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In a short-term memory experiment, signs of American Sign Language in list lengths of three to seven items were presented to deaf college students whose native language is American Sign Language. A comparable short-term memory experiment for words (words representing the English translation-equivalents of the signs) was presented to hearing college students. Recall was written, immediate and ordered. Overall, short-term memory mechanisms in the deaf seem to parallel those found in hearing subjects, even with the modality change. A significant number of multiple intrusion errors made by deaf subjects to signs were based on formational properties of the signs themselves, a result paralleling the phonologically based errors in experiments with hearing subjects. Our results are consistent with a theory that the signs of American Sign Language are actually coded by the deaf in terms of simultaneous formational parameters such as Hand Configuration, Place of Articulation and Movement. Evidence is given that signs are treated by the deaf as consisting of independent parameters — specific to American Sign Language — which are essentially arbitrary in terms of meaning.

In his seminal workVirgin Land(1950), Henry Nash Smith depicted the bymbolic meaning that Americans attached to their Western empire during the nineteenth century. The West appealed to the American imagination variously as a possible passage to India, a land to be filled, farmed and civilized and a land to lend territorial grandeur to the existing American nation. But a certain squeamishness pervaded the attitudes of many upper-class Easterners to Western society itself, and only towards die end of the nineteenth century did they begin to show a marked enthusiasm for life in the West, and for their own pioneering origins.

The eighth leaf of the Rossano Gospels bears two miniatures of the trial of Christ before Pilate. To reveal their origin and meaning is the aim of this study. Pursuit of this aim has led me from manuscript illumination to monumental wall painting, from Rossano to Jerusalem, from Gospel narrative to a critical issue of the fifth century. Concretely put, the position I shall endeavor to sustain is this: the Rossano miniatures of the trial are a record of a visual Acta Pilati, canonical rather than apocryphal, monumental and public rather than miniature and recondite. By “canonical” Acta Pilati I mean a representation of the trial that is faithful both to the Gospel account and to that state of Roman jurisprudence which obtained when the prototype was made. I shall further try to show that the original compositions were wall paintings set up in Jerusalem about the middle of the fifth century. There they were not on the walls of an ordinary basilica, but were rather to be seen, I believe, in the Domus Pilati,...

Resume On a fait une etude de l'effet de divers degres de similarite de signification sur l'inhibition retroactive. Le materiel s'est compose de listes de vingt-et-un noms abstraits. Les listes intercalees ont montre trois degres de similarite de signification aux premieres listes selon l'evaluation de trois juges. Les paires de synonymes ont occupe les měmes positions dans la premiere liste et les listes intercalees. Pour faciliter la comparaison, on n'a rien intercale dans une condition. On a appris les listes jusqu'a une repetition parfaite au moyen de la methode d'anticipation avec rappel oral. On a mesure la retention au moyen des methodes de rappel, de reapprentissage, et d'epargne vingt minutes apres la fin de l'apprentissage. Vingt-neuf adultes ont subi toutes les conditions de l'experience. Selon tous les criteres, l'inhibition retroactive a tendu en general a decroǐtre comme la similarite a decru entre le premier apprentissage et l'apprentissage intercale. Les effets retroactifs ont ete plus gra...

English Roman Catholic reactions to the issues presented by Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species (1859) were as varied as the elements which made up the English Catholic community itself. Any reading of the Catholic periodical press in England during the years immediately after Darwin's epochal publication will bear this out. These reactions ranged from a simple reaffirmation of childhood formulations of the account of creation in “Genesis,” to rather disingenuous allegorical reinterpretations of the meaning of what “Moses”—and Darwin—had said.

The focus of this study is the semiotic aspect concerning the allegory of the Commedia . More specifically, it aims at considering the meta-linguistic functioning of the Commedia ’s allegory and how such a system may be recognized as essentially semiotic in its making. It also attempts to demonstrate how the allegory in verbis (allegory of poets) in Dante’s Commedia partakes of the allegory in factis (allegory of theologians) and, thus, Dante’s allegory is an outcome of both types of allegory insofar as it recognizes (in Epistle XIII) all the terms of paragraph nine which belong to the rhetorical, philosophical, and theological tradition. All ten terms form the modus significandi of the Commedia and its allegory is neither entirely in verbis nor entirely in factis but both, and therefore, it can be legitimately called Dantean. Being an allegorical work, the Commedia is dominated by ratio difficilis whereby a semiotics of discourse offers directionality to meaning in its state of formation or what we may call signification in progress. In the Commedia , allegory brings about the most complex system of values and a semiotics of discourse endeavours to demonstrate how, from such a complex system of values, meaning is produced in the entire opus.

It is as the author of the Ensayo Sobre El Catolicismo, El Liberalismo Y El Socialismo that Juan Donoso Cortés, first Marquis of Valdegamas, is best known. Donoso's reputation as a spokesman of the forces of counter-revolution grew steadily after 1848, and by the time the Ensayo appeared in 1851 he had, so to speak, a readymade audience of both friendly and adverse critics scattered throughout the continent of Europe. But the dramatic clashes of opinion with which the work was received extended its fame beyond the expected limits. For in the Ensayo Donoso not only attacked liberalism and socialism, but, perhaps without meaning to do so, he also offered a challenge to an important segment of Catholic thought and opinion, namely the Catholic liberals. The result was that the conservative publicist who was accustomed to being attacked from the Liberal benches in parliament and by the liberal press in Spain now found his severest critics in a Catholic group which included Bishop Dupanloup of Orléans and whose spokesman was the Abbé Gaduel. Of them Donoso complained to Pius IX that they were “prelates who had turned themselves into journalists.”

