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Language is a systematic means of communication that employs sound or conventional symbols. Using a foreign language can be problematic when attempting to communicate or translate written or spoken language from one's native language due to structural differences between languages. Among the most widely spoken languages in the world, English is understood by approximately half of the global population. However, it is neither an official nor a second language in our country. Nonetheless, due to its significance, it is often taught as a foreign language at schools, institutes, and universities. As previously mentioned, Pashto, our language, shares structural similarities and differences with English, which can challenge learners. To address these difficulties in learning English, this paper presents a contrastive analysis of English and Pashto adjectives, examining their similarities and differences. The study employs a descriptive and contrastive methodology.

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare.

Implicit prejudice can be simply understood as any negative feelings or beliefs people hold towards a particular outgroup without being aware of it. One such form is microaggression, which can be defined as everyday verbal or nonverbal subtle, unconscious putdowns, slights, or negative remarks towards members of an outgroup. One of the most common and harmful forms is gender-based microaggression. Gender microaggression is defined as subtle, unconscious, everyday putdowns, slights, remarks, or insults, whether intentional or unintentional, directed at a particular gender, notably women. Despite a plethora of literature and research on gender microaggression, the focus has predominantly been on understanding microaggressions faced by women in various domains, largely neglecting the experiences of men as victims of microaggression. One such overlooked experience is that of Afghan male students studying in universities in Delhi. Each year, thousands of students from Afghanistan travel to Delhi to pursue higher education, often unaware of the prejudices they may encounter due to associations with terms like 'terrorism' or 'terrorist.' Therefore, this paper aims to understand and study the microaggression faced by Afghan male students by employing the Gender Implicit Association Test on a sample of 103 Indian students studying in universities in Delhi, selected using a snowball sampling technique. This study adapts and modifies the Weapon-based Implicit Association Test. The goal is to uncover the implicit biases of Indian students towards Afghan male students by examining the association (reaction time) between images of weapons and harmless objects, in conjunction with adjectives related to Afghan males and Afghan females. In other words, words or images that are congruent in our minds should result in shorter reaction times and fewer errors compared to words and images that are incongruent. The results indicate that Indian students were quicker in associating weapon images with Afghan male adjectives (D = -0.64) compared to Afghan female adjectives (D = 0.89).

This paper reflects historically and contemporaneously on the relationship between 'International Education and Development' actors and foreign intervention in our colonial past and present, with a particular focus on Education in Emergencies (EiE), a sub-field of research and practice within 'International Education and Development'. Theoretically, this work is underpinned by a critical application of the 'implicated subject', Rothberg's (2019) conceptual addition to the study of violence and injustice which seeks to go beyond binaries of 'victim and perpetrator' and recognise the way many others are 'implicated' in systems of violence and injustice. In the first section we explore this framing for researchers and practitioners in the field of EiE and the complex ways that researchers and practitioners might be understood as 'implicated subjects'. In the second part we explore two dimensions of EiE actors as 'implicated subjects': Diachronic and Synchronic. In the diachronic dimension we highlight the way the colonial past hangs heavy in the present and in the synchronic dimension we explore the case of Afghanistan, and the links between military, development and education strategy. In the conclusion we reflect on their implication for improved ethical practices in EiE and in the broader field of International Education and Development.

Corruption remains a persistent feature in most transitional and fragile countries, raising questions around the processes and outcomes of international development and economic reforms. In the case of Afghanistan, conventional wisdom tends to blame domestic factors, including corruption, in the collapse of the internationally-backed Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, while largely neglecting the co-constitutive nexus between economic reconstruction, criminality, and political authority. Combining the political marketplace framework with a network analysis, this paper traces how a corrupt network formed around the Kabul Bank, grew and metastasised by leveraging neo-liberal and technocratic economic reform policies, and thus, gravely undermined the country's governance and stability. By doing so, it argues that international reconstruction practices and resources reconfigured power in Afghanistan, and helped create a governance system governed by the logic of a criminalised political marketplace. The paper also demonstrates the utility of a political marketplace lens in explaining evolving political dynamics, with a network analysis to generate deeper insights into the complex interactions between the local and global dynamics that produce criminality, corruption, and state capture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and Afghanistan share deep commonalties-social, cultural, religious, and political; which increases interdependency. This study deeply investigates the security implications for Pakistan since the Taliban regime 2.0. Afghan Taliban have strong connections with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), such deep-rooted ties between the TTP and Afghan Taliban; thus, directly impacting bilateral ties. Regional Security Complex theory and Constructivism has been applied to explain the whole situation. Pakistan's security and stability greatly depend on Afghanistan's internal political and security environments. The Neo-Taliban takeover of Afghanistan poses several challenges to Pakistan. In the aftermath of August 2021, Pakistan has witnessed