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The role of the taxation of economic rents in classical economics continues to hold the interest of scholars. One lacuna in the study of classical theory concerns the development of classical rent theory, which evolved from the emigration-colonization remedy that was advocated for abating the economic ills of Great Britain of the classical era. The concern of this paper is with the specific aspect of this classical discussion of emigration and colonization, which concerned the theory, and the taxation of economic rent as the classical theory was applied to colonial conditions. For here classical thought underwent a change in emphasis, a transformation often missed by contemporaries who claimed that a substantive aspect of Ricardian theory was at issue. This change in emphasis is clearly brought out in economist Edward Gibbon Wakefield's plan of Systematic Colonization and is forcefully reflected in economist J.S. Mill's great restatement of Ricardian economics some years later. In tracing this development in Ricardian economics, this paper shall consider first the relevant aspects of Wakefield's colonization plan which concerns location rents, the fiscal importance of such rents to his scheme, and the influence this had on classical economics. The concluding section sets out to explain the failure of Ricardo to develop this aspect of his theory since it was general enough to cope with location rents in lieu of differentials in soil fertility as the most important determinant of rent.

It has been the purpose of this paper to examine empirically the determinants of manpower allocation in Great Britain during the period of Labor planning, from 1945-49. Using the cotton textile industry for close study, it was found that the available data support the hypothesis that relative wage improvements were the primary factor accounting for the recruitment of manpower. However, some of the observed improvement in manpower in the cotton industry is also accounted for by such external factors as immigration. The evidence with respect to the alternate allocative devices, exhortation and compulsion, not only indicates failure to use these devices effectively, but also that in a democratic society under peacetime conditions it is virtually impossible to rely on these devices for socio-political reasons. The hypothesis that relative wages were the primary manpower allocative mechanism suggests that in the event of future manpower planning under peacetime, full employment conditions, some central wages policy will be necessary in the Great Britain.

The article presents abstracts of various papers related to immigration in Europe that were published in several periodicals. One of the papers discussed is "Planned Indian Immigration: The Role of the High Commissions," by B.A. Chansarkar. This paper offers a critique of some of the existing arrangements for the movement of voucher holders out of India and into Great Britain and makes a number of specific proposals as to how these might be improved, particularly under the aegis of the particular High Commissions concerned. Another paper discussed is "A Shipboard Study of Some British Born Immigrants Returning to the United Kingdom From Australia," by Alan Richardson. The aim of this study is to explore some of the psycho-social determinants of return migration among British born married, male, skilled, manual workers and to compare those who intend to resettle permanently in Great Britain with those who were undecided about resettling there. A tentative conclusion suggested by the results is that permanent' returnees are more likely to be motivated by economic considerations. The undecided returnees, on the other hand, are more likely to be motivated by emotional considerations.

Provides information on a study which discussed the emigration of British college graduates to Canada. Basis for the study; Reasons for emigration; Factors considered in the selection of Canada.

The article examines the impact of British overseas investment and emigration during 1870-1914 on its economy. In the international market for factors there were no legal or institutional obstacles to mobility. Here here author explores the possibility of a link between international factor flows and factor price differentials. The impact of other determinants of British overseas investment and emigration with the aid of first simple and then multiple linear regression analysis, have also been examined. The first stage of the investigation involved testing what may be called a naive neo-classical model in which the flow of capital from Britain to a given country of destination is regarded as a function of the returns to capital in the two areas. The migration results are somewhat mixed between countries. Investment was an important explanation of variations in British emigration to Australia and Canada. The change-in-population results for Australia, Canada, and New Zealand are not surprising because immigration was so important in the total population change of these countries.

The article examines the properties of the statistical technique used by economists Phyllis Deane and W.A. Cole on their book "British Economic Growth: 1688-1959." The technique is used to estimate the amount of population increase in Great Britain which is attributable to migration. These explanations of the differences in the pattern of demographic evolution in the major industrial counties in Great Britain are largely speculative, and it is not at present possible to check the assumptions on which they are based. The bulk of population increase in the industrial counties is commonly associated with the Industrial Revolution came from natural increase rather than from migration. It is not the defects in the underlying statistics which are the object of concern in this note, if by statistics Deane and Cole mean the raw data which they use. The raw data which Deane and Cole have for each county are estimates of baptisms, marriages, and burials as recorded for each parish in response to census inquiries. Deane and Cole use parish figures supplied for 1781 to provide some interpolation between 1751 and 1801.