Allegorical and symbolic configurations are an integral part of Conrad Ferdinand Meyer's narratives. Some of these configurations, however, are so subtle that they have gone unnoticed or, at least, have not been fully appreciated. This is true of the fresco of the feeding of the multitude described at the beginning of Die Versuchung des Pescara. The many parallels that exist between the biblical accounts of the feeding of the multitude and the story of Pescara give this fresco potential anticipatory force. The fresco itself is an intricate allegory. Its individual details and general composition correspond to the characters, events, and outcome of the story. The fresco also functions symbolically, for while it is acceptable for its concrete reality alone, as a natural part of the setting, it also suggests, without any external reference, a meaning beyond itself. It is a variation of one of Meyer's symbolic motifs, the banquet of life. The meaning it suggests, which is both complex and ultimately indefinite, corresponds to the ambivalent feelings toward life of the hero of the novella. The hidden significance of the fresco reveals certain ironies that point up the need to approach Meyer's work with a particularly open and discerning mind.

El exilio es un tema recurrente en la obra de Angelina Muñiz-Huberman, miembro del llamado grupo hispanomexicano. La visión del exilio en su obra incluye no solo el exilio republicano sino también el del pueblo judío. Por eso, diferentes Diásporas históricas se superponen enriqueciendo el significado de la experiencia. En su ensayo El canto del peregrino: hacia una poética del exilio (1999) desarrolla sus pensamientos sobre el exilio y analiza numerosos trabajos de autores exiliados (judíos y republicanos españoles) centrándose en como cada uno reflejó la vivencia del exilio en su trabajo.En mi opinión, las ideas desarrolladas en el ensayo se pueden encontrar en su novela El sefardí romántico: la azarosa vida de Mateo Alemán II (2005). El título de la novela establece una conexión directa con la novela picaresca y la vida judía aludiendo al autor converso de Guzmán de Alfarache (1599-1604). Siguiendo el patrón establecido por la novela picaresca clásica, el protagonista de Muñiz-Huberman viaja por España y Europa denunciando la intolerancia que llevó a la Guerra Civil española y a la II Guerra Mundial. Las circunstancias lo llevan al exilio en México, como en el caso de Mateo Alemán. Según la teoría de Ulrich Wicks, pícaros y exiliados tienen mucho en común en su búsqueda continua de libertad, libertad que el exiliado puede encontrar solo en el idioma, como expone Muñiz-Huberman en su ensayo. Exile is a recurrent theme in the work of Angelina Muñiz-Huberman, a member of the socalled hispanomexicanos group. What sets her writings apart is that her vision of exile includes not only Republican exile but also that of the Jewish people. Thus, different historical Diasporas supersede one another, enriching the meaning of the experience. In her essay El canto del peregrino: hacia una poética del exilio (1999), she develops her thoughts on exile and analyzes the work of different exiled writers (Jewish and Spanish Republicans) focusing on how each one dealt with the experience and how it is reflected in their writings.My contention is that the thoughts developed in the essay can also be found in her novel El sefardí romántico: la azarosa vida de Mateo Alemán II (2005). The title of the novel links the picaresque novel and Jewish history by alluding directly to the converso author of Guzmán de Alfarache (1599-1604). Following the picaresque pattern, Muñiz-Huberman’s protagonist travels through Spain and Europe denouncing the intolerance that lead to Spanish Civil War and World War II. Circumstances take him to Mexico, much as in Mateo Aleman’s case, as an exile. Ulrich Wicks establishes that pícaros and exiles have very much in common since both are in constant search of freedom, freedom that, according to Muñiz- Huberman’s essay, the exiled can find only in language.

The 27th canto has long been recognized as one of the dramatic highlights in Dante's Paradiso. Broadly speaking, it may be divided into three parts: St. Peter's denunciation of his unworthy successors (vv. 10–66); the return of the blessed to the Empyrean and the ascent of Dante and his guide to the Primum Mobile (67–120); Beatrice's invective (121–148). In this article, I shall be concerned with seven images—those contained in vv. 13–15; 28–36; 67–72; 82–84; 124–126; 136–138; 145–147—and their structural ramifications, all intimately bound up with the essential meaning of the canto and the message of the whole Comedy.

Summary In the state‐owned art collections, since long housed at Gripsholm Castle by the lake Malaren west of Stockholm, can be found an allegoric oil‐painting called “The Goddess of Peace”. The painting can undoubtedly count its origin to the 17th century, fig. 1. As a piece of art it might not belong among the foremost, but it is worth attention on other accounts. The female figure shows a flora of foliate plants, all with varied symbolic meaning. The goddess is shown in a pale bluish‐grey silk garment which is embroidered with symbols in a darker shade of the same colour. On the skirt wreaths of different leaves are to be seen. Between the wreaths are placed at regular intervals something that is very usual in Sweden, a doubble C, mostly used for the kings Charles XI and Charles XII but known also to been used for queen Christina, though once only, in a document dated 1650, fig. 3. The monogramme on the skirt is made of two thin palm‐branches. The wreaths are made of laurel (the antique symbol for “her...