a rise in militancy. Various articles, research papers, and books regarding the mentioned issue have been reviewed to explain it. In order to counter said challenges, this paper highlights various ways forward for Pakistan such as pragmatic and proactive foreign policy, regional cooperation comprehensive joint plan of action with the Afghan official [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid collapse of the Afghan state did not come as a surprise to those who are well-versed in the chequered history of the Law and Development Movement. While the Movement's one-size-fits-all modernization project has been largely rejected, such misguided efforts continue under the aims of "building the Rule of Law" or "improving governance." The fallout from the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan is a stark reminder for states and multilateral organizations not to overlook the lessons of the Movement that may have been obscured by the different banners under which state- and market-building efforts have been pursued. From the Movement's sincere yet naïve efforts of state-building between the 1950s and 70s, to its swing to build and support markets under the Washington Consensus paradigm in the 80s and 90s, and a later emphasis on good governance through state institutions from the 2000s onwards, it is clear that top-down state-building efforts have had limited success. The paper argues that the failure of the Afghanistan mission may have been avoided if the U.S. had turned to the lessons learned from the law-and-institutions-building enterprises of the past 70 years. Instead, the failure to heed these lessons led to the building of a state akin to a house of cards. By overlooking the importance of embedded cultural institutions, the legitimacy of the state as perceived by its people, and the dynamic interaction between formal and informal institutions, the state-building project in Afghanistan was bound to fail. Following the takeover by the Taliban, the small gains made in Afghanistan over the past two decades on the issues of hunger, poverty, health, and education have seen rapid deceleration and require urgent attention. The critiques outlined in this paper, informed by the experience of the Law and Development Movement, are meant to inform, not discourage, global engagement in advancing the human development agenda in Afghanistan and other fragile contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan banned all beauty parlors, stating cultural reasons that the existence of such parlors violates the tenets of Islam. They also cited another reason for shutting down beauty parlors: that it puts an unnecessary financial burden on a groom's family during marriages. The paper analyzes the policy decision by the Taliban government in light of the public-private divide, theories of Islamic feminism, and feminist understanding of the beauty industry. The author argues that sole application of either a feminist critique of the public-private divide or a feminist critique of beauty ideals fails to provide a holistic and a cogent solution to the problem faced by women in beauty industries all over the world, especially in Taliban-led Afghanistan. The paper also analyzes the ways in which Islamic feminism can better capture such inconsistencies and thereby provide an inclusive solution to the pertaining issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a global threat to the environment and human health. Two of the main greenhouse gases that cause the greenhouse effect and raise global temperatures are carbon dioxide and nitrogen oxides. In this review paper, we investigated the effects of carbon dioxide and nitrogen oxides on climate change and the effects of climate change on Afghanistan. We found that high concentrations of carbon dioxide, which is now CO2 levels, have increased by 50% than before the Industrial Revolution, contributing to a rise in global temperature and precipitation. At the same time, Nitrous oxide is an important greenhouse gas, with 310-fold higher potential for global warming than CO2 and leads to the depletion of stratospheric Ozone and other Nitrogen oxides, has a significant impact on plant health, including effects on chlorophyll levels, oxidative stress, and antioxidant responses. Afghanistan's climate change is predicted to increase the country's prevalence of illnesses linked to dust storms and poor air quality, especially in Kabul, the nation's capital. In addition, air pollution in Kabul is also likely to increase as a result of climate change. The alarming impacts of air pollution, with more than 3,000 deaths attributed to air pollution annually. Additionally, at least 700,000 individuals in Kabul have experienced various respiratory diseases. Due to climate change, Afghanistan's total glacier area has shrunk by 13.8%. In 2023, Afghanistan experienced early snow melt and below-average precipitation, causing second-season and irrigated crops to have less access to water. Reducing emissions and coping with the changing climate are essential steps towards tackling the complex issues these gases present and their wider effects on the environment and human health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan has significantly exacerbated educational challenges for marginalized women and girls, deepening gender disparities and impeding socio-economic development. Addressing these issues, this article introduces the Blockchain and Artificial Intelligence Non-Formal Education System (BANFES), an innovative educational solution specifically designed for Afghan girls deprived of formal schooling. BANFES leverages advanced artificial intelligence technologies, including personalized data analysis, to provide customized learning experiences. Additionally, blockchain technology ensures secure record management and data integrity, facilitating a decentralized educational ecosystem where various nodes offer hybrid learning methodologies without intermediaries. This system not only adapts to individual learning speeds and styles to enhance engagement and outcomes but also employs an independent assessment mechanism to evaluate learners. Such evaluations promote transparency and maintain the quality and reputation of educational contributions within the network. The BANFES initiative also addresses implementation challenges, including local distrust and integration with existing educational structures, providing a robust model to overcome barriers to education. Furthermore, the paper explores the scalability of BANFES, proposing its application as a global strategy for non-formal education systems facing