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The article presents a list of various books related to sociology received by the editorial department of the journal. Various books included in this list are "The Mind of Africa," by W.E. Abraham, "Piritim A. Sorokin in Review," edited by Philip J. Allen, "Economic Development: Objectives and Methods," by Paul Alpert, "Proceedings of the Social Statistics Section, 1962," "Eichmann in Jerusalem," by Hannah Arendt, "On Revolution," by Hannah Arendt, "I Giovani Nella Societa Industriale," Guido Baglioni, "Expanding Population in a Shrinking World," by Marston Bates, "Leadership and Dynamic Group Action," by George M. Beal, Joe M. Bohlen and J. Neil Raudabaugh, "The Structure and Dynamics of Organizations and Groups," by Eric Berne, "Learning Your Way Through College," by Elton S. Carter and Iline Fife, "Homes, School and Work: A Study of the Education and Employment of Young People in Britain," by M.P. Carter, "Conflict and Conformity: A Probability Model and Its Application," by Bernard P. Cohen, "The Cutteslowe Walls: A Study in Social Class," by Peter Collison, etc.

This article examines the economic, social and political forces determining the concrete amount of education needed by all people. In his paper Torsten Husén states that in estimating the degree to which people can be educated, people are primarily dealing with a socio-politico-economic problem rather than a pedagogic one. Perhaps the main problem raised by Husén's paper is not whether the existing empirical information support a reactionary or progressive educational pattern, but the significance of empirical findings as such. The large research work done by Husén shows, by large, that the arguments put forward against the educability of people and in favor of selective or restrictive pattern of education are not, pedagogically, valid. On the other hand, it is certain that once a progressive educational policy is formed at the political level, the implementation of it need research directed to these specific ends. There are some principal tendencies in a class society to repeat the existing division of work and modes of manpower utilization by limiting of education of some demographic groups and differentiating mechanically the knowledge transmitted to people.