Robert Favre : On a wish of the abbé Prévost. Here will be found an instance of a foot-note designed for the edition of Prevost's complete works, " The French custom is inconvenient for the carrying of a corpse " the abbé Prévost wrote in Cleveland. R. F. gives to this enigmatic sentence its full historical meaning in describing the rites of embalming and of funeral transport during the old Regime period. Thoses rites, which recur in Prévost's novels, have more over a critical and symbolical function in the economy of the work., Favre Robert. Sur un regret de l'abbé Prévost. «L'usage de France est incommode pour le transport d'un cadavre». In: Dix-huitième Siècle, n°5, 1973. Problèmes actuels de la recherche, sous la direction de Jacques Proust . pp. 304-310.

Some years since, I submitted to the inspection of the Society of Antiquaries, Drawings of fourteen stone Pillars or Obelisks in Aberdeenshire, all bearing curious figures in rude sculpture; at the same time the Society did me the honour to read a few remarks and conjectures which I ventured to annex, with a view to throw some light on the meaning and era of such relics. Since then, I have, through the Baron de Penhouet, who has distinguished himself by deep research in Druidical mythology, forwarded copies of those which represent the most remarkable sculpture, and particularly of one bearing an inscription in a character hitherto, it is believed, unknown, to the Society of Antiquaries at Paris; from whom, it is to be hoped, these mysterious and symbolical vestigia will receive some elucidation.

Professor Seton Lloyd's interest in all aspects of archaeology and his distinguished work both in Turkey and in the Diyala valley, Iraq, may justify the publication of this note on iron in Anatolia offered to him on the occasion of his 70th birthday. It was at Khafajah in 1931 that one of the earliest daggers with remains of a blade of terrestrial iron was discovered; the possible use of terrestrial rather than meteoric iron in Anatolia at the time of the Assyrian merchant colonies is discussed below. The Kültepe text CCT 4 4a (lines 3, 23, 27, 38, 44) has been translated in the CAD (s.v. amūtu) and referred to by Garelli when discussing the meaning of the word amūtu and its Sumerian equivalent KÙ.AN.

T HE designing of permanent indoor theatres did not command the attention of Italian Renaissance architects until the sixteenth century was well under way,1 temporary structures and portable facilities having previously sufficed for dramatic presentations. Yet already in the second quarter of the quattrocento a chamber in one of the most prominent palaces of fifteenth-century Rome was referred to as the sala theatri.2 At that time various forms of the Latin noun theatrum (Italian teatro) often designated large halls having public or ceremonial functions, so that the staging of plays need not be presumed as the primary purpose for the chamber in question. However, the particular construction and context of the aforementioned reference to a sala theatri suggest that at least here a definite, well-understood, meaning was intended for the modifier theatri. This readily becomes apparent as the circumstances surrounding the decoration of the chamber around the year 1430 are specifically related to the adoption of its new name. That palace in which the sala theatri was located had originated as a twelfth-century fortress atop a small rise southeast of Ponte S. Angelo which became known somewhat grandly as Monte Giordano.3 By the third decade of the fifteenth century the palace was occupied by Cardinal Giordano Orsini (1360/70-1438), whose duecento namesake had

THE Poetices libri septem of Julius Caesar Scaliger appeared in 1561, three years after his death in 1558.1 The manuscript, dedicated to his son Sylvius, was left complete among his unpublished papers, and its preparation had apparently occupied the later years of Scaliger's life. Thus the work was composed at a time when, for theorists of the Italian school to which Scaliger belonged, the authority of Aristotle's Poetics was gaining increasingly wide acceptance. Minturno, for example, in his De poeta of 1559, shows himself in complete subservience to the letter and the meaning (as he saw it) of the Aristotelian text. In general, Scaliger too followed the lead of his Italian predecessors and subscribed to the teachings of Aristotle; numerous passages of the Poetice contain citations, discussions, and adoptions of the Poetics.2 The distinction of object, manner, and

1) Gn. xix 12, 14, 14, Ex. iv 25, 26, Jdg. xv 6, xix 5, 1 Sam xviii 18, xxii 14, 2 K. viii 27, Neh. vi 18, xiii 28, Ps. xix 6, Is. lxi 10, lxii 5, Jer. vii 34, xvi 19, xxv 10, xxxiii 11, Joel ii 16. 2) Ex. iii 1, iv 18, xviii 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 12, 14,15,17, 24, 27, Nu. x 29, Jdg. i 16, iv 11, xix 4, 7, 9. 3) Dt. xxvii 23. Presumably a misprint is the reading .htnw here given in the Samaritan Hebrew version in Walton's Polyglot (B. WALTON, Biblia Sacra Polyglotta (London, 1657), in loc.), A. VON GALL (Der Hebrdische Pentateuch der Samaritaner (Giessen, 1918), p. 417) cites no such variant. 4) F. BROWN, S. R. DRIVER and C. A. BRIGGS, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Reprint; Oxford, 1957), p. 368. 5) F. BOHL, (ed.), Wilhelm Gesenius' hebrdisches und aramdisches Handworterbuch iiber das Alte Testament (17th ed.; Berlin, 1915), p. 269. 6) L. KOEHLER and W. BAUMGARTNER, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros (Leiden, 1953), p. 344.

In the 9th century the Danes built a rampart called “Danevirke” in the South of Slesvig aiming to prevent the Saxons and the Wends from invading their land. It had a great deal effect as “Limes” owing to existence of an uninhabited foreland (frontier) between Danevirke and the Ejder. But in time Danevirke lost its first meaning in history. The biggest reason of abolishment of its function as Limes is that the Danes allowed immigration from Holstein into the foreland in the 13th century, which means the first tendence of “Schleswig-Holstein” s fatal partnership.Though Slesvig's Dane had long been without the spirit of Danevirke's construction, they found themselves “the Danes” again in the wave of liberalism and nationalism in the 19th century. They used the word “Dannevirke” in their nationalism “for being Danish” in Slesvig. They and the Danes in the Kingdom eagered to build a Danish national-state aiming to separate Holstein from the Danish “Helstat, ” -it caused two wars (1848-50, 1864).In course of Danish modern history we can often see the word “Danevirke, ” which was vivid as a symbol of Danish nationalism.