similar geopolitical and infrastructural challenges. By creating a secure, flexible, and learner-focused environment, BANFES aims to empower Afghan women and girls with essential skills for personal and professional growth, thus fostering socioeconomic advancement within their communities and setting a new standard for informal education worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study undertaken analyzes three novels named as Earth and Ashes, A Thousand Rooms of Dream and Fear, and The Patience Stone, written by Atiq Rahimi. These novels tell the stories of families affected by the 1979 war. There is no direct reference to war and violence however, war keeps popping up in the textured background during the narration of the normal experiences of characters in the novels. These novels are enriched with the metaphors embedded in texts that complement the voice which is absent and yet it makes its presence felt throughout the text. The objective of the paper is to bring forth the role of metaphors in war literature. It concludes that metaphors are significant as on the one hand, they create a site for memory for both the part of reader and writer, yet on the other hand, they evoke pathos which invites the reader to mourn the loss of the war-torn community. This study is qualitative in nature and is conducted through the close textual analysis of all the mentioned texts under the lens of theories related to metaphors, war, memory and mourning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the challenges and responses to regional connectivity between Pakistan and Central Asia. The historical and geographical proximity of Pakistan and Central Asia highlights the importance of reviving the old Silk Route. Pakistan is often called the gateway to the Central Asian states due to its geostrategic location; its significance has further increased with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which holds a pivotal role in the region. However, regional connectivity faces numerous challenges. These include political, geographical, economic and infrastructural problems. Geopolitical factors, such as the involvement of external powers and competition for energy supplies, further complicate the situation. The paper in this regard discusses Pakistan's specific infrastructural and domestic challenges and the roles of regional and global states including neighboring Afghanistan, Iran, India, the major global players such as USA, Russia, China, and the European Union, and Turkiyey,in shaping the connectivity landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to explore how Afghanistan is represented in two mainstream Bollywood films from the pre-9/11 period using Orientalism as a theoretical framework. While much literature exists on Afghanistan being Orientalized in Hollywood films, Bollywood representations of Afghanistan have not been studied from similar critical lenses. With the recent takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban after a twenty-year-long war, it is more urgent than ever today to examine Bollywood representations of Afghanistan given the crucial importance of India as a key geopolitical entity in the region. The paper shall study two films from the pre-9/11 period in order to understand if Bollywood has Orientalized the region like mainstream Hollywood films. Bollywood films well known for taking their influences from Hollywood productions, make it likely to be the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though much research has been conducted on the potential well-being effects of deployment on armed forces members, a significant gap seems to exist in the literature when it comes to its effect on conflict-zone interpreters. Drawing on the experiences of six former Afghan-Canadian Language and Cultural Advisors (LCAs), this paper aims to contribute to expanding the nascent literature on conflict-zone interpreters by exploring how former LCAs perceive their experiences before, during, and after their deployment and the resulting impacts on their well-being. Interested in an in-depth exploration of the experiences of former LCAs, this study employed an interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) approach. Through the analysis, four superordinate themes emerged in participants' narratives including: (1) the right opportunity, referring to the reasons for becoming an LCA; (2) overcoming challenges, when it comes to the work itself; (3) deserving better, relating to the experience returning to post-service life; and (4) moving forward, speaking to the current reality of participants. The results reveal key insights into the unique experiences and support needs of former Afghan-Canadian LCAs included in the study, offering an in-depth account of their experience before, during and after their service. The findings also offer important considerations regarding the support available not just to interpreters but to all contractors deployed in conflict-zones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stand-alone price analysis of illicit opium and coca does not explain why smallholders turn to illicit crops for coping and survival. Under conditions of precarity, illicit crop markets can stimulate productivity. They generate returns that can tame crises and relieve pressures. To smallholders facing marginalisation, violence, and climate change – growing opium and coca, despite their illegality, can reduce or spread risks and provide more predictability. Thus, rather than fix on the 'invisible hand' of price theory, the focus should be on the 'visible hand' of political entrepreneurship, interdependent relationships, and the metrics of precarity. To do this, this paper retrospectively compares illicit crop prices before and after certain historical moments in Bolivia, Myanmar, Colombia, and Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Severe acute malnutrition (SAM) remains a major global public health problem. SAM cases are treated using ready‐to‐use therapeutic food (RUTF) at a dosage of ∼200 kcal/kg/day per the standard treatment protocol (STD). Emerging evidence on simplifications to the standard protocol, which among other adaptations, includes reducing the daily RUTF dosage, indicates that it is effective and safe for treating children with SAM. In response to a foreseen stock shortage of RUTF, the government of Afghanistan endorsed the temporary use of a modified treatment protocol in which the daily RUTF dosage was prescribed at 1000 kcal/day (irrespective of body weight) until the child achieved moderate acute malnutrition status (weight‐for‐height z‐score ≥ −3 or