A critical review of some recent research on sex roles; suggestions are made for an alternative approach. Much research is found to be misleading and seriously biased to minimize indications of strains and changes in American sex roles. Most research is limited to women's roles, not men's, and to the internal processes of the middle class family without consideration of functional, historical, or political aspects. American sex roles are explained in this paper as serving historical and psychological needs which are no longer appropriate. Differential, sex roles are maladapted to contemporary conditions of rapid social change and temporary associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A review of 12 studies completed in the English-speaking Caribbean islands of Bahamas, Barbados, British Honduras, Carriacou, Grenada, Trinidad, and the Virgin Islands, as well as Guyana, is the central locus of this paper. The samples were predominantly rural, lower-class families, and the studies were completed during the 1951-1960 period. The findings of the studies are reviewed, and some comparison is made between the family patterns found in the various islands which are strung out on a 2,500-mile area in the West Indies. A discussion of ‘marriage’ and ‘household’ is included in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data obtained on all the 1427 official cases of delinquency in San Francisco in 1960 point, as have many recent studies, to more than one delinquency generative milieu. The central concern of the paper is the adequacy of current theoretical formulations in explaining the observed differences. It is argued that these formulations may have provided sufficient understanding of lower-class delinquency, whether white or negro, but that approaches to middle-class white delinquency have not been satisfactory. It is suggested that the concept of subterranean values may be a fruitful beginning of theoretical consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins Is the second of two papers dealing with the relationship between voluntary social participation and happiness. The earlier paper/ which like the present one was influenced by the work of Norman M. Bradburn and his associates on the 'happiness" project at National Opinion Research Center and by the theoretical writings of George C. Homans,2 examined the influence of voluntary social participation upon people's self-reports of happiness and explored the mechanisms through which this relationship was established. Analysis of data from a sample of 600 adults revealed that, as hypothesized, happiness was highly related to social participation? The greater the extent of participation, the greater the degree of happiness reported. This relationship was shown to emerge from the following: (a) positive feelings were directly correlated with social participation, (b) negative feelings were generally unrelated to social participation, and (e) the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feelings indices which Braclburn termed the Affect Balance Score 4--was a major determinant of happiness. That is, the greater the preponderance of positive over negative feelings, the greater the probability that an individual would report being "very happy." Conversely, the greater the preponderance of negative over positive feelings, the greater the likelihood of an individual's being Knot too happy." To explore the stability of these relationships, they were examined under several different control variables. For the most part, the original relationships were maintained within these various subgroups. Before proceeding to the main concerns of this report, it is useful to restate the hypotheses tested in the earlier paper and to explain the reasoning behind them. The first hypothesis—the higher the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the number of positive feelings —was derived from consideration of Homans' general proposition that individuals tend to repeat those activities that were found to be rewarding in the past and to avoid those activities that were found unrewarding. Hence, if an activity is not rewarding or is punishing, individuals sooner or later will look for some alternative source of reward—if they are free to do so. Since with voluntary social participation men are, by definition, free to look for alternatives, it was hypothesized that a greater extent of social participation leads to a higher level of positive feelings. The second hypothesis—that negative feelings are unrelated to extent of social participation—also follows from the above argument. For as long as they are free to do so, we should expect individuals to withdraw from any social activities that are unrewarding or result in negative experiences. The third hypothesis—the greater the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the degree of happiness—was derived from the first and second hypotheses and from the work of Bradburn which showed that the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feeling indexes is a good indicator of an individual's current level of happiness. Thus, the earlier paper concentrated mainly on testing these three hypotheses. It also was concerned with the stability of the relationships within each of several control groups and not, for the most part, with differences among groups. In this paper, however, the main focus is on examining the effects of socioeconomic status upon the relationships between social participation and positive and negative feelings, and participation and happiness. A further interest is in "interaction-opportunities" and "investments," two concepts which are utilized to account for patterns of relationship between social participation and the various dependent variables listed above: positive feelings, negative feelings, and happiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nations borrowing technology from more developed countries often fail to realize that much of the developed country's class structure, behavior and attitude are often implicitly built into its technology. Thus, a developing nation may be obtaining more than it bargained for in such technological borrowing. The developing country may either have to change its own class structure or partially fail in its efforts to borrow. This paper examines some of the reasons why class structures are built into technology and what some of the implications of such technological borrowing are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1958, in his review of available literature on socialization and social class, Bronfenbrenner concluded that working class parents more often use physical punishment, while the middle class resorts to psychological techniques of punishment. The present paper updates this analysis drawing on more recent published studies and on secondary analysis of a national survey; it also examines the magnitude of class differences rather than only their statistical significance. This analysis suggests that, although various studies have found a statistically significant relationship, the relationship is weak. Analysis by type of indicator of punishment, quality of sample, age of children, or year of study does not alter this conclusion. However, none of the studies is definitive, and suggestions are offered about topics to be pursued in future research. Besides their direct relevance to the study of socialization and social class, the data reviewed here suggest that several more general inferences drawn front earlier studies are at present empirically unsubstantiated. These include the hypotheses that physical punishment leads to "working class authoritarianism;' that childhood punishment experiences explain (lie greater probability that working class adults, as opposed to middle class adults, will commit homicide; that general use of corporal punishment is a precursor to child abuse; and that use of corporal punishment is part of a subcultural positive evaluation of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper on occupational prestige is two-fold. The first part of the paper is devoted to a more general discussion of some theoretical and methodological shortcomings of the sociological literature on occupational prestige. The aim of the second part of the paper is to provide an illustration of one possible approach to the theoretical and empirical analysis of dissensus in occupational prestige which may be able to transcend at least partly some of the suggested shortcomings of the conventional approach. The sample utilized for the empirical analysis is a sample of the West German élite. The findings indicate that the position of an individual in the structure of voluntary interaction and his normative standards have an impact on the prestige assigned to different groups of occupations. Comparing science and nonescience occupations all requiring a university education, it was found that members of the elite who had close, personal interaction with scientists as well as a more favourable attitude towards the consequences of science and read proportionally more science literature assigned disproportionally higher prestige to science occupations in contrast to occupations outside of science.

