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The paper analyses on the basis of new fielddata the transformations of kinship terminologies in three Even dialects which have come about through cultural and linguistic contacts. We investigate two possible sources of change. First, the adaptation of kinship terminology to the ways of subsistence, such that, e.g., hunting and gathering cultures preferably use one, while herding cultures prefer other types of kinship systems, with the corollary that shifts in subsistence type can lead to shifts in the kinship terminology. Second, linguistic and cultural convergence, whereby in multilingual groups either one group adapts its terminology to the system of the dominant group or, in the situation of symmetrical multilingualism, both groups change their kinship systems to accommodate to each other. We argue that both causes, the cultural and the linguistic ones, are at work in the Even communities investigated in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research challenges the belief that indigenous hunter-gatherers in western Europe gradually adopted agriculture. Instead, evidence suggests that the earliest farmers in Europe were immigrants from Asia Minor who brought a fully functioning agricultural economy. A study in Atlantic France reveals that hunter-gatherers and farmers lived separately, with no signs of adoption or intermarriage. This research questions the assumption that hunter-gatherer societies naturally progress towards agriculture and provides insights into the social organization and settlement patterns of forager societies in coastal Europe. The given text also references a book and an article that discuss the distribution of prehistoric Aboriginal burial grounds in southeastern Australia, making it a valuable resource for research on this topic. [Extracted from the article]

Sea-level rise was a key factor changing environments during the Early Holocene in Northwest Europe. It affected Mesolithic hunter-gatherer communities by inundating large areas in the current North Sea, commonly referred to as Doggerland. In this paper we present novel inundation models for the southern North Sea providing visualisations of lateral inundation driven by sea-level rise and relate it to frequency analysis of radiocarbon dates from archaeological sites. These improve on previous studies that relied on bathymetric data, which includes post-inundation overprints of Holocene sedimentation and erosion, and thus significantly underestimates the timing of inundation in some areas. We constructed a paleoDEM (a composite elevation grid of the top of the Pleistocene) for the eastern part of the southern North Sea; and sea level surfaces that combine relative sea-level curves from glacio-isostatic adjustment models optimised for Britain and southern Scandinavia respectively. We corrected our paleoDEMs for tectonic background basin subsidence, and in the inundation modelling account for pre-compaction elevation of peat in coastal areas. We evaluated the impact of these model components on our results and describe the possible inundation history of Doggerland. We suggest earlier inundation than predicted by previous models, showing significant area loss around 10.5–10 ka cal BP. Palaeogeographic changes are compared with archaeological radiocarbon data using a dates-as-data approach. Composite Kernel Density Estimate and permutation tested Summed Probability Distributions are used as a proxy for the visibility, nature and intensity of human activity. Results indicate key periods of growth and decline recorded in the dataset, as well as regional differences in growth rate, some correlating with inundation phases. Chiefly, we find elevated growth rates around 10.5–10 ka in northwest Germany and the Netherlands, contemporaneous with the abovementioned phase of extensive area loss, and moreover, with changes in culture and practices on Early Mesolithic sites. However, the spatiotemporal distribution of archaeological data is significantly influenced by accessibility and preservation of sediments of a certain age. We discuss the importance of inundation modelling and sediment data in understanding how landscape taphonomy affects archaeological patterning, especially in dates-as-data approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper presents the results of the analysis of plant macroremains (except wood), primarily seeds and fruits, from Cabo San Pablo 2017 (CSP2017), an archaeological site close to the Atlantic coast of Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego. CSP2017 has a great diversity of archaeological materials, including faunal, lithic, carpological, and anthracological remains. The data are especially relevant due to the scarcity of information regarding plant use at coastal sites in the region. At CSP2017 eleven taxa were identified. The results obtained provide data on plant use at the site and, at the same time, enable discussion of the management and use of these types of resources on Isla Grande. By placing these results in context with previously studied coastal and hinterland sites, research at CSP2017 contributes to a better understanding of plant use by hunter-gatherers of the southernmost part of South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Neolithic (i.e., farming and stockbreeding) spread from the Near East across Europe since about 9000 years before the common era (BCE) until about 4000 yr BCE. It followed two main routes, namely a sea route along the northern Mediterranean coast and an inland one across the Balkans and central Europe. It is known that the dispersive behavior of farmers depended on geography, with longer movements along the Mediterranean coast than along the inland route. In sharp contrast, here we show that for both routes the percentage of farmers who interbred with hunter-gatherers and/or acculturated one of them was strikingly the same (about 3.6%). Therefore, whereas the dispersive behavior depended on the proximity to the Mediterranean sea, the interaction behavior (incorporation of hunter-gatherers) did not depend on geographical constraints but only on the transition in the subsistence economy (from hunting and gathering to farming) and its associated way of life. These conclusions are reached by analyzing the clines of haplogroup K, which was virtually absent in hunter-gatherers and the most frequent mitochondrial haplogroup in early farmers. Similarly, the most frequent Y-chromosome Neolithic haplogroup (G2a) displays an inland cline that agrees with the percentage of interbreeding reported above. The Neolithic transition spread across Europe via a coastal, southern route and an inland, central route. Here, the authors use haplogroup clines and space-time simulations to show that interbreeding between farmers and hunter-gatherers was the same along both routes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: Human–animal relations during Prehistory are an increasingly discussed issue among scholars. Cervids are a