-Aligned Movement, and G-77, both for themselves and the rest of the world. In various international forums, notably the United Nations, Cyprus and African nations provided mutual support against Western imperialism. Their collaboration extended beyond the Cyprus Problem to encompass the rights of people struggling for independence against colonialism all around the world and those seeking democracy in the face of racist regimes in Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an alternative reading of the intellectual as a phenomenon that emerged in the context of fascination with colonial achievements, alongside a tendency to catch up with and be independent from it, all while being accompanied by a phenomenon based on the “worship of modernity,” which not only failed to critique it but also considered everything local as inherently backward. Since the intellectual regards their society as regressive and unworthy of being relied upon as a lever for advancement, but rather as the subject of change, they have no choice but to turn to power to present their modernist vision, ultimately becoming a part of the tools for its perpetuation and the reproduction of its domination and functionality. Based on the philosophy of “activation” and the attachment of theory to practice, this paper seeks to establish a conceptual framework for the “ practicing thinker, ” who is engaged with their community in producing change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the concept of 'imperism' as an analytical tool apt to describe political processes in Putin's Russia and beyond. Imperism denotes an ontological orientation, or nomos (the term derives from theories of religion and politics by Berger and Schmitt), that undergirds a plurality of civic positions, informs policy, and fundamentally casts imperialness as a political entity's normal, desirable state. Russia's imperist nomos shall be explored in its key dimensions, including cosmology, authority, sociology, and aesthetics. However, imperism's analytical purchase is not limited to the Russian case. In particular, this paper considers the merits of this category vis-à-vis an array of related but distinct concepts: imperialism, authoritarianism, fascism, nationalism, and irredentism. On those grounds, it will be argued that Putinist Russia's military adventurism manifests a peculiar, imperist form of imperialism; that the Putin regime, albeit hard to categorise, appears to share an imperist nomos with historical fascisms; and that imperism's ultimate scope exceeds that of nationalist irredentism. The paper ends with a reflection on the advantageous epistemological potentialities of imperism as a category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploration of possible journeys towards freedom from colonial states of mind. These inner worlds are the distorting forms of self‐observation brought about by living under oppressive conditions, and includes those associated with colonialism itself, and also coloniality, the enduring legacy left behind by colonial regimes. Fanon describes the effect of colonialism on subjectivity as creating "a zone of nonbeing" and suggests freedom from it requires internally "an authentic upheaval." This paper draws the parallels between Fanon's zone of nonbeing and states of mind untethered from the shackles of colonial definition. These states, akin to reverie are potentially the place from which the quest for a new authenticity of being might be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay argues that a cohort of London booksellers who visited colonial New England fashioned readers as unsophisticated provincials. It focuses on the English bookseller John Dunton, who visited Boston in the 1680s. on marginalia in colonial books, and on the circumstances which undermined the publication of Magnalia Christi Americana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the common ways of thinking about genealogical reproduction are influenced by colonialism and capitalism, which emphasize the importance of the nuclear family, heterosexuality and reproducing future citizens. Under colonialism and capitalism, Samoan women are disciplined into good reproductive laborers who reproduce the moral family and also wider society. This paper looks to Indigenous feminist discourse of regeneration to place Samoan reproductive labor outside of capitalism and within Indigenous feminist genealogies of world-building, asking what other promiscuous possibilities there are for Samoan regeneration. Here, we present a theoretical exploration: thinking with Indigenous feminism offers a decolonial intervention into Samoan reproduction, placing Samoan women's labor into an alternative genealogy of Indigenous feminist world-building and outside of colonially imposed genealogies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the instrumental role of Dashnaktsutyun, also known as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, in the geopolitical strategies of the British Empire during the early 20th century. Initially emerging as a nationalist movement within the Ottoman Empire, Dashnaktsutyun was co-opted by external powers, particularly Britain, to serve broader imperial interests in the Eurasian region. The study delves into the organization’s activities in the Ottoman, Russian, and Iranian territories, highlighting how its operations, under the guise of Armenian nationalism, were