It is popularly believed that upwardly mobile American men are more conservative than those born into the middle class. This paper reviews the evidence for the belief and concludes that, if anything, upwardly mobile American men are less conservative than their stable ,middle class compatriots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the empirical utility of consensual and conflictual theories in explaining the social cohesion of the liberal democracies of Britain and the United States. After clarifying conceptual problems of value consensus theory and Marxist theory, it examines the forms and extent of value-commitment in these countries. The conclusion is that both theories grossly overstate the amount of both value consensus between individuals and value consistency within individuals that actually exists. Cohesion in liberal democracy depends rather on the lack of consistent commitment to general values of any sort and on the "pragmatic acceptance" by subordinate classes of their limited roles in society. Suggestive evidence is also found for the existence of some "false consciousness" among subordinate classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-examines the social mechanisms that lead lower-class youth to make use of college as a mobility channel. It focuses on a select group of lower-class youth who, by their enrollment in a high-status university, already give unmistakable evidence of being engaged in the process of upward mobility. The findings reveal that upward mobility is linked to a distinctive pattern of maternal authority within the nuclear family and to dependence upon the outside social structure for support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no simple relationship between ascribed social status and delinquency. Both the status structure of the residential community and the extent to which delinquency is a function of a cultural tradition in a residential community affect the delinquency life-chances of a boy at each ascribed social class level. The largest proportion of delinquents for any status group comes from the more homogeneous status areas for that group, while the delinquency life-chances of boys in any status group tend to be greatest in the lower status areas and in high delinquency rate areas. Evidence presented in the paper for types of conforming and deviating boys lend support to the conclusions that (1) there is more frequent and serious delinquent deviation in the lower than in the middle stratum when self-reports of delinquent deviation are examined, (2) that the career oriented delinquent is found only among lower class boys, (3) that the major type of lower status boy is a conforming non- achiever while the conforming achiever is the major type in the middle class, (4) that conformers are more likely to be isolates than are non-conformers, and (5) that peer-oriented delinquency is the most common form of delinquent organization at both lower and middle status levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine sources for high social status, using the physician as an example. Functional theories and the "argument from usefulness" are examined. They are rejected primarily for the unwarranted assumption of a well integrated social system. Findings of greater or lesser Junctional importance of the various occupations seem to lack objective justification. The hypothesis is advanced that high social status is attached to those functions that appear to combine the contradictory standards of social stratification and the charismatic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of complementary needs in mate-selection and the over-all design of a study to test this theory have been explained elsewhere in considerable detail. Accordingly, the present paper will present only a summary statement of the theory and will then present the design and findings of a study which test one aspect of the theory. The theory begins by noting the cultural expectation, especially in the American middle class, that marriage will be based upon love, and then defines the phenomenon of attraction which we call love in terms of the emotional needs of the lover. With love defined in terms of the lover's emotional needs, it is feasible to conceive of the mutual attraction of the dyadic love relationship in terms of the need-patterns of the two lovers. It is hypothesized that the need-patterns of the two lovers will be complementary. Despite the abundance of evidence that there is homogamous selection with respect to characteristics of social background, therefore, these results seem to indicate that within the group sampled and within the field of eligibles selection takes place on the basis of complementary needs.

This paper is a preliminary report of a study of adjustment in marriage which has two somewhat unique features: It is a comparison of marriages ending in divorce with marriages outsiders judged to be the most happily married known to them and secondly, the subjects are fairly representative of the general population whereas those of previous marital prediction studies have been predominantly white-cellar, middle class and highly educated. The paper will deal with four topics: the nature of the sample; the criteria of adjustment; whether or not divorced persons are good risks in subsequent marriages; and marital prediction items. It was expected that the divorced would have shorter marriages than the happily married. A larger per cent of divorced than happily married were married for each five year period up to and including 15-19, and a larger per cent of happily married than divorced for each five-year period beginning with 20-24. The per cent of divorced and happily married whose marriages were of less than ten years' duration was respectively 56.0 and 38.6.

