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The article discusses the limits of deterrence. It informs that fear is a danger. Fear can produce, and often produces a mere change of direction, a clever detour, or an aggressive protective reaction. Many animals have developed peculiar performances to give fear: by inflation of the body, by raising their quills, showing their teeth and so on. In all these mechanisms appliances of deterrence are performed. The process of deterrence has now become a complicated mental performance. It is no more a simple affair of the sense-life, of a directly working, unmistakable optical or acoustical stimulus. The path from the deterrent starting-point to the poor brain is now a long, indirect one and studded with hindrances. Human life is full of acts and mechanisms of deterrence. In politics deterrence is considered an indispensable instrument in the intercourse of civilized and less civilized nations. Armaments, being very material threats, are believed to promote or assure peace. Politics are in reality a continuous interplay of deterrent measures, undertaken today by this, tomorrow by that people. Even the religious life and doctrine cannot do without deterrent images. Deterrence is thus a principle that should be handled with utmost prudence.

The article focuses on mental deficiency implications in the U.S. It is said that mental deficiency cannot be cured, it must be endured. It exists from birth or early age and results in the inability of the individual to benefit from ordinary schooling and to manage himself and his affairs with ordinary prudence. Mental deficients may be segregated into two groups endogenous and exogenous.

The article focuses on the concept of the Ombudsman in Great Britain. the Ombudsman might be swamped by complaints partly for reasons of political prudence. The impression that the Parliamentary Commissioner is a genuine Ombudsman, is discussed. On the other hand, success or otherwise of the Parliamentary Commissioner scheme would depend entirely on the way in which Members of the Parliament chose to make use of the Office. Lastly, a Commissioner is not authorized to investigate do nevertheless penetrate to the Office.

Economist Adam Smith in many was is Bernard Mandeville without paradox. The core problem for both Smith and Mandeville is how to channel self-interest into socially beneficial manifestations. The two major restraints, prudence and justice, that Smith explains in the theory of moral sentiments are also important in the Wealth of Nations. The third characteristic of the perfection of human nature, namely, proper beneficence, figures only marginally in the Wealth of Nations. The reason for this is that beneficence for Smith is the result rather than the cause of economic growth and development. Smith's distrust of governmental policy stems from his dedication to justice and impartiality rather than to an abstract devotion to freedom. The natural law influences on Smith are more powerful and relevant than they have often been thought to be. Smith theorizes on two different moral levels. The first level is the one of propriety or the proper government. On the second level, general rules can be formulated which is the highest level to which ordinary men can aspire.

This article focuses on the effects of set and discrepancy on impression change. Common sense stresses the importance of forming accurate first impressions. Thus, common sense assumes that initial information is given heavier weight or that initial impressions are resistant to change. Impressions can be measured in terms of their differentiation, the occurrence of interrelationships among their parts, and variations in centrality among their elements. Perhaps the most important condition for creating dissonance or pressure to change is the receipt of discrepant information. The more discrepant the information the greater the pressure to change. If an impression consists of relatively discrete elements, the pressure will be confined to those elements inconsistent with the new data. However, when the discrepancy exists with elements in a highly organized impression, pressure for change occurs not only for the elements directly inconsistent with the information, but for all elements dependent upon or related to them. One might assume, therefore, more dissonance or tension in the organized impression since the disagreement ramifies to many elements.

This paper explores the judgemental process involved in the determination of liability in accident cases. The law has devised a general procedure by which to reach a judgment on this matter for any particular case. It directs the members of the jury to consider what precautions a person should take while engaged in some potentially hazardous endeavor in order to minimize the risk of possible harm to others, and offers a model of behavior. To sum up, the "reasonable man of ordinary prudence" constitutes a vague paragon, certainly he is not a standard of conduct. Indeed, the short form of the charge which does not make use of the "reasonable man" standard, yields results more consistent with the aims of the law than the long charge that does. It is doubtful, however, that the mere inclusion or exclusion of the term significantly affects the outcome. The findings argue more cogently on behalf of simplicity in the wording of the instructions with a minimum of restrictions on the juror's freedom of judgment.

The article explores the influence of social groups on the behavior of teenage boys at school. While conducting the research, it was assumed that among the members of each group (defined by regularity of interaction) there develop certain norms or values in the sense of preferences for or against various kinds of behavior (including the expression of beliefs, sentiments and attitudes). Members of peer groups feel that they should all act or think in a certain way. As a result, they start (quite spontaneously) to react to the behavior of others in terms of whether those others are conforming or not to the norms. Encounterance of conformity is appreciated more warmly whereas, whenever they find deviance, it is not appreciated. Research revealed that boys who get into trouble with teachers are apt to be chosen as leaders (in all groups especially those characterized by good conduct ratings) but they are not desired as seat-mates or class companions. It illuminates prudence on the part of fellow pupils who enjoy having them in the class to liven things up and respect them for their nerve, but prefer not to have them as seat-mates to get them personally into trouble.

The author reflects on his personal observations regarding man and nature. He recommends the practice of sauntering as a solution to the modern vice of continual reading. He considers meditation as an old-fashioned exercise. He believes that prudence and thrift are the best attributes of manhood.

The article discusses the definition of common sense as certain literary clubs put it. Common sense is an affair of common life. It has no place among scholars, philosophers, scientists, experts or specialists. The judgments of men what common law is in England have common sense. Moreover, common sense is in human action what the idiom is in language.

The article focuses on the characteristics of a teacher. Tact, perception and common sense on the part of the teacher could not be replaced by the rules released by the superintendent's office and the methods accepted by the supervisors. It is also said that the moral and personal power of a teacher which gains the confidence and the continuing affection of the pupil could not be substituted by arbitrary rules of discipline and sharpness in spying out and punishing their literal infraction.

The article suggests a course syllabus to teachers for teaching good behavior in school. The first topic suggested is to discuss the components of good behavior. The second topic is the motives for good behavior which includes the desire for approbation, prudence or policy and approval of one's own conscience. Another topic is how to attain the habits of good behavior.