significantly influenced by British geopolitical objectives. The paper also explores the complex interplay between nationalist movements and international power politics, particularly in the context of the Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. A critical analysis of Dashnaktsutyun’s role during key historical events, such as the Soviet invasion of Armenia in 1920, reveals a prioritization of foreign directives over national resistance, impacting the trajectory of Armenian history and reflecting the broader dynamics of early 20th-century imperialism. This study serves as a cautionary tale of how nationalist movements can be redirected by external influences, often at the expense of their foundational principles and the welfare of their people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Casualties of nuclear technologies are not immediate, and the populations that bear the most significant burden are too sparse to be noteworthy, especially in the case of uranium mining industries. Shaped by forms of settler colonialism – the US and Canada mine on Indigenous and First Nation reservations – effects of radioactive exposure produce slow, recursive forms of nuclear suffering as illness may take up to thirty years to manifest. This article zooms in on the case of uranium mining and the violence of the temporal lag between uranium exposure and the appearance of symptoms. It explores how this lag is critically interrogated by two contemporary artists that approach uranium mining histories as unresolved; as a series of situations whose unfolding goes on, thus going against the closure of narratives of uranium mining. Two artworks that critically engage with the slow temporality of uranium and its violent effects, and that this paper closely reads, are Bonnie Devine’s drawing series The Book of Radiance (1999) and video Rooster Rock, the Story of Serpent River and Eve Andrée Laramée’s installation Halfway to Invisible (2009). Both artists lay bare the temporal possibilities of turning our gaze away from obvious nuclear symbols, such as bombs and reactors, or what technology historian Gabrielle Hecht calls our fetishes of nuclear histories (Being Nuclear. Africans and the Global Uranium Trade), to rather engage with less obvious nuclear histories. Drawing on theoretical insights from recent scholarship in science and technology studies and art history around time, the paper emphasizes the affordances of contemporary art in redressing uranium mining as a slow and latent modality of the nuclear complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the dissolution of the Comintern, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was given the responsibility to co-ordinate socialist and anti-colonial activism across the British Commonwealth. This paper argues that the 1947 and 1954 Communist Parties of Empire Conferences are illustrative of the new-found importance of developing networks across Britain's empire in the post-war period. The Empire Conferences served as a body for the exchange of ideas, people and knowledge, and in some cases involved promises of financial resources. The paper will argue that the conferences were conducted on two levels. First, using the networks formed during the Comintern, they were an attempt to co-ordinate and function as a hub for activity across the Commonwealth. Second, in line with the 'transnational turn' in the area, the Conferences highlight the transmission of ideas across the international movement, showing the difficulties faced by individual parties, as well as opportunities for development and collaboration. In 1947, the CPGB was adrift from many of its sister parties over the vibrancy of its anti-imperial activism. Similarly, seven years later, whilst its anti-colonial activism had become more prominent, the CPGB was again criticised for its assumption of a 'fraternal association' between the empire's centre and its former colonies. The paper aims to shed light on the increasingly prominent divisions in cold-war international communism, and the transnational dimension of communist relations within the British Commonwealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the global protests that condemn the war on Gaza following the Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023. These protests were unprecedented in their broad scope and innovative forms. The paper argues that this protest movement is fundamentally memorydriven, as it represents an extension of the 2019-2020 demonstrations against racism and colonialism, utilizing and reusing mnemonic media and symbols. In contrast, this global surge of memory is facing official suppression of protest dynamics, employing mnemonic strategies used by authorities within memory policies. This is prominently illustrated through the German model, characterized by practices of silence, forgetting, and accompanying repressive measures falling under a culture of cancellation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1865 British Imperial governments had accepted that colonial courts had the authority to invalidate colonial statutes which contravened the relevant colony's constitution. This situation arose notwithstanding the lack of any express grant of such jurisdiction to colonial courts in Imperial or colonial legislation. This paper evaluates the first instance of a colonial court asserting that jurisdiction, during the Dog