symbolically prominent species among hunter–gatherers but are also of relevance to pastoralists. We present a synthesis of available data regarding human–deer relations in Portuguese Late Prehistory. This is achieved by examining deer abundance in subsistence, together with their inclusion in social practices such as food-sharing and their involvement in structured depositions in both funerary and non-funerary contexts. Additionally, the study investigates the utilization of deer remains for the creation of artifacts and their depiction in pottery decoration, figures, and rock art. The dynamics of deer prevalence in subsistence have varied diachronically and synchronically in the periods and areas under study. Although the reasons and meanings for this behavior continue to be discussed, their sociocultural and ideological relevance seems to have persisted in early agropastoral and metallurgical societies, even as they undergo change. Human–animal relations have been a fruitful research topic worldwide. The importance of deer in hunter–gatherer societies is undeniable, with cervids being commonly found in archaeological and past artistic records, with a notable amount of information recovered in the Iberian Peninsula. This relevance continues during Late Prehistory, but the attempt to discuss cervids under broader perspectives and based on different types of data is not as common. We intend to approach human–deer relations in Central and Southern Portuguese Late Prehistory by considering the zooarchaeological records, both deer abundance in faunal spectra and their presence in "meaningful" assemblages and structured depositions, as well as the use of deer and deer body parts in other socio–cultural and ideological practices. The synthesis of available data shows that human–deer relations changed through time and space, with different abundances related to hunting depending on chronology and geography. The use of deer or their body parts as a resource of symbolic nature also varied, being included in food-sharing events, offerings, structured depositions, and graphic representations. Changeability is part of the different relationships, ontologies, and cosmogonies that humans and deer developed in the Late Prehistoric relational world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Elite and non-elite members of a complex hunter-gatherer society were found to have eaten nearly identical diets. • Similarity in elite and non-elite diets was consistent over a period of major sociopolitical change. • Male and female diets were significantly different at an inland site but not on the coast, possibility indicating a higher degree of male mobility. • Elites likely chose non-subsistence venues for status signaling, such as ownership of canoes and trade in prestige goods. How different were the lives of elites and commoners in early complex societies? This paper examines this question using data from three fisher-hunter-gatherer sites in southern California. Using shell bead counts from burials as proxies for social status and previously published human stable isotope values as indicators of dietary practices, we examine the relationship between diet and status across a period of major sociopolitical change. Our results found no significant relationships between the quantity of beads and stable isotope values, indicating that differential access to foods was not a significant way in which status was manifested in these communities. Instead, we suggest that activities including ownership of sea-going canoes, access to imported goods, and the provisioning of community feasts were likely venues for elite status signaling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the Neolithic transition, human lifestyle shifted from hunting and gathering to farming. This change altered subsistence patterns, cultural expression, and population structures as shown by the archaeological/zooarchaeological record, as well as by stable isotope and ancient DNA data. Here, we used metagenomic data to analyse if the transitions also impacted the microbiome composition in 25 Mesolithic and Neolithic hunter-gatherers and 13 Neolithic farmers from several Scandinavian Stone Age cultural contexts. Salmonella enterica, a bacterium that may have been the cause of death for the infected individuals, was found in two Neolithic samples from Battle Axe culture contexts. Several species of the bacterial genus Yersinia were found in Neolithic individuals from Funnel Beaker culture contexts as well as from later Neolithic context. Transmission of e.g. Y. enterocolitica may have been facilitated by the denser populations in agricultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early Holocene, western and central Europe was inhabited by a genetically distinct group ofWestern Hunter-Gatherers (WHGs). This group was eventually replaced and assimilated by the incoming Neolithic farmers. The western Atlantic façade was home to some of the last Mesolithic sites of mainland Europe, represented by the iconic open-air sites at Hoedic and Téviec in southern Brittany, France. These sites are known for the unusually well-preserved and rich burials. Genomic studies of Mesolithic European hunter-gatherers have been limited to single or a few individuals per site and our understanding of the social dynamics of the last Mesolithic hunter-gatherers of Europe and their interactions with incoming farmers is limited. We sequenced and analyzed the complete genomes of 10 individuals from the Late Mesolithic sites of Hoedic, Téviec, and Champigny, in France, four of which sequenced to between 23- and 8-times genome coverage. The analysis of genomic, chronological and dietary data revealed that the Late Mesolithic populations in Brittany maintained distinct social units within a network of exchanging mates. This resulted in low intra-group biological relatedness that prevented consanguineous mating, despite the small population size of the Late Mesolithic groups. We found no genetic ancestry from Neolithic farmers in the analyzed hunter-gatherers, even though some of them may have coexisted with the first farming groups in neighboring regions. Hence, contrary to previous conclusions based on stable isotope data from the same sites, the Late Mesolithic forager community was limited in mate-exchange to neighboring hunter-gatherer groups, to the exclusion of Neolithic farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a corrigendum for an article titled "Human gut microbiome across different lifestyles: from hunter-gatherers to urban populations." The corrigendum addresses errors in the affiliations of one of the authors and in the funding and acknowledgment statements. The errors have been corrected, and the authors state that they do not affect the scientific conclusions of the article. The corrigendum also includes a note from the publisher stating that the views expressed in the article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the publisher or affiliated organizations. [Extracted from the article]