Eenigen tijd geleden schreef E. Essed eene verhandeling over Suriname (V). Daarin wordt in den beginne gewag gemaakt van de brieven, die Voltz aan Staring heeft geschreven en waarvan ik een uittreksel publiceerde, voor zooverre dit voor de geologie van belang was (I, biz. 143 en 178 188). Daarna zegt de schrijver, dat de collectie van Voltz: „could not be examined so as to serve any real purpose", en verder: „Prof. Martin, however, wishing to reconstruct a geological map of this part of the colony on the basis of the aforementioned letters, wisely tried to make sure that he had rightly interpreted the meaning of the relative indications in these letters and therefore had sixteen samples collected by Mr. W. L. Loth, gouvernement landsurveyor, from spots infered from the geographical descriptions of Voltz."

FEW critics today will care to question seriously the eminence which the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have granted the Chanson de Roland among the masterpieces of mediaeval literature. No one is likely to read the poem without being profoundly moved by the brief passage in which Roland laments at the sight of his massacred army. The purpose of this essay is to suggest something of the intrinsic quality of that passage and to analyze its relationship to the tone and structure of the first half of the poem. To understand the action in the passage and appreciate the fundamentals of its artistry, we need little more than an awareness of what is in effect common knowledge: before crossing the Pyrenees from Spain into France, Charlemagne has left at Roncevaux a rearguard of twenty thousand men to guard the mountain-pass under the command of his nephew and most trusted vassal, Roland. Despite an attack by a hundred thousand Saracens, Roland has refused to call for help, as his brother in arms, Oliver, would have had him do. Now that only sixty of his men are left alive, he realizes that he must assume the responsibility for the massacre: Rollant reguarded es munz e es lariz. De eels de France i veit tanz morz gesir, E il les pluret cum chevaler gentill: "Seignors barons, de vos ait Deus mercit. Tutes vos anmes otreit il pareYs; En seintes flurs il les facet gesir. Meillors vassals de vos unkes ne vi. Si lungement tuz tens m'avez servit, A oes Carlon si granz paYs cunquis. Li empereres tant mare vos nurrit!

Recent research has revealed the meaning and evolution of the theme of the Nursing Madonna in late medieval art. Two Sienese artists, Simone Martini and Ambrogio Lorenzetti, essentially changed the form and iconography of the traditional image,1 and, as can be seen in works by their own hands and by others dependent upon originals of these masters, each transformed earlier formal and hieratic medieval portrayals of the theme into highly sympathetic devotional images of the Virgin Mother nursing the Christ Child in which the warmth and intimacy of their relationship was stressed.2 The origin and meaning of the Madonna of Humility, which was almost certainly first conceived by Simone Martini during the second quarter of the fourteenth century, have been judiciously studied, and although the original by the master's hand is no longer extant, numerous paintings based on the lost prototype, such as the Simonesque panel in Berlin (Fig. 12), indicate its general character and the main lines of its composition.3 ...

An expedition under the writer's archaeological direction and sponsored by Drew University, McCormick Theological Seminary and the American Schools of Oriental Research completed its fourth season of excavation at Tell Balâtah, the ancient Shechem, in 1962. The site lies at the eastern opening between Mts. Ebal and Gerizim, forty-one miles north of Jerusalem. The earlier Sellin expedition had reported two strata of Hellenistic settlement at the site, though the date and extent of the occupation were not clarified. The Drew-McCormick Expedition has been particularly concerned with the Hellenistic occupation for two reasons: (1) The opportunity to clarify an obscure age in the cultural history of Palestine and especially to develop a ceramic typology, with chronologically fixed points, so that a more precise means of dating may be available for the archaeology of the period; (2) the problem of the historical meaning of the Hellenistic ruins at Shechem.

Interest in the problem of Roman law in Henry de Bracton's De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae has recently started up with renewed vigor and with increasing emphasis upon the European rather than insular character of his treatise and upon the necessity of studying it ‘within the framework of the European legal (especially legistic and canonistic) literature of his time.’ But among the important elements of Roman law in Bracton the familiar maxim, ‘quod omnes similiter tangit, ab omnibus comprobetur’ (the words of Justinian, C. 5, 59, 5 §2), has been overlooked. In this study I wish to show how Bracton was influenced by the maxim (henceforth referred to simply as q. o. t. — quod omnes tangit), and how his acceptance of it may have some significance for its appearance in royal writs by which communities were summoned to send representatives to Parliament. For towards the end of the thirteenth century and later, the kings of England and France, when they needed extraordinary taxes or national support in quarrels with Pope Boniface VIII and consequently had to obtain the consent of great nobles, prelates and communities of lesser free men, sometimes stated in the preamble to summonses to an assembly that the cause of the convocation was a serious or difficult business (ardua negotia) touching (contingentia or tangentia) both king and kingdom. The presence of tangere or contingere in a context of the kind resulted, although students of representation have not observed it, from the influence of q.o.t. as an equitable principle in legal procedure—this will become apparent after the legal meaning and the terminology current in the thirteenth century are examined.