Act crisis in Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) in the 1840s. Part one of the paper charts the background to, conduct of and judgment in the relevant litigation. The second part, which will appear in a future issue of this journal, explores the consequential attempts of the colony's Governor to remove the judges from office and to re-enact the invalidated colonial law. The suggestion made is that the Dog Act controversy provides considerable insight into how, despite the absence of any explicit statutory grant of such jurisdiction, the power of judicial review of colonial legislation by colonial courts became established as an orthodox element of British colonial constitutional law in the latter nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper develops a framework to analyse imperialistic international relations (IIR) and the dynamics of international exploitation. A new exploitation index is proposed which captures the territorial structure of IIR: wealthy nations are net lenders and exploiters, whereas endowment-poor countries are net borrowers and exploited. Capital flows transfer surplus from countries in the periphery of the global economy to those in the core. However, while international credit markets and wealth inequalities are central in generating international exploitation, other factors, including labour-saving innovations, are shown to be essential in explaining its persistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, empires have promised perpetual peace and justice for all; however, they have constantly bathed in blood while expanding their colonies and control. This paper intends to explore the theological concept of peacemaking from the experiences of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) and the Presbyterian Church in the Republic of Korea (PROK), both of which suffered from U.S. (neo)colonialism. It also aims to study how we can live faithfully amidst the empire by decolonizing theology and the church. To achieve this, I will begin by reviewing the concept of peace as proclaimed by empires, from the Roman to the American, and contrast it with the biblical concept of peace. This will be followed by analyzing and evaluating the impact of the received colonial American Protestant cultures and the churches' responses to the colonial gospel. The final part will propose peace as a way of peacemaking amid the empire. This paper suggests that the concept of peacemaking is essential to decolonizing theology, particularly the theology of sallim (life-giving). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Richard Jefferies's After London (1885), often praised as a pioneering work of speculative fiction, has not been sufficiently understood within the context of late-Victorian imperial expansion. While After London is frequently read in tandem with Jefferies's nature essays and speculative fiction like H. G. Wells's The Time Machine (1895), I locate the novel within the generic conventions of lost world fiction, a subgenre of the imperial romance associated with masculine adventure tales. Analysing After London's parallels with, and potential influences on, H. Rider Haggard's King Solomon's Mines (1885), published later that same year, I argue that Jefferies's unflattering portrayal of English 'Bushmen', coupled with the geography of Wild England, gesture emphatically to South Africa. In turn, the motif of a 'relapse into barbarism' serves to rationalise the fantasies of terra nullius ['nobody's land'] and extractive treasure hunting that Felix Aquila, the quixotic hero, enacts. By connecting After London to Haggard's highly influential fiction and drawing on Jefferies's writings about British colonialism in South Africa and the conventions of travel literature, cartography, and ethnography, this paper provides a more complete understanding of Jefferies's contributions to the canon of lost world fiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper contextualises and decontextualises the meaning of criminalisation. Pondering 25 years of the Erik Castrén Institute and the International Criminal Court, this paper provides not only a critical lens through which we must necessarily view the celebrations that accompany criminalisation at the ICC today for the genocide in Gaza, but also a trepidation with which we must view the past that afforded the foundations upon which institutions like the ICC and World Bank enjoy legitimacy. The larger picture, of convicts building empire, criminalisation being instrumentalised to cannibalise non-western sovereignty, and non-western sovereigns subjugating their own populations to fulfil their capitalist agendas could be viewed as coming full circle. Or else, they are all perhaps stories that form a part of the same totality, in which resistance to the order and a complicity in its creation end up being subsumed to serve the accumulation of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generally, several factors around the corporate world influence different nations technologically, socially, economically, and politically. Specifically, this paper focuses on the African continent's politics concerning corporate corruption, corporate governance, and ethical leadership. This study aims to critically reflect on and evaluate the significance of curbing and combating corruption, promoting governance and ethics in Africa, and furthering and practising those