mid‐upper arm circumference [MUAC] ≥ 115 mm), at which point 500 kcal/day was prescribed until cured (modified treatment protocol [MTP]). In this paper, we report the results of this nonweight‐based daily RUTF dosage experience. Data of 2042 children with SAM, treated using either the STD protocol (n = 269) or the MTP protocol (n = 1773) from August 2019 to March 2021 in five provinces, were analyzed. The per‐protocol analyses confirmed noninferiority of MTP protocol when compared to STD protocol for recovery rate [93.3% vs. 90.2%; ∆ (95% confidence interval, CI) = 3.1 (−0.9; 7.2) %] and length‐of‐stay [82.6 vs. 75.6 days; ∆ (95% CI) = 6.9 (3.3; 10.5) days], considering the margin of noninferiority of −10% and +14 days, respectively. Weight gain velocity was smaller in the MTP protocol group than in the STD protocol group [3.7 (1.7) vs. 5.2 (2.9) g/kg/day; ∆ (95% CI) = −1.5 (−1.8, −1.2); p < 0.001]. The STD group had a significantly higher mean than the MTP group for absolute MUAC gain [∆ (95% CI) = 1.7 (1.0; 2.3) mm; p < 0.001] and the MUAC velocity [∆ (95% CI) = 0.29 (0.20; 0.37) mm/week; p < 0.001]. Our results confirm the noninferiority of a nonweight‐based daily dosage and support the endorsement of this modification as an alternative to the standard protocol in resource‐constrained contexts. Key messages: More evidence supporting the use of the nonweight‐based daily ready‐to‐use therapeutic food (RUTF) dosage for treating uncomplicated severe acute malnutrition (SAM), in specific contexts, is needed.Our real‐world prospective nonrandomized study showed that the fixed nonweight‐based daily RUTF dosage protocol is as effective as the standard weight‐based protocol for treating uncomplicated SAM in children <5 in the Afghanistan context.Our findings support the reflection of a nonweight‐based daily RUTF dosage in resource‐constrained contexts in national and global policies and guidelines to improve coverage of all children in need of treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the critical hydropolitics literature by introducing the power–interests–identity nexus framework and addresses how it shapes decisions and (re)actions to transform or maintain water conflicts. The framework is investigated using the Helmand/Hirmand river basin, shared by Afghanistan and Iran. It elucidates which factors led to the transformation of Iran–Afghanistan water conflicts and the signing of the 1973 Treaty, as well as the influential factors that have contributed to its maintenance in the 2020s. The results demonstrate using the framework provides comprehensive insight by identifying the influential latent factors of transboundary water arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India's neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan took the world by surprise. This article investigates how this event was seen differently in varied contexts, such as neighboring Pakistan. Our research shows epistemological pluralism in Pakistan, i.e. how different groups use different ways of knowing (epistemology), being (ontology), and valuing (axiology) to explain and analyze Taliban 2.0. Conceptually, the paper draws on insights from the relationality theory to demonstrate the reasons behind such epistemological pluralism. The theory of relationality provides the grounds for epistemological pluralism, i.e. the mixed sentiments and feelings among respondents about the Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan. Our research reports the perspectives of nine selected civil society activists about Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The respondents were interviewed during the second quarter of the Taliban administering Afghanistan. Some called it the victory of Islam, the freedom of Afghans from foreign occupation, and the protection of the Pakistani border from Indian proxies. Others were worried about the risks of increased extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, including the rise of banned organizations like Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. This study intends to document the interviewee civil society activists' suggestions to the State of Pakistan for dealing with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the nuclear dominoes stop in Afghanistan? This paper is a logical analysis of this question. Nuclear dominoes are common in rival relations characterized by geographic proximity, ongoing military conflict, and mutual hostility. The U.S.– USSR–China–India–Pakistan cascade of nuclear weapons development is empirical evidence of this phenomenon. However, despite the development of nuclear weapons by its arch-enemy Pakistan, Afghanistan did not proliferate in response. This study identifies and validates the reasons why Afghanistan did not (or could not) develop nuclear weapons, categorized into threat, capability, and constraint factors. The most significant finding is that Afghanistan did not perceive Pakistan’s nukes as a threat in terms of intention. Of course, it is also possible to argue that Afghanistan lacked the capacity to bear the various costs of developing nuclear weapons and that structural constraints imposed by international nonproliferation commitments, great power coercion, and regional balance of power dynamics prevented it from doing so. However, the root cause was the symbiotic relationship between the Taliban regime and Pakistan, temporarily easing the enduring rivalry, resulting in a bias in threat perception. These findings are consistent with the constructivist view of the importance of “shared understanding” in threat perception and challenge the realist perception that nuclear dominoes are inevitable in rivalry relationships. They are also significant because they provide clues for peace and stability in East Asia, one of the regions most likely to experience nuclear dominoes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a multi-parameter ionospheric disturbance analysis of the total electron content (TEC), density (Ne), temperature (Te), and critical frequency foF2 variations preceding two significant earthquake events (2015 Mw 7.5 and 2023 Mw 6.3) that occurred in Afghanistan. The analysis from various ground stations and low-Earth-orbit satellite measurements involved employing the sliding interquartile method to process TEC data of Global Ionospheric Maps (GIMs), comparing revisit trajectories to identify anomalies in Ne and Te from Swarm satellites, applying machine learning-based envelope estimation for GPS-derived TEC measurements, utilizing the least square method for foF2 data and ionograms obtained from available base stations in