In the most thorough study that has been made of the Ruthwell Cross (Fig. 1), the late Baldwin Brown came to the conclusion that this imposing work of the seventh century was erected to symbolize the triumph of the cross.1 His interpretation is supported by the Anglo-Saxon verses inscribed on its side in runic characters, a poem of the Dream of the Rood, in which the cross of Christ, speaking in the first person, recounts in passionate language its own experience and testimony of the Crucifixion

'THE foundation in the thirteenth century of the two great orders of Franciscans and Dominicans, the latter par excellence the ordo praedicatorum, gave an enormous impulse to preaching.' I It was largely responsible for the abundant production of sermons and arts of sermon-making in the centuries that follow. More than two hundred manuscripts of the period from 1900 to 1500 contain arts of preaching, artes praedicandi.2 Some have been traditionally associated with the names of certain great Churchmen and Schoolmen, St. Bonaventure, St. Thomas, Albert the Great; we have the names of nineteen authors in the thirteenth century, thirty-six in the fourteenth, twenty-seven in the fifteenth, and as many more manuscripts are anonymous. A glance at Professor Caplan's list of authors on pages 38, 39, of his Hand-List will show that the great majority of known authors were members of an Order. So far twenty-one of the tracts have been published, and many more have been studied by scholars who sought to determine their place and relations in the history of rhetoric and the history of the Church, or to use them as keys to open the meaning of the typically mediaeval thematic sermon.3

Until the last half of the eighteenth century it was believed that there was only one Madrid edition of Don Quixote, Part I, bearing on its title page the year 1605; but in 1776 John Bowle noted in a letter to Thomas Percy that there were two different editions. This was the starting point for a series of comparative descriptions of both editions in the nineteenth century; howbeit the second Madrid edition was mistaken for the first until 1826, when Vicente Salva corrected this error. More recently, scholars have been puzzled by some typographical differences between different copies of the editio princeps, and their findings have elicited a num-ber of contradictory theories as to the origin and meaning of these variants. These findings have even cast an ominous shadow of disbelief on the authority of the editio princeps and the actual place that it should occupy in the order of the early editions of Cervantes's work.

Accessions of primary source materials concerning Juan Luis Vives (1493-1540) continue to be made, increasing our need for a thorough restudy of his life and thought. Since Adolfo Bonilla y San Martín's authoritative biography was published in 1903, besides the obvious advances in supplementary scholarship, more than sixty letters by Vives himself, many letters addressed to him, one treatise which may have been his (which has yet to be analyzed and published), as well as the records of the Inquisitorial trials of members of his family, have been added to the evidence known to be extant.The letter with which this article is concerned has been published in this century but has not explicitly been incorporated into any studies of Vives. Professor Kristeller recently described the manuscript used in the Paquier edition (P) and brought it to my attention. The letter is here republished, in closer fidelity to the manuscript, and with an expanded critical apparatus which suggests a new interpretation of its meaning.

By 1870, California's gold and silver deposits were nearly depleted and the state was rapidly becoming settled. It was at this time that Calif ornians began to look to the writing of the history of the state. Evidence and experience were waiting and needed only to be sorted, digested and transcribed to the written word. San Franciscans had only to walk out over the sandhills to the crumbling remains of the mission and pueblo which traced their origin to the same year as the Declaration of Independence. Vestiges of Spanish culture were spread throughout the state. Adobe buildings, quaint institutions and customs, papers, pamphlets and books all awaited the historian's touch which would give them meaning and life. The more recent events of the American occupation and the gold rush were highly publicized, yet they also waited to be chronicled and interpreted. The first historian to grapple with the task of a definitive history of the discovery, settlement and development of California was Hubert Howe Bancroft, a well-known San Francisco bookseller and publisher.1 Following close behind and concurrently with Bancroft was Theodore Henry Hittell, a prominent San Francisco attorney.2 The historical works of these two men are still the best comprehensive histories of the state, and serve as the basis for most subsequent works on California. Bancroft needs no introduction to western historians. His reputation and fame rest securely on his thirty-nine volume Works, his library, and John W. Caughey's excellent biography.3 On the contrary, Theodore Hittell is virtually unknown, although his four-volume History of California continues to be a standard reference and has been termed by Robert E. Cowan as the "best history of California within reasonable proportions!'4 Notwithstanding a brief biography published shortly after his death, nothing has been written on the life and the work of Theodore

This study is devoted to the symbolic significance of shadow and light in two works by Filippo Lippi: The Annunciation in the Martelli Chapel in the Church of San Lorenzo in Florence and the painting of the same subject in the Frick Collection in New York. In the Renaissance, the shadow that appears in the Annunciation is often associated with the procreative power of God. The fact that Filippo Lippi makes use of this sense of the shadow is particularly evident in his Frick Annuciation. It is less well known that in the art of Filippo the shadow has a dual meaning. In fact, the contrast between light and shade in these pictures was not a result of experimentation with natural light; nor is it a difference - as some have argued - caused by the fact that the two halves of the picture were originally intended to be installed separately like the wings of an organ or an "armadio" (closet for ex voto). Instead, I believe that the difference in the way in which the two parts of these paintings are illuminated is a pun intended to emphasize the theological concept of a typological relationship between the Testaments and the realization of the prophecies about the birth of the Messiah.