principles. It employed a case study research design with a random sampling approach. Secondary data was analysed using content analysis, incorporating a critical assessment of relevant in-depth literature reviews to attain the study objective. The study results revealed that: Unethical leaders succumb to corruption, causing Africa's corruption to spiral out of control. Ethical leaders, on the other hand, resist corruption; African leaders and authorities should take steps to fight corruption through ethics and governance; African corporations have become increasingly corrupt; corporate governance and ethical leadership have declined in Africa; African politicians have uncurbed power to advance their private gains, and finally, African leaders need to change their mindsets and cultures to achieve economic growth. This study emphasises and reiterates the importance of dealing effectively with corporate corruption and advancing governance and ethics to benefit the African population and the continent. It further provides a broad and deeper understanding of corruption, ethics, and governance. The conceptual, strategic model provided by this study may be selected and used by African leaders, authorities, boards of directors, shareholders, and Chief Executive Officers (CEOs), as a tool to address corruption in African organisations and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One key achievement of European colonialism is the attempt to introduce the institutions of Westphalia-model state to Africa. However, deprived of the imperative necessities for the development of a sound national spirit required for nations which have only recently come to self-consciousness, the modern state structure is not serviceable in Africa. Despite all that has been written about it, the failings of state-building in Africa remain widely misunderstood. Some, in particular the governments in the African state and their apologists, attribute it almost exclusively to external debacles. Others attribute it, almost entirely, to developmental policy failure. The paper argues, from the emblematic cases, that it is the product of an explosive mix of the two. The paper concludes that the unprogressive nature of the African state mirrors, among others, citizens’ selective inaction but now, to move the continent forward, the African peoples must take proper ownership of their societies to forge responsive nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the graphic choices in two sixteenth-century Nahua pictorials concerning the property distribution of don Miguel Damián after his death: Mexicain 34 and Ayer 1900. The uniqueness of these complementary documents has been unrecognized until now and helps us see the Central Mexican colonial testamentary tradition in a new light. The work on these documents so far has primarily focused on understanding their relationship to the Spanish will. But thinking about them also in relation to Aztec and colonial Nahua accounting documents can help us explain why testaments were so quickly and widely adopted by colonial Nahuas. The paper also shows how a careful visual analysis of these documents offers us a peek into the interstitial spaces generated by the conquest, spaces in which modes of recording, family structures, and expressive choices capture lived experiences in the process of radical cultural change between a Prehispanic past and a colonial reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demystify the antagonistic relationship between modernity and tradition as construed by Ashis Nandy. As a prominent voice in postcolonial scholarship, Nandy saw modernity as a colonial conception of rights, self, and society. Nandy's critique of modernity laid the grounds for several projects that rejected the modern consensus for its colonial origins. Juxtaposing Nandy's reiteration of early anti-modern nationalist thought with a multi-dimensional reading of colonial modernity in contemporary Ambedkarite scholarship, this paper explores the ambivalences of negotiating modern liberalism in a postcolonial order of hierarchical group identities. Despite the close imbrication of modernity with the imperial centre, Ambedkarite scholarship demonstrated how B.R. Ambedkar, synthesized a middle ground, where he incorporated the promise of modernity to liberate the 'individual' without dismissing the 'communal' collective self, construed by traditions. While postcolonial scholarship is heterogeneous, following Nandy, huge postcolonial melancholia has conflated modernity with coloniality. How do we rethink postcolonial theory from its current culturalist posturing to (re)claim the emancipatory potential of both modernity and tradition? Could it be that Nandy's anxiety and discomfort with modernity fail to 'contemporise theory'? