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Sommaire. Le 6 juillet 1973, l'Assemblee nationale du Quebec adoptait le projet de loi 250, ou Code des professions, et les vingt et une lois particulieres qui allaient regir les trente-huit corporations professionnelles du Quebec. La mise en vigueur recente de chacune de ces lois constitue me etape importante de la re forme que connaissent actuellement les professions au Quebec. Le present texte traite de cette transformation d'ensemble. La premiere partie trace les points saillants de la nouvelle legislation, qui concernent principalement la definition du statut des corporations professionnelles, les criteres de constitution de nouvelles corporations, la necessite d'une adaptation constante des champs de pratique professionnelle aux besoins de l'heure et du milieu, la conciliation du mode de gestion des corporations et de leurs fonctions sociales, la jonction de la formation academique et de la formation pratique des professionnels, la distinction des notions de discipline et d'inspection professionnelle, et l'admission des etrangers et des canadiens aux corporations professionnelles. La deuxieme partie preise le role des organismes et des personnes qui sont charges de la mise en application de la nouvelle legislation professionnelle:corporations professionnelles, Conseil interprofessionnel du Quebec, Office des professions du Quebec, lieutenant-gouvemeur en conseil, et ministre responsable; cette partie indique egalement les principales fonctions — administratives, reglementaires, ou quasijudiciaires — de chacun de ces organismes ou personnes. Abstract. On 6 July 1973, bill 250, the Code of Professions, and twenty-one specific laws governing the thirty-eight Quebec professional corporations were adopted by the Quebec National Assembly. The recent imlementation of each of these laws represents an important step in the reform oP the Quebec professions. This study considers this transformation as a whole. The ht part identifies the main points of the new legislation and, more specifically, the definition of the status of professional corporations, the criteria for setting up new corporations, the necessity constantly to adapt the field of professional practice to the needs of the times and of the environment, the matching of corporation management practices with their social functions, the merging of academic education with practical training of professionals, the distinction between discipline and professional supervision, and the admission of foreigners and Canadians into professional corations. The second part studies the role of agencies and individuals responsiTle for the implementation of the new professional legislation: professional corporations, the Quebec Interprofessional Council, the Quebec Professions Board, the lieutenant governor in council, and also the main functions — administrative, regulatory, or quasi-judicial of each of these agencies or individuals.

Levels of orientation and threat behavior were manipulated in contexts where subjects thought that they were in consensus‐seeking discussions. Dependent variables were subjects’ conciliatory behavior and levels of orientation and threat exhibited by the statements they chose. The high orientation condition was found to produce high orientation choices. The effect of threat level was complex. Women, in general, behaved more rationally than men to gain rewards.

Among some commentators abroad, Australia enjoys a reputation as a country in which the “three cornered suspension” afforded by conciliation and arbitration machinery has assisted both sense and sensibility in wage fixation. (Though Australians may sometimes feel that the arbitration system is not without honour save in its own country.) In the light of international interest in Australian wage determination, it may therefore be useful to examine Australian progress towards equal pay for women.

SUMMARY Collective bargaining in Canada faces a period of rapid change because of the unusual rate of economic growth, technological change, industrial locational shifts, and evolving occupational patterns. This dynamic process requires that the institutional relationship of unions and employers shall be maintained on as fluid a basis as possible. Public law in Ontario has been based on a differentiation of industrial dispute areas. Special provision has been made to resolve the problems of jurisdiction, recognition, negotiation and application. In each of these probably there are reasons for legal amendment and procedural change, but this article has been confined to negotiation issues only. The provisions for state intervention in negotiation disputes are believed to require considerable alteration. The proposals presented in this submission have certain objectives. These might be listed as follows: 1 To remove the deterrents to effective collective bargaining by narrowing the range of application of compulsory conciliation. 2 To increase the effectiveness of the conciliation officer by eliminating conciliation boards except in special circumstances. 3 To enhance the prestige of conciliation boards by reducing their application to situations (a) of consent where both parties request them, or (b) of vital public concern where the civil authorities decide that such boards are needed in the public interest. 4 To extricate the conciliation process as far as possible from the tactics of collective bargaining, in which it has become enmeshed by the continued influence of compulsory conciliation and compulsory delays on direct economic action, as well as by the existence of two stages in the compulsion. 5 To re-impose responsibility in collective bargaining on the parties to disputes by removing compulsory scapegoats.14 6 To create an environment which will encourage the parties out of sheer necessity to experiment with private arrangements for negotiating. 7 To recognize more clearly that the public interest in some cases is sufficiently great to justify special procedures; that the degree of public interest covers a wide range justifying compulsory conciliation in some cases and compulsory arbitration in others; that the responsibility for deciding rests with public authority.