This paper deals with a formerly quiet French-Canadian country town, now transformed into one of the leading Canadian centres of textile manufacture. Specifically, it describes the present competitive position of various classes in the town and relate the relevant facts to traditional life-objectives and expectations. Since but one case is presented, the treatment cannot be considered comparative in the full sense. A similar analysis could be made profitably in any community undergoing this type of change. The paper makes explicit use of the concept of position and implicit reference to the concept of status. Position is an individual's place in a competitive system. Status is an attribute of a person in society. Subjectively, it consists of his own definition of his place within a system of recognized duties and privileges; objectively, it is the recognition that the person occupies in fact, such a place. In a well integrated system of life, status and position tend to correspond. Each type of position in the existing competitive system would, in the logically ideal case, be defined as a status.

Theoretical explanations of deviant gangs do not appear adequate to explain middle class delinquency. It is the contention of this paper that for some members of the upper middle class, socially sanctioned means of maintaining their social position are difficult to realize and that these young people organize subcultures which fit the definition of a delinquent gang. The theory is illustrated through and ex post facto application to a middle class gang. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has examined effects on mobility of education level, social class background, and strength of achievement motive. The attainment of some college education is shown to enhance greatly the likelihood of upward mobility and reduce the likelihood of downward mobility. However, much mobility is not attributable to the factor of education. Strength of achievement motive is shown to exert noticeable influence, on upward mobility especially, among persons who lack any college training. An analysis of the interaction of factors associated with social class background, strength of achievement motive, and level of education in the determination of mobility is offered; the analysis rationalizes both the absence of expected relationships between strength of achievement motive and mobility among persons from upper middle-class backgrounds, and the presence of such relationships among persons from the other social class groups. The correctness of this latter analysis will, of course, turn upon the results of future research in which more refined measures of social class variables are used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reexamines a great deal of research that has dealt with psychological maladjustment and glossolalia, including more recent studies of tongue-speaking in middle- and upper-class groups. Issue is taken with the conclusion of some recent research that there is no relationship between psychological or personality factors and glossolalia. Some data commonly used to substantiate this conclusion is reexamined and found to support rather different conclusions, though many of the studies looked at art faulted on methodological pounds. Special attention is given to the much-cited but unpublished work of Lincoln Vivier. It is argued that misleading conclusions may have been drawn from this important study. Suggestions are made for further research on glossolalia that would allow more definitive conclusions to be reached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comment on a previous paper Some Critical Observations on the Church-Sect Dimension, by Erich Goode, that appeared in the April 1967 issue of the Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. According to the author of this article, Erich Goode's paper has a double purpose in criticizing the wider legacy of the church-sect distinction. By and large, the author of this article concurs in his evaluation of the former, but perhaps understandably, the author has reservations about his appraisal of the latter. At the risk of overpersonizing the matter, the author wants to defend his own work, his book Social Class in American Protestantism, first before turning to the broader issue. The author appreciates the opportunity to speak offensively about the church-sect distinction in general and defensively about his own work in particular. Somehow the author had never expected more than cursory reviews of his book. In many respects, the analysis was an abortive attempt to turn a sow's ear into a silk purse.

The article presents comments of the author on his article "Profiting from a Comprehensive School," published in the "British Journal of Sociology," to draw attention to the sociological study of comprehensive schools. Author defends his article on two grounds presentation and analysis, and conclusions. Any inadequacies on presentation are probably determined by the limitations of the article-intended as a research note and not a fully developed paper. The criticism in conclusions seems largely directed at presentation. The conclusions are in fact valid on the basis of the findings of the research itself. The same applies to statistical techniques employed. In short it would seem that no valid critique of the conclusions themselves is presented. However, here is a point-by-point reply. The tables present the most outstanding deviations in keeping with the summary nature of the article. They are condensations of tables in the thesis. Thus class categories are included or omitted in accordance with the importance of variations.