L'auteur explicite les ramifications symboliques de l'offrande d'aliments dans le langage rituel à Ceylan. Trois observations constituent le point de départ de l'auteur: — l'association entre la préparation et la consommation quo tidienne d'aliments et la crainte de la présence active de dé mons ; — le rôle de l'offrande d'aliments au Bouddha, aux dieux et aux démons ; — le rôle des échanges d'aliments dans l'expression des rap ports entre castes. L'auteur procède à un analyse systématique des contextes dans lesquels cette offrande d'aliments à lieu et tente de saisir la signification de ce rituel dans une société caractérisée par sa religion et sa division en castes.

Nella sua opera Kore-Persefona, pubblicata nel 2004, la poetessa romena Ruxandra Cesereanu offre una riscrittura postmoderna del doppio mitico Kore-Persefone. Questo articolo si propone di studiare le metamorfosi del mito e le sue valenze simboliche all'interno della poetica dell'autrice, in cui Kore- Persefone si configura come la paradossale metafora di un io mentalmente scisso tra sanità e nevrosi. In her work Kore-Persefona, published in 2004, the Romanian poet Ruxandra Cesereanu performs a postmodern rewriting of the mythic Double Self Kore-Persephone. This article aims at studying the metamorphosis of this myth and its symbolical meaning in Cesereanu’s poetry, in which Kore- Persephone represents the paradoxical metaphor of a Self mentally divided between sanity and neurosis.

Introduction, Sithan-t-Sluain is the name given to a conspicuous eminence (500 ft.) above the general plateau level (1000 ft.) of that portion of the Highlands south of Loch Fyne, Argyllshire, Scotland. The name itself, associated as it is with many local traditions, proved an interesting little holiday study. “Sithan” translated from the Gaelic means “Fairy Hill” or “Green Hill,” while an annotated copy of Scott’s “The Lady of the Lake” gives “Sithan” as “Men of Peace” whence it was thought that the hill obtained its name because certain monks used it as a place of refuge when their monasteries were raided. It is more probable, however, that this hill was a landmark indicating the direction in which the Men of Peace resided. Some Gaelic dictionaries give “Sith” as meaning peace, spiritual, fairies, or green hill, while “Sluain” or “Sluaigh” means people. Tradition has it that this hill was so named out of regard for those gentle folk about whom all manner of strange tales are to be found in Celtic Folklore. Modern inability to appreciate the Gaelic sentiment has had the effect of stigmatising this 1500 ft. hill as the Fairy Knowe, a name I find convenient for use in this paper. General Description. The Fairy Knowe (Sithan-t-Sluain) is situated on the south side of Loch Fyne about two miles east of Newton Bay, directly south of the croft known as Stuckreach. The summit (1428 ft.) of the hill (plate ii) may be seen from almost any point in Upper This 250-word extract was created in the absence of an abstract

In 1826 Jan Herkel's Elementa universalis linguae slavonicae etc. was published in Buda. In it, the author, who was a Slovak by birth, demanded the establishment of a common Slav language as a prelude to the creation of some kind of Slav unit—a “unio in literatura inter omnes Slavos sive verus panslawismus.” To my knowledge, this was the first time that the expression “Pan-Slavism” was ever used. As the title of the book shows, the word had no political, but only a literary, meaning.

espanolLa intencion teorica que pretende este estudio es la de exponer la idea del eterno retorno sobre el terreno filosofico del lenguaje. Se puede captar en la reflexion de Nietzsche, mas alla del analisis psicologico, un estatus linguistico-gramatical de la venganza. La omnipresencia de este instinto es tan radical que se entrelaza con la omnipresencia de la metafisica del lenguaje. La venganza empuja a la busqueda del culpable, del autor, de la causa, del sujeto, Empuja a la venganza en busqueda de culpables, del autor, el caso de la materia, entrelazandose con el gesto de fundacion metafisica en general. La liberacion de la venganza, que promete Zaratustra con el eterno retorno, puede ser interpretada como un intento paradojico de redencion de la ultima «sombra de Dios», de la fe en la gramatica. EnglishThe purpose of this paper is to present the Nietzschean concepts of revenge and eternal return on philosophical grounds of language. One can grasp in the reflection of Nietzsche, beyond psychological analysis, a linguistic-grammatical meaning of “revenge”. The pervasiveness of this instinct is so radical that it is intertwined with the pervasiveness of the metaphysics of language. The revenge drives in search of the culprit, of the author, of the cause, of the subject, and it is linked with the founding gesture of metaphysics in general. But this vengeful research of an author is rooted first and foremost in grammatical functions, in the predicative structure of the speech, which declines each event according to agent and activities. The deliverance from revenge, that Zarathustra promises with the eternal return, can be interpreted as a paradoxical attempt to get free from the last shadow of God, the faith in grammar.

The Buddhist Ordination Rite in eighteenth century Ceylon is seen as having two kinds of symbolic meanings, the first internal to the rite and the second related to the legitimisation of royal power. The rite presents in a highly dramatic form the act of renunciation, awa y from the web of social relations into the woods, and away from the world on the path of Ultimate Release (Nirvana). The novice is first dressed as a Ksatriya warrior and then dramatically stripped of his prin cely finery and clothed in the yellow robes of the mendicant monk. Next he is solemnly admonished on how to walk the true path of asceticism. This is the first symbolic meaning. The second involves an elaboration, by the political authority (the King), of the princely attributes of the novice while he is still in the princely garb. This is done by conducting him with ceremony fit for a prince to the Temple of the Sacred Tooth which was a part of the palace complex, and enacting a cere mony of crowning him. This extension of the rite, in strict terms unnecessary for the rite itself, and done to only a select few of the novices, is seen as an attempt by the king to dis play his patronage of and devotion to the religion. The novice as prince is seen as a very apt mechanism for the fusion of two rituals with two very different meanings.