In this study, data are reported comparing the beliefs of managers from five regional clusters (Greece, Spain, Central Europe, Scandinavia, and U.S.A.) on four basic attitudes (risk, self-determina...

The subject upon which I have the honour to address you is so wide that within thetime at my disposal I can only hope to touch upon elementals. My task will be less onerous if I limit myself to the system of public control of industrial relations in South Australia. Each State of the Commonwealth has its own system. There is also a Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration for the purpose of the settlement of industrial disputes which extend beyond the limits of a single State. This dual system of control by Courts of co-ordinate control has led to much conflict in the past. I can only say, speaking of time present, that practical necessities tend towards a co-ordination of the principles which underlie the decisions of Commonwealth and State Courts.

A sorry state of affairs was discovered by the Newfoundland Royal Commission of 1933. This article is a review of its Report. No attempt is made to describe subsequent events or to consider the actual results of the publication of that remarkable document. These matters are treated elsewhere. Here we are only concerned to disclose its substance and to criticize its arguments and recommendations.The immediate cause of the appointment of the Commission was financial. The government of Newfoundland was unable to meet its obligations. At the end of 1932 the governments of Canada and the United Kingdom had arranged an advance to save Newfoundland from default and a further advance had been made by the United Kingdom on the following first of July (p. 55). This explains why the Commission was appointed by His Majesty on the advice of his ministers in Canada and Great Britain, as well as in Newfoundland. The commissioners were Lord Amulree, a British lawyer with wide experience of official investigations and industrial conciliation, raised to the peerage under the Labour government of 1929-31; Mr. C. A. Magrath, whose most outstanding work had been as chairman of the Canadian section of the International Joint Commission; and Sir William Stavert, who had “had the privilege of establishing the first Canadian Bank, the Bank of Nova Scotia, in the island” (p. 29), whose later banking connections had been with the Bank of Montreal, “bankers of the Government” (p. 45), and who had become in 1932, on the recommendation of the latter bank, the government's “financial advisor” (p. 55). The secretary was Mr. P. A. Clutterbuck of the Dominions Office; and two other British civil servants were also assigned to assist in the Commission's work (p. 233). The whole of the terms of reference consists in the few words: “To examine into the future of Newfoundland and, in particular, to report on the financial situation and prospects therein” (p. 1).

THE ELIZABETHAN DRAMA, at the very time of its greatest triumphs, when every week thousands of Londoners thronged to see the plays of Shakespeare and his fellows, was faced with a determined and clamorous group of opponents who declared that the public playhouses were sources of all manner of evils, and who not only refused to attend performances themselves but also tried to prevent others from attending. Though the members of this opposition were at first only an insignificant minority, they eventually grew so powerful that in 1642 Parliament was persuaded to pass a law closing all theaters, and England remained without legitimate dramatic entertainment until the Restoration. The players and their friends met the opposition as best they could, by conciliation or counterattack. The controversy that was generated, besides being an episode of intellectual and social history interesting for its own sake, influenced the course of the drama in many ways for more than half a century. It is therefore important that its causes and progress should be described as accurately as possible. According to the interpretations of the controversy that are now accepted, the attacks were the end products of a movement that began at least by the time of Henry VIII. In the early years of Elizabeth's reign, and even before-so the accounts go-there was in England a strong feeling of antagonism to the stage, which increased as the century progressed and in 1564 (or, as some say, in 1574) cul