This article discusses a study on social status and clique formation among grammar school boys in London, England. This paper reports on another aspect of the inquiry into the effects of social class at adolescence, which has been carried out at the London School of Economics and Political Science in England under the direction of Doctor H. T. Himmelweit. Within the broad framework of the research project, an important place was allotted to problems of peer group selection. Moreover, the paper is based on information from three sources: a choice of friend questionnaire, a sociometric questionnaire and an open-ended question on the attributes of a good friend. The most interesting conclusion which has emerged from these data points to an important difference between this country and the U.S. In both countries, the adolescent's value system largely determines his friendship choices. In England, it has been shown that similar class stereotypes may be found and it is quite possibly true that such friendship criteria as are embodied in the choice of a friend questionnaire reflect parental values. It could also be argued, that the working class boys in the grammar school are exceptional, in that they come from homes where middle class values are prevalent. In England, it may be said in general that by having secondary grammar and secondary modern schools, the working class pupils are divided into those who will be given an opportunity for social ascent and those who will not. England deliberately segregates the new recruits to the higher social levels and gives them more advanced training in separate schools. Under these conditions, several factors combine to give the working class boy those attitudes, interests and motives which are concomitant with his future social position.

This paper will examine some factors involved in the development of these two labor movements, as well as some of their characteristics. Its main idea is that different systems of stratification give rise to, and are reflected in, social movements that have quite distinct bases of support and orientation; or more succinctly, structural differences produce different political and ideological orientations. The variable of stratification is stressed because in both cases the structure and goals of the labor movement, its grievances, and its tactics were a consequence of major structural divisions in the power and prestige hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The data given in this paper support the hypothesis that it is possible to distinguish different subgroups along the Negro lower class continuum. Given the importance of the Negro mother in the lower class Negro family, her values and aspirations for her children are very influential for her children's future. Significant differences were found in the responses of "low status" and "high status" lower class mothers to questions concerning their aspirations for their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports research in which it was found that lower class persons see fewer social classes than those in the middle or upper class. It would not appear that this finding can be attributed to the tendency of lower class individuals to use fewer categories or to general sociological concomitants of lower class life. It is suggested that this is instead due to an attempt at self-elevation: those neat the top would enhance their social position by seeing many categories, while those near the bottom would enhance theirs by seeing few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the experiences of a participant-observer who spent two weeks with several groups of middle class deviant youths in a suburb of Los Angeles. These observations are related to prevailing conceptions of delinquent gangs, in an attempt to identify parallel and divergent characteristics of the middle and lower class groups. As a result of these observations and comparisons, questions are raised concerning the prevalence of highly structured gangs, dimensions which differentiate delinquent groups, the extent to which adult recognition structures and legitimizes gangs, and the essential similarity between delinquent and non-delinquent groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests some practical and theoretical problems of churches pertinent to social class which ought to be the subjects of research and study. This article has grown out of a recent workshop conducted by members of the Religious Research Association. A sense of smugness about the status of their inter-group relations seems to characterize many churches since policies for integrating nonswhites into their congregations have been initiated or strengthened. Accepting racial integration on paper is not the end of such problems for the church, however; it often is but the beginning. others. The nature of the underlying attitudes of the social classes and their influences upon religious beliefs and behavior need study. It would be instructive to know whether or not the values of the various social classes are assimilated into the value systems of the churches in which the respective classes are the most strongly represented. New Testament teachings about the relationships of slaves and their masters, the bond and the free, and the rich and the poor are especially pertinent as a basis for establishing the ideal position of the contemporary Christian church on the subject of social-class distinctions.

