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This book provides an historical account of the emergence and spread of the climate change counter movement across the globe. Drawing on an extensive database developed by the author, the book recounts the development of an international network, taking the reader on a journey through the history of the movement before looking closely at a series of comparative case studies examining movement organisations in different countries.

ilustraciones, gráficas El éxito de los movimientos sociales feministas y LGBTI en la politización de la sexualidad ha llevado a que prácticas corporales históricamente criminalizadas, patologizadas y estigmatizadas, se conviertan en derechos y políticas públicas en Iberoamérica. Ante esta situación, diversos sectores conservadores han puesto en marcha una estrategia discursiva denominada “ideología de género”, que tuvo un especial auge en la región entre los años 2015 y 2019. Con esta expresión, activistas antigénero de distintas nacionalidades han intentado ocultar su propia posición ideológica basada en el determinismo biológico, el familismo conservador y el dogmatismo cristiano, mientras fomentan pánico moral en la sociedad. A diferencia de los movimientos que propenden por la autodeterminación de los cuerpos, el contramovimiento antigénero busca mantener las jerarquías sociales, la dominación y el orden de género cisheteropatriarcal con un objetivo biopolítico: controlar la identidad, la sexualidad y la reproducción humana. En este contexto, surge la necesidad de comprender mejor cómo han intentado persuadir a sus públicos los activistas antigénero a través de la argumentación presente en sus discursos, para movilizarlos en países de la región como Perú, Argentina, México, Colombia y España. Por consiguiente, este trabajo de investigación indaga por las temáticas, retóricas, tácticas discursivas y falacias argumentativas presentes en dichos discursos. (Texto tomado de la fuente). The success of feminist and LGBTI social movements in politicizing sexuality has led to historically criminalized, pathologized and stigmatized bodily practices becoming rights and public policies in Ibero-America. Faced with this situation, various conservative sectors have launched a discursive strategy called "gender ideology", which had a special boom in the region between 2015 and 2019. With this expression, anti-gender activists of different nationalities have tried to hide their own ideological position based on biological determinism, conservative familism and christian dogmatism, while fomenting moral panic in society. Unlike movements that advocate the self-determination of bodies, the anti-gender countermovement seeks to maintain social hierarchies, domination and the cisheteropatriarchal gender order with a biopolitical objective: to control identity, sexuality and human reproduction. In this context, the need arises to better understand how anti-gender activists have tried to persuade their audiences through the argumentation present in their discourses, in order to mobilize them in countries of the region such as Peru, Argentina, Mexico, Colombia and Spain. Therefore, this research work investigates the themes, rhetoric, discursive tactics and argumentative fallacies present in these discourses. Maestría Magíster en Estudios de Género Biopolíticas y sexualidades

The processes of work commodification and precarization in contemporary societies have long been recognized as a ���new social question", defying the idea of work as a stable place for the development of solidarities (Castel 1995). At the same time, social protection, even in the more advanced economies, has become increasingly fragile in the face of international competition and the politics of flexible labour markets, through the fragmentation of employment statutes and the multiplication of ���nonstandard employment relations��� (Kalleberg 2000). Against this background, the theoretical work of Karl Polanyi (1944,) recognizing different responses to the commodification of labour, is an influential framework to approach how society generates counter-movements to protect itself against the disruptive impact of commodification and the extension of free market principles, which he conceptualized as the "double movement". Our research question is to identify cooperative models that are emerging today in response to precarious work, interrogating to what extent they result in progressive counter-movements. Empirically, the research draws on the ongoing COLLECTITUDE project, which undertakes a comparative analysis of two sectors that are exemplary of current precarization trends: the construction industry, a labour-intensive sector that has the ability to provide ���employment for those with little education or skill, many of them from the poorer sections of society��� (ILO 2001), often through subcontracting and the use of non-standard forms of employment; and the arts sector, composed by very qualified professionals, where, despite the wide range of activities and work situations, the preponderance of project work is striking and relates to flexibility, intermittency, self-exploitation and lack of protection in employment, forming an ���artistic precariat��� (Gill and Pratt 2008). These two sectors, representing two distinct sectors of the workforce, provide longstanding examples of precarious work and have been related to precarious organizing. Based on the Portuguese context, this paper provides a comparative outlook of both sectors and analyses Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) organizations in both sectors (workers��� collectives, cooperatives, associations) that put labour at its core. Polanyi���s analysis of the plurality of economic forms (1944) provides grounding for highlighting the different organizational frames, based on the types of resources (and motivations) involved ��� market, non-market (anchored in public redistribution), and non-monetary (based on principles of reciprocity and domesticity, such as volunteer work and sharing). We argue on the analytical significance of both sectors to explore new forms of workers��� solidarity, also showing how work cooperatives are themselves pervaded by precarity, calling attention to the fact that cooperative responses should not dismiss governments from guaranteeing access to adequate social protection to all workers. Our purpose is to contribute to the discussion of an approach to SSE that integrates criticisms and also contribute to the debate on the potentialities and shortcomings of working with Polanyian conceptual framework for critically analysing SSE. The research is relevant to an international audience since the increase in precarious work and its countermovements is a general trend across countries and the analytical and methodological approaches developed integrate a global and comparative perspective, allowing to specify, compare and universalise beyond the Portuguese case. References: Burawoy, M. (2013). Ethnographic fallacies: reflections on labour studies in the era of market fundamentalism. Work, employment and society 27(3): 526-536. Castel R (1995) Les M��tamorphoses de la question sociale, une chronique du salariat. Paris: Fayard. Hillenkamp, I.; Laville, JL.(2013). Socio��conomie et d��mocratie: l���actualit�� de Karl Polanyi. Toulouse: ��ditions ��r��s. ILO (2001). International construction industry in the twenty-first century: its image, employment prospects and skill requirements. Gen��ve: ILO, p. 12. Gill, R.; Pratt, A. (2008). In the social factory? Immaterial labour, precariousness, and cultural work. Theory, Culture, and Society 25: 1-30 Kalleberg, A. (2000). Nonstandard employment relations: part-time, temporary and contract work. Annual Review of Sociology 26:1, 341-365. Laville, JL.(2003). Avec Mauss et Polanyi, vers un theorie de l���economie plurielle. Revue du Mauss, v. 21, p. 237-249. Polanyi, K. (1944) The Great Transformation: the political and economic origins of our time. New York: Beacon Press.