the Global Ionosphere Radio Observatory (GIRO). After excluding potential influences caused by solar and geomagnetic activities, the following phenomena were revealed: (1) The GIM-TEC variations displayed positive anomalies one day before the 2015 Mw 7.5 earthquake, while significant positive anomalies occurred on the shock days (7, 11, and 15) of the 2023 Mw 6.3 earthquake; (2) the Swarm satellite observations (Ne and Te) for the two earthquakes followed almost the same appearance rates as GIM-TEC, and a negative correlation between the Ne and Te values was found, with clearer appearance at night; (3) there were prominent positive TEC anomalies 8 days and almost 3 h before the earthquakes at selected GPS stations, which were nearest to the earthquake preparation area. The anomalous variations in TEC height and plasma density were verified by analyzing the foF2, which confirmed the ionospheric perturbations. Unusual ionospheric disturbances indicate imminent pre-seismic events, which provides the potential opportunity to provide aid for earthquake prediction and natural hazard risk management in Afghanistan and nearby regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Afghanistan is facing one of the world's most serious humanitarian and environmental crises, with food insecurity, conflict, instability, and climate change. To analyze all these interrelated challenges we studied the impact of climate change on natural resources, food security and social stability in Afghanistan. The potential impacts of climate change on food security through agriculture, water resources, drought, energy, migration and conflict, and social health studied by assessing large number of peer reviewed papers and reports published. The finding shows that Afghanistan's average temperature has risen by 1.8 °C since 1950. Severe floods, droughts, and heatwaves raised in the country, which increased the risks of crop failure, livestock starvation, crop or animal disease, and pests. Based on the climate models, future precipitation will further decrease and temperature will increase, which would exacerbate the human and environmental crises further. Climate factors and natural resource degradation associated with political issues exacerbated food insecurity and social unrests in Afghanistan. Climate-related disaster events contributed to hunger and child malnutrition, and diarrheal disease is a main health risk for children. Afghanistan ranks 109th out of 121 countries in the Global Hunger Index, indicating a severe level of food insecurity. A large number of people lack access to food, both due to conflict and climate change. Migration and social health are also major impacts of climate change on Afghan society. Finding shows that climate change contributed displacement and economic losses in Afghanistan, drought in 2018–2019 caused over 400,000 people to be displaced in the most affected regions, resulting in millions of dollars in financial losses. Climate change, acted as a "threat multiplier" to all economic and social development and stability in Afghanistan. To prevent the devastating impacts of climate changes impacts, government of Afghanistan must take action context-specific solutions such as reduce the risk of social and political instability, attain food security, and avoid additional environmental and agricultural destruction, and must implement adaptation and mitigation measures. Unfortunately, Afghanistan's future is uncertain due to climate change threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nearly a century after Afghanistan gained independence in 1919, the question of autonomy and originality in the nation's 20th-century foreign policy remains a topic of contention within the country. Following its independence, Afghanistan found itself in a unique situation shaped by the influence of major global powers' competition. Over the past century, geopolitical shifts have significantly influenced both the internal and external circumstances of Afghanistan. This article seeks to address the query: How did regional geopolitical developments impact Afghanistan's foreign policy from the time of its independence to the events of September 11, 2001? This article is descriptive-analytical in which the relationship between the geopolitics of the region and Afghanistan's foreign policy is examined. The geopolitical situation of Afghanistan in the geopolitical theory of the world order of Saul Cohen has shaped the theoretical discussion of the author, Afghanistan as a quasiindependent state in the geopolitics of the region, not just in the post-Cold War period. The special feature of Afghanistan in the region has been prominent since the independence of this country until now. The findings of this paper show that the foreign policy of Afghanistan after independence in the phases of geopolitical stability and transformations in the security structure of the region is more towards a neutral and balanced strategy. The country has had relations with the great powers of every period and has always distanced itself from such a strategy. It is and the independent or what was once a semi-independent position in the regional geopolitics has evolved into a pivotal and crucial region with the accompanying strategy with great power, coup, revolution and even military occupation has also occurred in this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women face multiple socio-economic, cultural, contextual, and perceived barriers in health service utilization. Moreover, poor autonomy and financial constraints act as crucial factors to their healthcare accessibility. Therefore, the objective of the present study is to study the association between health care utilization barriers and women empowerment, including asset ownership among currently married women in Afghanistan. Data of 28,661 currently married women from Afghanistan demographic health survey (2015) was used to carry out this study. Barriers to access healthcare were computed based on problems related to permission, money, distance, and companionship, whereas women empowerment and asset ownership were computed as potential covariates along with other socio-economic risk factors. Bivariate and logistic analysis was carried out to study the association and odds of explanatory variables. Our results confirm the significant and strong association between the barriers to access healthcare and various explanatory variables. Women having any decision-making autonomy are less likely to face any odds [(AOR = 0.56, p < 0.001), CI: 0.51–0.61] among the currently married women than those who don't have any decision-making