In this paper, a distinction has been drawn between the demographic analyses that have been performed on fertility (at both the macro-structural and micro-structural levels) and the social analysis of fertility, at the micro-structural level. To stress the distinctive objectives of the latter, I have labelled the dependent variable in such analyses `family formation' rather than `fertility'. Along with this re-labelling, an increased stress was placed on the need for finding new measures of family formation, that would be integrative of past demographic measurement and take account of the costs or dependency of children. The latter seemed important to any socio-economic or social analysis of family formation. A general measure of family formation processes was proposed - the `child-years-of dependency' (CYD) index. This (1) integrates demographic measures of quantity and tempo of fertility; (2) appears to discriminate among family formation patterns where some of the conventional demographic measures (especially quantity measures) do not; (3) is readily calculable from fertility histories, which are currently used in conventional demographic surveys of fertility; (4) is very flexible in taking account of `deviant' or irregular family formation patterns, such as adoption, child mortality, etc., where most conventional quantity and tempo measures in demographic studies are not; and (5) has a face validity that appears greater for social analysis of family formation than conventional demographic measures. The stress of the CYD on the dependency burden of children led to a discussion of more valid cost estimates than the simpler counting of children present in the basic CYD measure. Among the issues treated were group differentials in average costs, declining marginal costs of child-rearing, and age gradients of costs. Costs were defined minimally, in terms of dollar expenditures per child for consumption, and increased household work time entailed in child-rearing. Some existing data were used to illustrate levels and social class differentials of these various costs, recognizing the general inadequacy of available data. The need was stressed for longitudinal cost data, following families through their successive stages of family formation to see the actual and perceived levels of costs involved in rearing additional children. Finally, the inclusion of CYD measures in a general cost-benefit model of family formation was suggested. In part, this is required to balance the perspectives derived from some macro-structural cost-benefit models of economists, in understanding the persistence of high fertility, especially in underdeveloped areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents results from an exploratory study of the utilization behavior of lower working-class families in Aberdeen, Scotland. It is shown that, after controlling for such factors as social class, educational level, geographical proximity to, and knowledge of available services, the underutilizers exhibit a different social profile from the utilizers with respect to a number of variables, postulated as being possibly related to utilization behavior. The underutilizers appear to sustain a crisis existence, experiencing lack of permanent accommodation, over-crowding, marital instability, financial difficulties, and frequent sickness in the family. Utilizers appear to avoid most of these problems and to plan for their future lives. The circumstances surrounding the first conception (whether or not it was post-nuptial, on the one hand, or pre-nuptial or illegitimate, on the other), appear to be a main distinguishing variable between the two study groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The efforts of occupational groups to raise their professional status resembles many of the activities of social movements. In this paper occupational group striving viewed as a social movement is demonstrated as being a significant factor in the development of negative orientations toward impoverished or lower class clients. The research centered on investigations of the orientations and behaviors of three occupational groupings within public health—physicians, nurses and sanitarians. The hypothesis that members of highly striving occupational groups would be significantly more negative in their orientations toward the poor or the lower class client was verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about the book "The Neighborhood in Nation Building: The Running Comment of Thirty Years at South End House," by Robert A. Woods. The book is a collection of the occasional papers and addresses prepared by Woods from 1891 to 1923, all of them grouped about the theme of the local community, as it is seen through settlement windows. While no attempt is made to state formally the philosophy of the social settlement in cities in the U.S., one gets a running comment on the development of that philosophy, which is far more enlightening than a well-worked out thesis. The reader glimpses the settlement ideas and ideals in the making, notices the change of emphasis from time to time, sees the false starts and the recoveries, and he feels that there has been a continuous and intelligent attempt to understand a social problem and to meet the need of reciprocal understanding between various classes of society. To the special student of social settlement methods practically, all the papers would be of interest.

This study compares social class and income as correlates of buying behavior for a variety of low-cost packaged goods. Its objective was to determine whether social class or income best explains which products are found in the home. "The Los Angeles Times" Continuing Home Audit is used as the data base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper that has attempted to illuminate the problem of the persistence of specific organizational forms, a problem which has received some theoretical attention, but for which few operational clues exist. A notable exception is researcher Arthur L. Stinchcombe's hypothesis stating that when organizational elite structures are compatible with the interests and purposes of relevant external elites who control the resources upon which the organization depends, then the organizational form has a better chance of survival. The example analyzed in this paper was that of a city police control system that by all odds should have died a hundred years ago. The first task of this paper was to show how the Police Control Board, gradually worked out a routine police control operation that proved to be of great comfort and satisfaction to nervous elites suspicious of the city's will and ability to keep the dangerous classes in check. The second task of this paper was to analyze the social backgrounds of commissioners in order to show that they could hardly be anything but acceptable to elites since they themselves were recruited from elites and brought an elite perspective into the organization.