The meaning of Donatello's bronze statue of David in the Museo Nazionale of Florence has remained elusive. The problem of interpretation is compounded by lack of documentation concerning the commission of the work and its original location. Its dating has been a matter of much dispute, though it is generally placed in the years between 1430 and 1440. First mentioned in 1469 as in the courtyard of the Medici Palace, the statue was moved in 1495 to the courtyard of the Palazzo Vecchio.1

The first exhibition of Der Blaue Rater was held from the 18th of December, 1911, to January 1st of 1912. It took place in the Galerie Thannhauser of Munich where there was concurrently showing the third exhibition of the Neue Kunstlervereinigung from which the Blaue Reiter had just seceded.1 It was fitting that Wassily Kandinsky had designed the cover of the catalogue, for he was the moving spirit of the new group. Moreover, it had been his practice to assume the responsibility of designing the public documents of the organizations to which he belonged. He had created the poster for the first exhibition of the Phalanx in Munich in 1901;2 the extremely modern poster for the first exhibition of the Neue Kunstlervereinigung in 1909; as well as the membership card for this same NKV (Figs. 1, 2, 4).

In die pre-modern Chinese codes, Yoshimune (8th Tokugawa Shogun, 1716–1745) found much of use to him in his attempt to reform the administration of justice in early eighteenth century Japan. Building on an interest kindled by studies of Ming law in his nativehan, Wakayama, Yoshimune gathered about him a cluster of confucianists, including Ogyu Sorai and his brother Hokkei (Kan), and they in turn developed a new Chinese-based jurisprudence with new legislative concepts and roles for law generally. Hokkei did a recension of die Ming penal code supplied with diacritics, and Sorai did a commentary to the code, explaining its meaning in simple Japanese; together these two works vastly increased die accessibility of Ming law to Japanese scholars especially after these works came out in a wood-block publication.Also, Yoshimune put several other groups of scholars to work on other Chinese legal sources—the T'ang codes, the Ch'ing codes and the eighth century T'angderivative Japanese codes (ritsuryō). At die same time the largest daimyo, Maeda Tsunanori, built up his own extensive collection of Chinese legal sources and encouraged their study in Kanazawahan. Similar studies and uses of Chinese law are found in severalhanlater, notably Kumamoto, Wakayama, Aizu and Hirosaki. Thus a minor reception of Chinese law in Tokugawa Japan has been heretofore largely overlooked between the major eighdi century reception of T'ang law and the massive nineteenth century reception of European law a millcnium later.

PROFESSOR W. A. Nitze, in an important article,' suggests that Robert de Boron named Merlin's abode, esplumoir, with a reference to the meaning of merlin, 'a hawk.' Raoul de Houdenc, the other writer who mentions Esplumoir Merlin, gave the name both to his Roche mout grifaigne2 and to his Isle sanz non.3 These are, I believe, different parts of a single episode which Nitze characterizes as 'an Otherworld imprisonment by a fairy-mistress of the type represented by the Joie de la Cort episode in Chretien de Troyes' Erec.' The first part of the episode is the Roche, which I interpret as the castle of the Tuatha De Danann, who are nearly all women (fJes). This often becomes in French a Castle of Maidens. The second part of the episode is the Isle, a giant's abode, which in French often becomes a Dolorous Tower. Thefee,4 we must believe, was at first a goddess. She built and ruled the Castle of Maidens even the giant and the Tower belonged to her but it is a necessity of her fairy nature to compel a suitor to fight this giant. In consequence he is sometimes regarded as the ruler. In Meraugis, doubtless because he is an otherworld monster whose name is lacking,5 his habitation is called cite' sanz non and isle sanz non. Irish stories of this type divide easily into two parts: first the hero sees the fee and then he fights for her against the giant. Thus Cuchulinn first sees Fann (and her companion Li Ban) and then fights Eogan Inbir.6 Laegaire sees a band of fifty women and fights Goll.7 In Tochmarc Emire,8 Cuchulinn first sees Scathach and Uathach and then fights Cochor Crufe. In Chretien's Perceval,9 the hero comes first to Blancheflor's castle and then fights Anguingueron; later, Gawain is first entertained at Ygerne's palace and then fights Orguelleus de la roche.

For three hundred years and more the meaning of the figures on the Portland Vase has been a matter for speculation of the most strange and varied character.During the first half of this century there was something of a lull, but ten years ago Professor Erika Simon, after a wide-ranging and sensitive study of all the evidence, put forward a highly ingenious theory connecting the scenes with the ancestry of Augustus and, shortly after, Professor L. Polacco embroidered it further. In 1964 Mr Denys Haynes produced the excellent little book which is on sale at the British Museum: this was reviewed by Professor H. Möbius, who had his own theory, elaborated since in a longer article; and Professor H. Biesantz has exposed the weaknesses of all the solutions, without however propounding one of his own.The wide differences of opinion among these scholars have prompted me to place on record some observations I made twenty years ago, when we first acquired the vase at the British Museum; and I shall take Mr Haynes' book as a starting-point, because it is the latest comprehensive account, and, being persuasively argued, bids fair to hold the field.However, before we begin to examine the vase in detail, a few words must be said on its technique, its date, and the circumstances in which it was made (plates I–IV, VI–VII). The technique was to make a bubble of very dark blue glass, clear but so thick that it cannot be seen through, and over it a skin of white translucent glass reaching as far upwards as the base of the neck: then to join two deep-blue glass handles from the middle of the neck to the shoulder of the vase; and, finally, using the technique of the cameo-carver, to carve, and carve away, the white glass layer in order to produce figures and landscape. The blue glass becomes the background of the scene where the white has been completely removed: where the white has been thinned but not completely removed, the blue provides suggestions of shadow and distance.