authority. Similarly, women who justify their beating for some specific reasons face the greater difficulty of accessing health care [(AOR = 1.76, p < 0.001), CI: 1.61–1.93]. In terms of asset ownership, women having any asset ownership (land or household) are less likely to face any barriers in health services utilization given the lower odds [(AOR = 0.91, p < 0.001), CI: 0.90–0.98]. Accessing maternal health is a crucial policy challenge in Afghanistan. A substantial proportion of women face barriers related to approval, money, distance, and companionship while accessing the health services utilization in Afghanistan. Similarly, women empowerment and asset ownership are significantly associated with health service accessibility. This paper therefore suggests for some policy interventions to strengthen the healthcare needs of women and ensure healthcare accessibility by scaling down these potential barriers like poor autonomy, asset ownership and domestic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even in intense combat scenarios, a significant proportion of a soldier's time is spent passing the time. Tim Hetherington was acutely aware of this contradiction; of the 240 pages of Infidel, his account of the time he spent in Combat Outpost Restrepo in the remote Afghan Korengal valley, only about one sixth show soldiers actually in combat. The remaining pages depict soldiers maintaining their base, passing the time playing cards, wrestling each other, and sleeping. This focus on the lacunary moments between skirmishes and contacts marks out the work as attuned to a more complex understanding of the nature of soldiering in front line situations. This paper situates Hetherington's work into a longer historical engagement with the depiction of soldiers 'killing time' between moments of combat, and in the context of how the homosocial nature of the proximity in which soldiers live and work contributes to their combat motivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 changed Afghanistan's strategic dynamics. The Afghan Taliban now control the whole Afghanistan and have taken some adverse measures that affect not only Pakistan but also regional and global security. After 2021, Transnational terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and East Turkestan Islamic Movement operate in Afghanistan with greater impunity and freedom. The Afghan Taliban also welcomed India to Afghanistan after 2021 to get financial assistance and support in reconstruction and development. But India’s renewed hybrid warfare from Afghanistan has seriously jeopardised the internal security of Pakistan. Pakistan-focused groups like TTP, BLA, and ISKP suddenly got reorganised under the umbrella of India in Afghanistan. They started a vicious cycle of violence against the civil and military installations of Pakistan in Balochistan and the ex-FATA region, besides attacks on the Chinese citizens to disrupt CPEC and slow down FDI to Pakistan. This article analyses the whole debate under the regional security complex theory, which evaluates that simple physical adjacency generates more security interaction among neighbours than among states located in different areas. Adjacency is potent for security because many threats travel more easily over short distances than long ones. The RSCT aptly applies to Afghanistan’s changing strategic dynamics and regional implications, focusing on Pakistan. Bibliography Entry Bukhari, Syed Munib Ali and Masood Ur Rehman Khattak. 2024. " Post 2021 Changing Strategic Dynamics in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 28 (1): 198-210.

Using a conflict model to analyse Majority-Minority relations (M-M), this paper focuses on the Hazara community in Afghanistan. Assuming M-M relations are power relations, the struggle for control among divergent ethnic groups has persisted. The Hazaras have historically resided in several provinces and experienced various forms of targeted violence. Millions have fled to other countries to escape persecution. This research diverges from dominant approaches that focus only on ethnicity and religion as the causes of violence against the Hazaras. Instead, the paper examines other factors that have been largely neglected by conflict studies literature. Based on historical data, the study finds that the Hazaras' geostrategic location in Afghanistan, their alliances with Pashtun tribes, and their struggle for autonomy have been the primary factors contributing to the targeted violence against them. Therefore, while ethnicity and religion may have made the Hazaras vulnerable to violence, they are not the main causes of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to discover the formation, functions, typology, and development process of the Gozar system in the Herat Old City in Afghanistan. Traditional local administrative units, or Gozar, consist of residential areas, facilities, and functions performed by their residents. The paper examines the physical characteristics of the Gozar as well as its social functions. The boundaries of Gozar were plotted, urban types classified, and a typology of Gozar, explained by age, was developed. Even though Gozar's physical situation has dramatically changed, the three main functions, political, social, and environmental, have mostly stayed the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the intricacies of crafting historical narratives within secondary school textbooks in Afghanistan throughout the past century. Employing critical discourse analysis, the study scrutinizes five compelling examples illuminating the complex interplay between historiography, political ideologies, and artistic subjectivity in shaping students' conception of national identity. The first case centers on the invention of fictional historical figures like Amir Kror that link Afghan lineage to powerful dynasties, but lack scholarly rigor and threaten social cohesion. Second, the analysis explores identity distortions woven into textbook images that portray figures like Genghis Khan with distinctly Afghan features, blurring historical accuracy. Third, it highlights methodological limitations and potential regional biases that cloud academic debates on the origins of dynasties like the Kartids. Fourth, the construction of demographic averages regarding ethnicity and religion without empirical basis raises concerns about perpetuating damaging stereotypes. Finally, the ubiquitous name "Afghanistan" itself reveals imbalanced emphases on particular eras, shaping modern conceptions of nationhood. Collectively, these five examples underscore the need for responsible scholarship