The article presents information on state policy in the British depressed areas. The discussions centered in recent years around concepts of regionalism and regional planning have often emphasized the importance of a balanced regional life and economy. Proposals have been made for lifting the level of economic prosperity of given regions towards the level of other areas or of the country as a whole. The problems of the depressed or derelict areas of Great Britain present a somewhat different aspect. In this case the development of activities in those areas under both public and private auspices has been directed towards the reestablishment or preservation. The disappearance of the frontier, the halting of immigration, and cessation of great western movements of population into unsettled country, have given people, even in the more recently settled areas, a more stable and less restless population which, while mobile, yet increasingly feels a more permanent tie to a given region.

The object of these notes is to indicate one direction in which the numerical analysis of some types of local records can add to the knowledge of the historical demography of Great Britain before 1800. These notes are concerned with only one of the types of information which can be obtained in numerical form by a study of these lists, namely, information about the constancy of local populations at various periods, and about the related topic of migration. The possibility of using the material for studies of trends in, if not of the absolute sizes of, local populations is well known, as are also the difficulties due to the incompleteness of the Registers. Numerical information may be obtained by comparing the numbers of names common to pairs of successive assessment lists for some locality with the number occurring in either the earlier or the later list. This proportion gives some indication of the extent to which the locality was populated by members of the same group of families at the two dates, on the assumption that the whole population was surveyed at both dates.

The article analyses the activities of the British trade unions on behalf of emigration between 1850 and 1890 and the effects of those activities. The first section of the article is concerned with the general economic ideas of the unions about emigration and the reasons for the emigration policy. In the second section the difficulties the unions faced when they attempted to implement emigration in times of depression and unrest as a "safety valve" has been discussed. It also describes the permanent emigration rules of various unions and the effects of their operation. The emigration policy of trade unions in the mining, textile and iron and steel industries are treated in more detail than that of other Unions for two reasons. These industries were the very bone and sinew of the British industrial supremacy during the last half of the nineteenth century. It was in these industries that the threat of the danger of foreign competition was most often used by employers, and that trade unions considered most seriously the repercussions upon home industry of the emigration of skilled workmen.

This article discusses the relationship between labor migration and fertility in Great Britain. A priori consideration suggests many ways in which internal migration could affect the birth-rate. In the case of this country the explanation of the deficiency of literature may lie in the complete inadequacy of published statistics for a study of the effects of migration on fertility. It is clear that the statistics of the Registrar-General will not enable to throw much light on the relationship between migration and fertility. The effects of migration upon age composition have already been described--the predominance of young adults among the migrants tends to increase the birth-rates of immigration areas. The migrants were a body of people selected with respect to marital condition. In calculating the paternity rates, years of age relating to calendar years preceding 1931, and to periods of employment in non-insured occupations, were excluded, as also were the children born in those years. The fertility of the married Oxford Welshmen and the married Welsh Natives is seen to have been well below that of the Oxford Natives. Later, when wages were higher, prospects of employment better, and the families were more settled in their new home, their fertility increased.

This article studies the age-selective effects of labor migration in Great Britain in the 1930s. The writers who study the problem in Great Britain are Hill, who investigates the migration from Essex in the period 1851-1911 and Singer, who examines the post-war emigration from the depressed areas. The essential point at issue in these studies is the age-composition of migrants at migration. When there is migration into an area, the total population in that area at the end of any period is composed of the survivors of the original population, together with the survivors of the migrants. The age of the latter differs from the original age-composition of the migrants at migration according to their survival rates at each age and their length of stay in their new home before the end of the period. The difficulty of obtaining statistics giving age at migration have led writers to a more indirect approach. They estimate the numbers of the native population who would be expected to survive and by subtracting this from the census population enumerated at the end of the period obtain the number of surviving migrants. On the other hand, instead of estimating the survival rates of the native population some writers have taken as their expected population the sum of the original population and the total number of births, minus the total number of deaths in the area.

This article considers certain evidence with regard to the recent changes taking place in the migration currents within Great Britain as of July 1938. It is well known that in recent years the primary current of internal migration in Great Britain has been directed southwards. Owing to differential economic development and the localization of industry, the majority of opportunities for employment have arise in the south; people on the move have taken advantage of them. Census figures have shown for some time that London, England and the South-East have been gaining population at the expense of other parts of the country. But census figures only indicate the total movement during a period of years; they reveal nothing concerning the fluctuations from year to year. It is generally supposed that the internal movements of population increase in times of prosperity and decrease in times of depression. When the population of each area of the country is ascertained at the census, it is also classified according to age. The numbers of births and deaths are available for all areas, as well as the changes in the electoral register. From the age classifications it is possible to infer how many of the existing population in a district reach the franchise age each year.