The article is devoted to the historical and legal aspects of the development of conciliation procedures in civil proceedings. For a long time, the reconciliation orientation of the civil proceedings was not generally accepted; it remained, in fact, in the shadow of its main declared function - the consideration and resolution of civil cases. However, interest in reconciliation procedures has intensified significantly in recent decades, and not only in our country. This was largely facilitated by the removal of external barriers and the opening of borders between counties, the internationalization of civil trafficking, and the attempts to achieve the necessary degree of unity of the civilistic process through the unification and differentiation of judicial procedures. The study of foreign law gave impetus to the beginning of a broad analysis of litigation procedures. Appeal to the international experience showed the possible similarities and differences of traditional approaches to the administration of justice in civil matters. Much of the difference was related to the scope of alternative ways of resolving legal conflicts. The conciliatory orientation of the dispute settlement system prevailed in the early stages of the development of statehood. However, with the establishment and strengthening of the judiciary, reconciliation practices began to recede. The statutes of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which had undergone three editions in the sixteenth century, provided for the activity of a court of arbitration, the jurisdiction of which was the conciliation of the parties. The statutes of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which had undergone three editions in the sixteenth century, provided for the activity of a court of arbitration, the jurisdiction of which was the conciliation of the parties. With the change of state power in 1917 there was a change in the nature of the civil process. It was impossible to expect that the idea of reconciliation between the parties would receive new legislative development under these conditions. The adoption of the CPC in 1963 only broadened the scope for a settlement agreement. There were no conciliatory procedures for civil procedural law. The activity of the court was aimed, first of all, at finding out whether the peace agreement was not contrary to the law or violated the rights and interests of others, as well as to clarify to the parties the consequences of its conclusion. The CPC of Ukraine of 2017 laid down the rules for settling a dispute with the participation of a judge, thus becoming the starting point for a modern native researcher of conciliation procedures. The introduction of such procedures will shorten the distance between the desired and the real state of justice, will increase the capacity of participants in the process, will become the basis for a true Europeanization of the civil process.

AT the time the Conciliation Branch of the Municipal Court of Cleveland was opened, in March, 1913, it could be said that there was no place in the United States where there was assurance that cases involving small amounts would be tried with that economy in time and fees which is essential to real justice. President Taft had spoken and written emphatically concerning the need for doing justice for the large number of people who can never be parties to any but petty litigation. It is interesting to reread a few sentences penned by the great American who is now Chief Justice of the United States

Increasingly in the last few years, and more particularly in recent months, the effectiveness of compulsory government-sponsored conciliation in labour disputes has been called into question. Unions and employers alike have begun to ask not only whether the delays required by Canadian law make a worth-while positive contribution to the settlement of disputes, but whether in some cases they do not actually impede the reaching of a settlement.In the midst of this debate it is of interest to recall that the principle of compulsory delay and conciliation has had a prominent and generally respected place in Canadian labour law for fifty years. The original Industrial Disputes Investigation Act of 1907 introduced the then revolutionary idea that an enforced waiting-period, accompanied by investigation, would so modify the perspective of the parties in a labour dispute that many stoppages of work would be avoided; and this principle has stood virtually unaltered in Canadian law ever since. The significant changes which have taken place since 1907 have been in the application of the principle rather than in the principle itself. As Professor Woods pointed out to this Association last spring, the use of compulsory conciliation and delay, originally meant to encompass all types of dispute, has come to be limited to one of the four main types, namely, negotiation disputes. At the same time, the range of industry in which the principle is being applied has been greatly extended. In the original I.D.I. Act, it was applied compulsorily only to industries held to possess the character of a public utility; it was applied to other industries only when desired by both parties.

When States Disagree about the way in which the waters of an international drainage basin should be utilized, they should try first to resolve their differences by consultation and negotiation. This is what they usually do and, for the most part, do successfully. Sometimes, however, their negotiations do not lead to agreement. They then face the question whether or not they should involve the aid of third-parties in resolving their problem. In the words of Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations, must they “seek a solution by … mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their own choice”?It is proposed to examine here the obligation of states to resort to mediation, conciliation and adjudication when they cannot otherwise settle a dispute about the development of an international drainage basin that they share.

Trade unionism has always involved the settlement of industrial disputes by negotiations between workers' representatives and employers. On occasions in the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries demands made by workers or employers were granted without question by the other side; at other times the demands were rejected out of hand and this was acquiesced in by the other side. In between these extremes lay a number of possible outcomes. Demands were sometimes conceded after strikes or lockouts or they were moderated and then accepted. The precise outcome depended upon the state of the labour market, and hence the degree of labour organization, and the cost position of the employers. These factors not only varied over time but differed in their intensity between industries and firms at any one point of time. The extreme situations occurred at high and low levels of employment. In the competition for labour, which a high level of employment implies, employers readily gave way to collective demands but as commodity markets deteriorated and the volume of production declined, they at first resisted claims which would have increased labour costs and then deliberately set out to cut wages, lengthen hours and intensify work. Workers commonly resisted initial attempts to reduce labour costs so that a spate of strikes and lockouts ensued. At the onset of the depression in 1819 and at the first suggestion of wage reductions the Lancashire miners, the North Staffordshire potters and the Nottingham framework knitters all responded by striking. The Glasgow cotton spinners resisted wage cuts in 1837 as did the London building workers and miners and textile workers in the midlands and north in 1841 and the typographical workers in 1846. Frequently, however, these disputes resulted in compromise settlements which were superseded by other compromises as trade conditions got worse.