and factual precision in history education to foster authentic engagement with Afghanistan's rich and diverse heritage. As the curriculum shapes students' notions of identity and selfhood, commitment to academic accountability and balanced historiography becomes essential to nurturing inclusive discourse and national cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) reshapes its position on Afghanistan in the post-US withdrawal scenario, witnessing Taliban re-entrance to the power corridors. By stopping all preferences immediately after the Taliban takeover in August 2021, the EU decided to continue only an operational engagement with the new Afghan administration which was necessary for logistical, operational, and humanitarian purposes. This research paper aims to investigate the EU's responses towards Afghanistan, particularly in terms of its strategic engagement with Kabul, which intends to limit humanitarian assistance and other necessary activities in the war-torn country. A situation analysis of the empirical process was employed as a research technique to investigate the EU's new stance over Afghanistan following the Taliban's reemergence in the country. The study nds that human rights violations, ineffective rules of law, lack of social justice, and security issues led to the lack of interest of the international community including the EU in enhancing trade and economic cooperation with the country. The paper argues that to reopen doors to the international community including the EU, the Taliban regime needs to full its international commitments concerning human rights and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty was already a main problem in Afghanistan even before, but it has exacerbated due to the pandemic. However, the actual impact of the pandemic on households had not been investigated. This study provides such analysis using data obtained from a strictly random survey of 1060 households in the capital of Balkh, the fourth most populated province in Afghanistan. Using headcount ratio and poverty gap measures and both income and expenditure approaches, the results show that an additional 12% of households fell below the poverty line, from an already high of 75% before the pandemic. The poverty gap index rises to 34%, but the computed Gini coefficient indicates no significant change in inequality. Poor governance and corruption in Afghanistan are major impediments to address the issue of poverty. This paper suggests several measures which can be implemented to have effective policies and governance to alleviate poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aims: The use and manufacture of methamphetamine has increased in Afghanistan in recent years. Recent research and reports have pointed to the ephedra plant, which grows wildly, as a key source of ephedrine used in the manufacture of methamphetamine. This paper aimed to estimate the relative efficiencies and scale of inputs required to manufacture methamphetamine in Afghanistan. Methods: Monte Carlo simulations model of the amount of ephedra or cold medications needed to render a pure kilogram of methamphetamine in Afghanistan, accounting for uncertainty in ranges of key parameters informed from the literature and elsewhere. Final estimates were extrapolated to recent seizure totals. Results: For dried ephedra, the median estimate is 196.8 kg (25th–75th percentiles 119.3–346.6 kg) needed to produce 1 kg of methamphetamine compared with 27.9 kg (25th–75th percentiles 21.9–36.8 kg) for cold medications. Nearly 2.7 t of methamphetamine were seized in Afghanistan in 2021. Assuming a purity range of 50%–90%, some 266–478 t of dried ephedra or 38–68 t of cold medication would need to have been processed. Conclusion: Simulated estimates show that considerable amounts of either ephedra or cold medication are needed to produce 1 kg of methamphetamine in Afghanistan. This raises questions about the plausibility of ephedra as the dominant source of Afghanistan's methamphetamine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the design feasibility and economic advantage of photovoltaic (PV)-diesel generator (DG)-battery, PV-wind-battery, and PV-biogas (BG)-battery hybrid systems. The objective of this study is to investigate the performance of the three hybrid renewable energy systems (HRES) for sustainable electricity supply in remote areas of Afghanistan. Hybrid optimization model for multiple energy resources (HOMER) software was utilized to perform modeling, optimization, economic, sensitivity, and multi-year analysis of the hybrid systems. The findings indicates that the PV-biomass-battery hybrid system with $175,938 net present cost (NPC) and $0.29/kWh cost of energy (COE) is the most appropriate approach than the PV-DG-battery, PV-wind-battery and diesel-only system. However, the COE in optimal HRES is higher than the COE supplied by Afghanistan's national grid to the household resident in large cities, but COE in the hybrid system is about 37% lower than the cost of energy in the study area and some provinces of Afghanistan. The multi-year analysis was performed on the PV-biogas-battery hybrid system with considering a 0.8% yearly degradation of PV panels and a 2% load increase annually. The results show about an 11.2% increase in NPC and a 6.2% decrease in COE compare to the system without multi-year consideration. Moreover, the outputs from HOMER were evaluated using the Simplex algorithm. The results indicate that there were no significant variations in the results from HOMER and Simplex algorithms. Therefore, this illustrates that the simulations were consistent. The study's findings are anticipated to be helpful to stakeholders, decision-makers, and investors to achieve the goals and increase the electricity access rate in remote areas of Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to unpack the affective factors in Afghanistan–Iran water conflict dynamics. It examines the role played by the feeling of relative deprivation (RD) (that is, riparian states’ subjective perception of their relative position) in conflicts over shared water resources. The model of RD-mediated hydropolitics is conceptualised through its application to Afghanistan-Iran water diplomacy by conducting process tracing and content analysis. The results reveal that Afghanistan’s domestic issues have led to a feeling of RD in its water sharing relations with Iran. Afghans’ feeling of RD has led to negative emotions and responses, which have in turn influenced decisions regarding their domestic use of transboundary waters and their withholding of water from downstream