This paper examine: the changes and nines of change in a well known professional reform organization. ft focuses on the interplay of change-oriented goals with their environment. The extent and forms of two goals, militant community action and indigenous participation, are traced throughout the organization history, and a distinction is made between various interpretations of participation and the concept indigenous. "To maintain the organization its goals were changed many limes. Maintenance was aided by the recruitment of professionalized, middle class, minority group members, taken as being the equivalent of the poor. A feature of professional reform organizations is just such symbolic representation. Several interpretations of these remit: In terms of other government sponsored reform movements are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the sociology of knowledge and curriculum planning. People interested in problems of the curriculum of schools can be divided into two groups. The first group, by far the largest, is mainly interested in the practical problems of the curriculum, of which bringing about some desirable change in the curriculum might be one. The theoretical basis for much of the work in this particular volume is to be found in a sub-discipline of sociology known as the sociology of knowledge. The purpose of this paper is to provide some account of the sociology of knowledge and to explore the implications for the study of the curriculum of this particular viewpoint. The author proposes to do this first by looking at the sociology of knowledge as it was formulated by researcher Karl Mannheim. Although Mannheim was by no means the first to put forward a set of ideas as the sociology of knowledge, he is the thinker who made these notions through his writings accessible to the English speaking world. Mannheim drew attention to two other features of political and social theories.

This paper reports data on depressive symptomatology in a random sample of 1,645 adults in a Southeastern county. The respondents' scores on a depression scale are analyzed according to age, race, sex, annual family income, education, and a general socioeconomic status score. In order to review simultaneously the relationships between the respondents' scores on the depression scale and the variables under consideration, multiple regression analysis was used. Overall, the regression was significant although the variables of age and race were not. Socioeconomic status was the most significant variable, p < .001; femaleness was also statistically significant at the p < .001 level. The sociodemographic variables used in the multiple regression analysis accounted for 12.6 per cent of the total variance. This suggests that other factors such as psychopathology and/or organic illnesses, and their interactions with social and physiologic factors must be investigated before more definitive conclusions can be reached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended as a contribution to the formal theory of stratification systems. The paper has five sections. In Section I, a method for analytically inducing an order over a multi-dimensional status is discussed. It is believed that such a technique can aid in the specification of conceptual tasks within stratification theory, as well as serve as a baseline in actual measurements. It is subsequently employed in the axiomatic work of Sections 3 and 4. In Section 2, there is a brief discussion of the axiomatic method as a prelude to the system developed in the following two sections. In Section 3, the axioms are stated. In Section 4, various elementary consequences of the axioms are shown; most importantly, various concepts which are intuitively important in stratification theory are shown to be definable (e.g., a class system with a determinate number of classes). Finally, in Section s, there is a concluding discussion of the picture of stratification which emerges within this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IN A RECENT paper Mr. Runciman concludes by inviting replies to his argument that it is logically and conceptually useful to employ the tripartite distinction between `class' `status' and `power' in the analysis of social stratification. Mr. Runciman does not, of course, deny the existence of links between these three dimensions, but suggests that such links must be seen contingent empirical relationships and not necessary logical ones. I hope that the following paper will provide such a reply. It must be clear that the following criticism is directed, in the main, to those parts of the paper in which Mr. Runciman is concerned with the logical and conceptual problem. The essay in question also contains a clear and valuable assessment of the problems encountered in any attempt to measure the three types of inequality. In the first part of the paper I propose to give a critical assessment of certain central aspects of Mr. Runciman's argument and, in the second part, I will put forward a very brief formulation of what I consider to be a more meaningful alternative view of the relationships between class, status, and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on research papers published in this issue of the journal "Marriage and Family Living." One research paper "Social Class and Family Control of Television Viewing," examines class differences in parental policies governing the use of the family television set by the children and the whole family. The sample consisted of 102 white mothers having children between 2 and 18 years of age. Data were obtained by a pretested interview schedule consisting of 24 open-ended questions. In another research "Personality Characteristics of the Mothers of Aggressive and Unaggressive Children," The general hypothesis was that the tendency to develop aggressive techniques may be determined by inherited constitutional factors of introversion-extraversion and neuroticism. The participants were 48 mothers and their 108 children who were between 7-11 years of age. The children's aggressiveness was rated by two teachers and the mothers' extraversion and neuroticism was measured by the Maudsley Personality Inventory.