THE war situation presents many new problems to the United States Conciliation Service, but the job of settling labor-management disputes by voluntary methods of conciliation and arbitration is not new to it. The Conciliation Service has been in existence ever since the formation of the Department of Labor through an act of Congress in 1913. During all these years the work has been carried on quietly and with no attempt to publicize its activities. The work has been allowed to speak for itself and the amount of work to be done has always exceeded the number of men to do the job. As a result, there are many industrial establishments in the country which are not fully informed of the methods of its operation. Heads of great industrial establishments frequently express surprise when they learn through actual observation the satisfactory results of Government conciliation methods. This is illustrated in the instance of a deadlock which occurred in a recent case. Although the appointed representatives of management were clothed with authority to negotiate a settlement, no headway could be made. As a final resort, the president and general manager of the firm was invited in. Never before had he witnessed conference table methods in action. He became so interested in the procedure that he actively entered the negotiations. Then, to the surprise of his own representatives as well as the union, he offered to give more than had his representatives. On this basis it was possible to reach an immediate settlement satisfactory to all concerned. The Service naturally is not responsible for the industrial situations into which it is called. It has not been party to the disputes or the economic conflicts to which it is summoned and

The analysis that follows is based solely on my own experience and observations as a missionary in two Asian nations, China and Indonesia, which have been embroiled in much conflict in recent decades. These conflicts, in both cases, have involved both my own country and the country in which I served. My sample of experience is, admittedly, a limited one as a basis for analysis. We shall be addressing ourselves to the following matters: a definition of terms (“international conciliation” and “missionary”); factors that may qualify or disqualify the missionary for a conciliating role; the nature of his role; how he plays his role; and two case studies as a basis for some conclusions.

The period since the end of the Second World War has now exceeded in length the period between the two World Wars. The time has thus perhaps come when it is possible to attempt an overall comparison of the two periods, of the types of threat to stability that arose in each, and of the differing strategies adopted to meet these.The interwar period is associated in the popular mind with the attempt to pursue peace through a policy of “appeasement.” This is the term traditionally used, primarily by hostile critics, and principally after the event, to describe the policy aimed to conciliate, rather than to coerce, those powers dissatisfied with the existing status quo. The policies so described, as is now generally recognized, were adopted by most of the governments concerned not primarily through crass refusal to face the facts of the situation or to summon the resolution necessary for active resistance.

Shortly after World War II a Communist guerrilla army, the Hukbong Magpalayang Bayan (HMB), or People's Liberation Army, became a serious threat to the new Philippine Republic. The Huks, as they are commonly known, controlled large parts of the sugar cane and rice growing areas of Central Luzon and carried out military and political operations in other parts of the islands. Like their Communist counterparts in Vietnam and Malaya, the Huks began as an anti-Japanese guerrilla army. In fact, Huk originally referred to Hukbalahap, a contraction of a phrase meaning People's Army Against the Japanese. As the military arm of the Communist Party, however, their ambitions always exceeded mere anti-Japanese activities. After the Japanese defeat, successive Philippine governments wrestled with the problem of eliminating the Huks. Policies of coercion failed because the Philippine Army and Constabulary were not up to the task. Policies of conciliation failed because the demands of the Huks were regarded as unreasonable. By 1949 it became clear that the issues dividing the Huks and the government would have to be settled by force. Following the allegedly fraudulent election of President Quirino in 1949 the Huks gained steadily. By 1950 large unit raids were common and a full-scale attack on Manila was envisioned for 1951. Before that time arrived, however, the tide had begun to turn. Under the new Defense Secretary, Ramon Magsaysay, the Constabulary and Army were reorganized, and by the early 1950s the Huks were on the run, one of the most dramatic events being the surrender of former Huk Supremo Luis Taruc in May 1954.1 Despite the decimation of Huk units in Northern and Southern Luzon, Panay, and other regions, the movement survived and persists to this day especially in the part of