users. The RD feeling within Afghan society has a contributory role in hydro-infrastructural developments and the resultant desire on the part of government to meet societal expectations, notably within the Helmand/Hirmand River Basin. These responses aim to alleviate the RD feeling but have evoked social and political reactions as well as emotionally charged verbal disputes and water conflicts between riparian states. The research findings emphasise that RD feeling as a subjective and affective factor can subtly influence transboundary water behaviours, politics and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) commenced in October 2001, the U.S. Special Forces (SF) were the first U.S. military unit on the ground in Afghanistan, utilising their Unconventional Warfare (UW) capabilities. Despite their significant role at the initial stage of the military campaign, SF began to encounter numerous challenges from as early as 2002 and throughout OEF. Based on an analysis of forty-five master's theses authored by SF officers, this paper discusses the structural-organisational and cultural-conceptual challenges. These obstacles led to the marginalisation of SF's UW efforts. Scholarship on special operations forces (SOF) often regards the period of the so-called global war on terrorism (GWOT) as U.S. SOF's golden age focusing predominantly on the activities of SOF units linked to the U.S. Joint Special Operations Command rather than on SF. By examining the challenges faced by SF, this article aims to contribute to a more nuanced discussion of SOF efforts during GWOT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The withdrawal of US troops and the rapid takeover of Kabul by the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) in Afghanistan in 2021 shocked the world community. Even though the PRC actively opposes international terrorism, which the Taliban movement (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) is accused of supporting, it has become one of the few countries that have begun to cooperate with the new Afghan regime. In the light of these events, China’s view of the situation in Afghanistan is puzzling, in particular, we are interested in how these events are reported in Chinese press. In this paper, first, we trace the evolution of the PRC’s official position on Afghanistan, and then, using frame analysis, analyze the coverage of the events of 2021 in the PRC by focusing on three authoritative newspapers, Chinese language versions of “People’s Daily”, “Global Times”, and “The Paper”. Our study demonstrates that the Chinese press supports China’s foreign policy in general and its policy in Afghanistan in particular. Stability in Afghanistan and cooperation with the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) on issues of Uighur separatism are important for China’s national security. In the Chinese media, the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) are not presented as accomplices of terrorism, which China is fighting within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization but are described as representatives of the Afghan people who aim to restore the security and stability in the country. When discussing the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) takeover in the Chinese media, the focus is often not on the crimes of the new regime - repression, abuse of power, restriction of rights, but on shortcoming of the US policy. The latter reflects an important discursive practice in the Chinese media, “othering” the United States.

International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students' understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students' views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of the mineralogical, petrographic and chemical study of different archaeological samples related to terracruda sculptures and other elements that were part of the architectural decoration of the Buddhist sites of Tepe Narenj and Qol‐e‐tut (Kabul, Afghanistan; fifth to 11th centuries CE). The main objective of the study was to characterize the samples using an archaeometric approach. The study helped to better understand the materials involved in the modeling of Afghan sculptures and their processing, such as the different nature of the clay layers and the finishing 'stucco' coating. The results further indicate that similarities exist among the manufacturing process of the studied samples and that used today by an ancient caste of clay artists in West Bengal (India), suggesting the existence of a continuous technological tradition that deserves to be further explored in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the paper by B. Pardo and colleagues about the production of methamphetamine in Afghanistan. Topics discussed include the role of ephedra in the expansion of methamphetamine production in the country, the uncertainty of the Taliban's ban on drug production, and the possible increase in the manufacture of methamphetamine or other synthetic substances using synthetic precursors.

Central Asia (CA) faces an important stage of its development. Over 30 years have passed since the independence of the Central Asian states. The election of Shavkat Mirziyoyev as the President of Uzbekistan in 2016 became a focal point in the contemporary situation in the region and contributed to the intensification of Uzbekistan's foreign policy. The latter has demonstrated increasing cooperation with neighbouring countries, strengthening trade and economic relations, as well as seeking compromise solutions on the most pressing issues in Central Asia, including borders and water usage. Such position of Uzbekistan which keeps a special role in the region due to its strategic location, economic and demographic potential, rich history and culture has marked a trend towards the growth of regional cooperation in CA. Resorting to systematic and comparative methods of analysis, and to the regional security complex (RSC) theory of Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, we put forward the argument of the formation of a new independent RSC in Central Asia, for the last 30 years after the acquisition of sovereignty by the five regional countries. At the same time, by looking at Afghanistan through the lens of an 'insulator', we identify a country that has a significant impact on the security processes in the region and participates in the RSC of CA. The paper investigates how the Taliban return to power in Afghanistan could impact regional rapprochement in CA and its plans to enhance connectivity with South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]