This article focuses on the migration of British citizens between Great Britain and Europe, from 1924 to 1934. In each year of the span, more British nationals arrived in Great Britain from Europe than embarked for Europe. When British nationals arrive from Europe it is impossible to distinguish between those who were initially in Europe and those who merely traveled via Europe from, say, India, Australia, or New Zealand. Similarly the passengers from Great Britain to Europe include a number who do not finish their journey in Europe, but go forward to countries outside Europe. In order to determine the true migration of nationals between Europe and Great Britain, it is therefore first necessary to find out how many nationals passed through Europe each year when traveling between Great Britain and countries outside Europe. In 1921 the number of British passengers embarking from Great Britain direct to non-European countries was 268,300. Of these, 199,500 were classed as migrants and so changed their permanent residence. The other 68,800 nationals were therefore not changing their permanent residence, but had simply been visitors. Thus, of the 77,900 nationals visiting Great Britain from non-European countries in 1921, only 68,000 sailed direct to non European countries.

This article examines the industrial depression in Great Britain in the 1930s. A fundamental reason for the depression involves the nation's dependence in the early stages of war upon a voluntary army. This meant that the brave, energetic and high-spirited were the first to volunteer; and the ones who in numbers first fell. These same men would have been between the ages of 30 and 45, furnishing as their destiny the energetic creative leadership that the nation needs so much. A leadership of relatively old men may, on the basis of sheer maturity and experience, enable a nation to hold its own industrially in normal times. The human nature asserts itself in seeking some single remedy for a multi-sided problem. That there may well be an element of truth in many such remedies does not detract from their comparative futility when applied as isolated factors. Emigration is among the most popular. Protection is another remedy frequently advanced; and the U.S. experience is cited in its favor. The protectionist free-trade discussion is fascinating in the whole realm of economics. The answer to the problem of industrial depression is bound up with two circumstances: the relative failure of industry to readjust itself, and the relative failure of certain industries to compete with pre-war success in home and export markets.

Focuses on the international migration of health personnel to Great Britain. Importance of the number and quality of trained personnel to the evolution of health services; Contribution of overseas to the staffing of the nursing service in Great Britain; Difference between the nurses and doctors from overseas.

The article focuses on the status of Irish people in Great Britain as of 1962. It is probable that there are more than a million people in Great Britain today who were born in Ireland. It is possible that, when the analysis of the 1961 census data is complete, they will be found to be resident in England and Wales alone. The Irish in Great Britain constitute a population roughly ten times that of Norwich and greater than that of Dublin and Belfast taken together. On the basis of place of birth, at least, this makes the Irish the predominant minority group in the British society, a position that they have held for at least 150 years. The distinction of the Irish is not so much that they are an obvious minority but that their number is very considerable and their migration has been sustained over a long period. The short distances separating Ireland from the rest of the British Isles have facilitated this movement. The migration of the Irish to Great Britain should properly be seen as one aspect of the internal movement from rural to urban areas within the British Isles.

Provides insights into the social conditions of colored minorities in Great Britain and discusses related immigration policies. Incidents of racial tensions leading to public conflict during 1955-1956 and reaction to them by public authorities; Changes in the policy of free Commonwealth immigration in 1958; Tendency of immigrants to settle in industrialized areas and look for low-skill jobs; Housing; Employment; Provisions of the Commonwealth Immigrant Act.

In this article we discuss a method of measuring short-term effects of immigration on excess aggregate demand and on the balance of payments with particular application to a full employment, or "over-full employment", economy.
It may well be the case that an apparent shortage of labour in the economy as a whole accompanied by a shortage of goods and services--all symptoms of a creeping inflation--is attributable in the last resort to inept monetary and fiscal policy. It may further be the case that by some small reduction in the existing level of employment the general labour shortage would disappear and the pressure on prices fall away. Whatever the origins of a general shortage of labour, however, the question remains: does the import of labour, like the import of goods, help to curb an incipient inflation by acting to reduce excess aggregate demand ? If net immigration added to the national product without increasing effective demand, or if it increased effective demand in smaller proportion, then, whatever the other economic effects, it would contribute in the short run to a reduction of the pressure of excess aggregate demand however caused.
In the attempt to answer this question we set up, first a general model for estimating the effects of immigration on aggregate net output, on aggregate net expenditure, and on the balance of payments. The model is then applied to the particular case of Jamaican immigrants into the U.K. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]