Most psychiatrists, like other human beings, say they desire peace, and yet like other human beings they mean different and incompatible things by it. Some recommend the acceptance and understanding of reality (i.e., power); others consider the primacy of ethics over politics and identify their wish for harmony of interests between nations with the existence of some harmony. As citizens, they can and should express these opinions. As professionals, some of them can make only a small but vital contribution towards international conciliation by focusing on the concomitant need for realism and idealism. Psychiatry can attempt to make palatable the idea that problems of political change, whether national or international, must be based on a compromise between morality and power. Oscillations between apparently opposite poles of force, and appeasement in foreign policy should be acceptable to a profession who is faced with the intimate oscillations of human beings. Psychiatrists are uniquely qualified to accept that two opposite things can be equally true. In the area of world affairs psychiatrists need to combine their observations and analysis with a good grasp of the existing reality. In this work, like in their work with patients, they need to be aware of their own personal standards and how those are rooted in the existing reality. An analyst of world affairs, however, needs to know not only his own but also the values of the international actor. Such an analyst needs to understand the identity of leadership, how this leadership is affected by internal and external change, and the causal interdependence of internal and external behavior. “What is acceptable or essential for a society are phenomenon to be measured not values to be asserted.” 1

W/ sITHIN the last three years seven of the nine Canadian provinces and the Dominion Government have adopted new legislation concerning trade-unions. Although the inspiration for this legislation has undoubtedly been the American National Labor Relations Act of I935, the provinces have set up a very different procedure, which may be of interest to those who criticize or commend the American product. The Canadian legislation deals both with the right to organize and with conciliation and arbitration, and these two phases will be discussed separately in that order. It must, of course, be borne in mind that despite the fact that Canada is a federation like the United States its "constitution" differs in at least four respects: there is no "due process" clause or other bill of rights, all criminal law is of federal concern, all residual powers are vested in the Dominion Government,4 and the Dominion may veto any provincial act.However, it has been held by the British Privy Council that the Dominion may not deal directly with civil rights within the provinces' nor take

Germany's annexation of Alsace-Lorraine in 1871 was a relatively simple operation; it took only a few weeks for Prussian armies to rout the French forces. But integrating this prize of war into Imperial Germany proved far more difficult than anyone had imagined. It is indeed a rather pathetic spectacle. While some of the highest civilian officials of the territorial administration sought to integrate the Reichsland into the Reich, the highest military officers sought to impose a military dictatorship; and on the sidelines, powerful German textile, tobacco, and iron and steel interests hoped to minimize competion from Alsace-Lorraine by sabotaging all government efforts at conciliation and integration. It is this latter aspect of the problem, what one might term the economic subversion of political integration, which we shall examine here.

N September 1963, President Kennedy sent two American officials to have 'a fresh look' at the situation in South Vietnam. Mr Joseph Mendenhall was an experienced diplomat who had previously served as political counsellor in the United States Embassy in Saigon. MajorGeneral Victor Krulak was the Pentagon's top-ranking expert in counterinsurgency warfare. The two men spent an exhausting four days in South Vietnam and then returned to Washington with such diametrically opposed assessments that President Kennedy was moved to ask, 'You two did visit the same country, didn't you? ' 1 The difficulty about facts is that there are so many of them. Facts, or alleged facts, pour into the United Nations headquarters in a continuous flood-speeches of delegates; conversations, formal and informal, between representatives of governments and UN officials; written communications from other international bodies, governments, would-be governments, non-governmental organisations (some formally recognised, some not), and individuals; reports from UN agencies and officials in the field; information in books, monographs, journals, newspapers, or otherwise in the public domain. The difficulty for the United Nations is not how to accumulate information but how to avoid being suffocated by it; and, secondly, how to distinguish between objective facts and slanted information provided for partisan purposes. Nor is the UN short of standing fact-finding machinery. The General Assembly has expressly conferred fact-finding responsibilities on the Interim Committee (the so-called Little Assembly) and the Peace Observation Commission, and has established both a Panel for Inquiry and Conciliation and a Register of Experts for fact-finding. The principal UN organs, including the International Court of Justice, may create ad hoc bodies for enquiry or fact-finding as needed. In addition, many UN members are parties to the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 for the peaceful settlement of disputes, or to bilateral, regional, or general treaties providing for international enquiry. UN fact-finding may be classified in various ways; by the type of body set up to establish the facts, by the kind of situation to be investi

Australian industrial relations present peculiar features, owing to the fact that the Constitution of the country permits extensive federal interven tion in this field. The result has been the creation of a system of governmental agencies and regulations which have had a checkered career and undergone many changes in the last fifty years. The latest reorganization occurred in 1956, when a statute was passed dividing responsibility and functions among three agencies, a Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Commission, a Court of Concilia tion and Arbitration, and an Industrial Court. The major problems facing these bodies are discussed.—Ed.