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects historically and contemporaneously on the relationship between 'International Education and Development' actors and foreign intervention in our colonial past and present, with a particular focus on Education in Emergencies (EiE), a sub-field of research and practice within 'International Education and Development'. Theoretically, this work is underpinned by a critical application of the 'implicated subject', Rothberg's (2019) conceptual addition to the study of violence and injustice which seeks to go beyond binaries of 'victim and perpetrator' and recognise the way many others are 'implicated' in systems of violence and injustice. In the first section we explore this framing for researchers and practitioners in the field of EiE and the complex ways that researchers and practitioners might be understood as 'implicated subjects'. In the second part we explore two dimensions of EiE actors as 'implicated subjects': Diachronic and Synchronic. In the diachronic dimension we highlight the way the colonial past hangs heavy in the present and in the synchronic dimension we explore the case of Afghanistan, and the links between military, development and education strategy. In the conclusion we reflect on their implication for improved ethical practices in EiE and in the broader field of International Education and Development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, and as a team of researchers/practitioners spanning the globe, we reflect on the historical and ongoing legacies of (neo)colonialism and imperialism in education in emergencies (EiE) research and practice using collaborative auto-ethnography. Specifically, we explore how we've experienced hierarchies of power, positionality and privilege, and how we've benefited and/or been victims of this in the past. We then move to explore how we are striving to realise authentic and meaningful co-production in ACCESS (Accelerating Change for Childrens' and Youths' Education for Systems Strengthening), a 44-month research-practice partnership that aims to improve education provision for out-of-school children and youth. We identify both opportunities and challenges to doing this and highlight how decolonising EiE research/practice is an ongoing process rather than finite, singular actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grounded in, and in dialogue with, Djaimilia Pereira de Almeida's Luanda, Lisboa, Paraíso of 2018, this paper interrogates a particular time and place of coloniality and racial capital's reproduction of Black fungibility in late twentieth-century Portugal, after formal decolonization in Africa and in the wake of Black migratory waves from the post/neo-colony (Angola in this case) to the former metropolis. Almeida's novel provides a literary intervention in grappling with the economic and institutional reinvention of anti-Blackness in Europe after settler colonialism, while also imagining and inscribing modes of Black being within and beyond the materialities of white supremacy. Towards this end and against the racial, gendered, and ableist logics of capital, the Black body in Almeida's novel becomes a site through which the relationships between humans and matter as well as mind and body are decolonially revised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geoffrey Nyarota, a Zimbabwean journalist of note, is renowned for his investigative journalistic skills and numerous conflicts with political authorities. He is probably the most hired and fired newspaper editor in post independence Zimbabwe. In this paper, I put forward the argument that in his memoir, Nyarota uses historical recurrence as a motif and narrative strategy to recreate a personal life story that is fraught with events that keep repeating themselves in his life. By tracing his life story from the colonial period to post independence Zimbabwe, and the near tragic events that continually trouble his life, Nyarota reconstructs a life narrative that is haunted by the curse of historical recurrence in a way that makes a personal curse become the curse of the nation of Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks to the historical imbrication of racial and caste supremacy with citizenship, drawing attention to the inherent coloniality of citizenship in post-imperial Canada and India. We examine the transition from explicit to insidious, unofficial forms of institutionalized racial/caste supremacy. Explicit forms of supremacy have established and normalized forms of hierarchy that ascribe tiers of citizenship, even after legal guarantees of supremacy have been removed. We seek to examine the coloniality of modern citizenship to (a) better historicize the ongoing colonial violence of citizenship within post-imperial places and (b) penetrate the shield of fragility to help citizens come to terms with their unearned privileges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that settler colonialism structures Indigenous rights in Brazil and shows how Indigenous peoples have also engaged Indigenous rights to interrupt settler colonialism. To this end, it turns to the 20th century (re-)emergence of officially extinct Indigenous peoples in Brazil's Northeast Region and the central role of the toré ritual in this process. While the toré reversed the settler colonial logic of Indigenous elimination and dispossession, the Indigenous (re-)emergences also operated within the possibilities of settler policy. Lingering in the tense gap between citizenship's limits and possibilities under settler colonialism, the article argues that the toré, by mobilizing bodies, land, culture, and memory, underscores the performative aspect of citizenship and the role of embodied practices in decolonization. Stressing the imbrication of the performative, the material, and the political, the paper offers a Brazilian perspective on debates on Indigenous refusal and the politics of recognition, challenging their simplistic dichotomization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]