Two highly suggestive studies were devoted some time ago to the Ruthwell Cross, a monument of probably the seventh or eighth century, near the English-Scottish border, which combines classical elements with others of Anglian or Celtic origin. One study was written by the late Professor Saxl;1 and the other one by Professor Meyer Schapiro.2 They were published almost simultaneously, in Spring 1945, although owing to the contingencies of wartime communications it so happened that the authors were barely informed of each other's doings.3 Whereas Professor Saxl stressed the Mediterranean origin of the iconographic items and of some stylistic elements of the representations sculptured in the Cross and its shaft, Professor Schapiro broadly discussed the religious meaning of the reliefs. The latter's interpretation of the Cross, which he came to regard as a landmark of Insular asceticism reflecting ideals of the Egyptian desert fathers, appears particularly persuasive. In fact, most of the subjects represented i...

In a Paper read before this Society, 15 May, 1879, printed inArchaeologia, vol. XLVII. pp. 157–160, on “The Fret or Key Ornamentation in Mexico and Peru,” I showed that this form or symbol was there without doubt emblematic ofwater, and probably adopted independently of Western or Old World influence; and at the conclusion of the Paper I threw out a hint that thefylfotorswastikawas an old Aryan symbol, connected with the older sky or air-gods, as represented by Indra and JupiterTonansandPluvius, and not found in the New World. Since then I have gone very fully into a further investigation as to the general history and meaning of that ancient and mystic symbol; and believe I have arrived at a satisfactory solution of a question which has long been a puzzle to mythologists and antiquaries; but one which—in spite of the later labours and discoveries of Dr. Schliemann, Bernouf, Max Müller, of Ludvig Müller of Copenhagen, and most recently of Mr. Edward Thomas, the eminent numismatist —I believe, with Eergusson(Tree and Serpent Worship), has not yet been fully solved.

RESUMENPresento una exposición de los argumentos de M. Dummett contra el proyecto davidsoniano de reducir, al menos en la formulación de una teoría del significado, la fuerza de habla de una emisión al sentido de una oración que funcione como un adscriptor de dicha fuerza. Constitutivas de tales argumentos son las tesis de que no hay fuerza sin convenciones lingüísticas y de que la fuerza de la aserción es un factor esencial en la determinación de la creencia.PALABRAS CLAVEFUERZA DEL HABLA-MODO VERBAL-ASERCIÓN-CREENCIAABSTRACTAs it is known Frege distinguished two factors in meaning, sense and force. Now, the force of an utterance cannot be identified syntactically with the verbal mood of a sentence. On face of it Davidson tries to maintain a very formal conception of language analyzing the force in terms of truth-conditions, that is to say, in terms of sense.He introduces his paratactic analysis. But there is an objection by Dummett that the force is beyond the sense and so the meaning has a factor of use which is not formally reducible.KEYWORDSMEANING-FORCE-SENSE-PRATACTIC ANALYSIS

ResumenEl trabajo se propone, por un lado, presentar los argumentos que M. Shapiro y J. M. Schaffer hicieron contra la interpretación heideggeriana del cuadro de van Gogh. Y, por otro, someter a un análisis crítico cada una de las objeciones. La idea central es presentar la polémica que produjo la recepción del texto de Heidegger Der Ursprung des Kusntwerkes y mostrar que dicha recepción se funda en un desconocimiento del pensamiento heideggeriano -tal como sucede en el caso de M. Shapiro- y en una incorrecta descripción de la producción del sentido –tal es el caso de J. M. Schaffer-.Conceptos Clave:Significado, Referente, Obra de Arte, EstéticaAbstract The study aims, on one hand, at submitting the objections that M. Shapiro and J.M: Schaffer made against Heidegger´s interpretation of Van Gogh´s painting, and, on the other hand, at making a critical analysis of every objection. The main idea consists in presenting the controversy created by the reception of Heidegger´s Der Ursprung des Kusntwerkes and showing that said reception is based on the ignorance of Heidegger´s thought – as in the case of M. Shapiro – and on the improper description of the production of meaning – as in the case of J.M. Schaffer.Key concepts:Meaning, Referent, Work of Art, Aesthetics

Author and Translator: Two Full-Fledged Characters? On the Feminist Translation in Canada Based on the Example of Lettres d’une autre by Lise Gauvin and “Feminine Translation” by Susanne de Lotbinière-HarwoodAmong many translation activities characteristic for Canada, a “feminine translation”, meaning an act of re-creation, is particularly worth mentioning. One of its representatives is Susanne de Lotbinière-Harwood, a translator of the texts of Quebec feminists, including Lise Gauvin’s Lettres d’une autre (1984) translated into English in 1989 (Letters from an Other). De Lotbinière-Harwood’s translation caused controversy, as — according to the critics — she explained to much to a reader, inserted too many footnotes and feminized the text more than the original. The translation activity of de Lotbnière-Harwood proves how, by using the creative approach to translation, the act of translation itself becomes visible, and the feminization of the target text creates a space for female expression also in a real world.KEY WORDS: feminist translation, Canada, Quebec, re-creation, Lise Gauvin