Long experience shows that domestic order within any organized society, including the nation, requires, not only the suppression of organized armed factions but also legisla tive, executive, and judicial institutions to enact and enforce definite law against violence. Until it is generally accepted that world order requires corresponding world institutions, there is no chance for any reliable peace on our planet. The requirements for such an order are: universal and complete national disarmament; an adequate world police force; a world judicial, quasi-judicial, and conciliation system; world legisla tive and executive agencies; a world development authority; and an effective world revenue system. The necessary lead ership for world order is likely to appear in the 1960's owing to the advent of ballistic missiles and their constantly increas ing power and accuracy which threaten the survival of civili zation. Leadership might come from four possible sources, the Soviet Union, a group of neutral or uncommitted nations, the British Commonwealth, or the United States. The Brit ish Commonwealth is most promising as a source of leader ship because of strong motivation, mature political capacity, and immense prestige. If two conditions are met—the emer gence of creative and dynamic leadership, and intelligent and persistent educational efforts for world peace through world law—a new world order, based on universal and complete dis armament and enforceable world law, can reasonably be ex pected within ten to fifteen years.—Ed.

Causes of political decay-Imperial Roman System: representative despotism; concentration of offices, privileges classes driven into orgies of private luxury; conciliation of poor by free gifts of corn and public games; the worship of the emperors as divinities and sacred character of their images; destruction of liberty and of opportunities. Degradation of slavery: slaves replaced the home stock of the best men who went to the provinces as soldiers and to engage in trade; agriculture became extinct; the race of free presents became extinct; all liberty bartered for free corn; self-respect of the Roman citizen destroyed. Gladiatorial shows and dethronement of pity: brutal amusements; Roman populace and social elect amused by shows of gladiators, slaves, criminals, and wild beasts by the thousands fighting to the death; re-enthronement of pity by Christianity; the failure of the eighty-four years of good government of Trajan, Hadrian, Antonius, and Marcus to save the Empire. Conditions affecting social and ...

The distribution of collective bargaining units in the United States by employer and employee size, industries, geographical location, size of city, and unions is delineated in this article. The study, undertaken by staff of the Yale Labor and Management Center, is based on data supplied by United States Commissioners of Conciliation on the characteristics of 18,000 bargaining units which they serviced in 1953. (Author's abstract courtesy EBSCO.)

It has been suggested that the United Nations may perform any of three general functions in its field operations: peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peaceservicing. The first two functions are more widely recognized than the third, and it is to the third that this article is directed with specific application to the Middle East. Peacekeeping, the termination or containment of violence, has been extensively discussed; in the Middle East such agencies as the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO), and the Mixed Armistice Commissions are regarded as peacekeeping units of the parent organization. Increasingly a separate functional category for analysis termed peacemaking has been employed referring to efforts to remove or mollify the substantive issues causing violence. In the Middle East missions such as the Conciliation Commission for Palestine (CCP), its special representatives, and the representatives of the secretary-general such as Gunnar Jarring are generally labeled peacemakers rather than peacekeepers.

Recent events have focused the attention of social scientists on the prevalence of both active and latent conflict in groups, communities, and larger social units. Outbreaks of intergroup violence revolving about race, class, ethnic and national background, age, and sex inequalities suggest the presence of latent conflict, easily sparked by even trivial incidents. But more remarkable and less well understood are the many occasions when inflammatory incidents fail to ignite highly combustible situations. We need to understand better the mechanisms that sometimes sublimate conflict when it threatens to escalate beyond tolerable levels. Critical examinations of the writing of history, investigations into the sociology of knowledge, and contemporary approaches in social-psychology have underlined the close relationship between beliefs about events and about group processes and structure. Conflict produces one version of reality: harmony produces another. Obversely beliefs about the nature of events foster subsequent development in directions of escalated conflict, accommodation, or conciliation. Any study of mechanisms that sublimate conflict must take note of the part played by integrative and divisive beliefs. The impact of precipitating events in intergroup conflict, from race riots to wars, has

(1956). Voltaire and Buffon: Clash and Conciliation. Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern Literatures: Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 222-235.