O artigo analisa o ciclo de protestos de 2013 no Brasil, a partir de três questões: Como caracterizar este ciclo de protesto? Quais foram seus principais atores? Como foram produzidas as mudanças qualitativas observadas entre as diferentes fases do ciclo de protestos? O argumento central é que a ação contenciosa de movimentos sociais progressistas, que caracterizou a primeira fase do ciclo, foi identificada e interpretada por contramovimentos conservadores como uma oportunidade para sua própria mobilização. Esta apropriação parcial do ciclo de protestos pelos contramovimentos seria o mecanismo que produz a mudança qualitativa observada na segunda fase do ciclo. Neste processo de apropriação foram gestados e/ou fortalecidos atores, redes e recursos que tiveram centralidade na construção das mobilizações anti-Dilma em 2015 e 2016. Cet article analyse le cycle des manifestations de 2013 au Brésil, à partir de trois questions : Comment caractériser ce cycle de manifestations ? Qui étaient ses acteurs principaux ? Comment les changements qualitatifs observés entre les différentes phases du cycle de manifestations ont-ils été produits ? L’argument central est que l’action de protestation des mouvements sociaux progressistes, qui ont caractérisé la première phase du cycle, a été identifiée et interprétée par des contre-mouvements conservateurs comme une opportunité pour sa propre mobilisation. Cette appropriation partielle du cycle de manifestations de la part des contre-mouvements serait le mécanisme qui produit le changement qualitatif observé dans la deuxième phase du cycle. Dans ce processus d’appropriation, des acteurs, des réseaux et des ressources ont été créés et/ou renforcés, lesquels ont joué un rôle central dans la construction de mobilisations anti-Dilma en 2015 et 2016. The article analyzes the cycle of protests of 2013 in Brazil in order to answer three questions: How to characterize this cycle of protest? Who were your main actors? How were the qualitative changes observed between the different phases of the protest cycle produced? The main argument is that the contentious action of progressive social movements, which characterized the first phase of the cycle, was identified and interpreted by conservative countermovements as an opportunity for its own mobilization. This partial appropriation of the cycle of protests by the countermovements would be the mechanism that produces the qualitative change observed in the second phase of the cycle. In this process of appropriation were created and/or strengthened actors, networks and resources that had centrality in the construction of the anti-Dilma mobilizations in 2015 and 2016.

This article explores the emergence of Muslim-majority political party DENK in Dutch politics by focusing on two encounters before the 2018 local elections in Rotterdam. It explains the circumstances of DENK’s rise and success and argues that social media plays a central role. By analysing social media data, the author demonstrates that the party counters right-wing populist discourse by making use of the local context and particular on- and offline strategies. In addition, the article shows that a novel development is taking place concerning Muslim political participation in the Netherlands, which is part of a broader trend in Western Europe.

Последњих година род и питања родне равноправности се у различитим геополитичким контекстима, па и у Србији, користе као политичко оруђе у борби против демократије, постигнуте једнакости и освојених слобода. Род функционише као „симболички лепак“ који у себи спаја различита друштвена незадовољства, те се родна равноправност у конзервативним и, све чешће, популистичким круговима одређујe као оно што води уништењу породице, нације и државе. Циљ излагања је да покаже како се јавни наратив против такозване родне идеологије лако може претворити у позив на укидање стечених слобода, постигнуте једнакости и равноправности, и одвећ крхке демократије. Настојаћемо да укажемо на сличности у национално различитим приступима овом питању, и да покажемо да тренд који се издаје као битно национални има суштински транснационални карактер. У тексту ћемо мапирати кључна места за разумевање борбе против такозване родне идеологије During the last decade the notion of gender (in gender equality, gender mainstreaming, theory & studies) increasingly began to figure as a threat to the ‘common man’, family, nation and the state – despite the fact that gender equality has not been fully reached anywhere in the world. Gender functions as a ‘symbolic glue’ or an obscure source for divergent, and at times contradictory grievances. Although anti-gender discourses tend to present them as particular to a given nation, the trend is pointedly international. The paper demonstrates that anti-gender discourses belong to an arsenal of right-wing populist political tools aimed at dismantling democracy, equality and attained liberties. We focus on various cases, Serbian among them. Our aim is to discern the discursive patterns that frame antigender attitudes, and to show that the context in which they appear replicates itself in different national settings. Научни скупови / Српска академија наука и уметности ; књ. 190. Одељење друштвених наука, Одбор за проучавање националних мањина и људских права ; књ. 45

International audience; This article examines the recent backlash against Israeli human rights and advocacy NGOs led jointly by right-wing organizations, by mainstream media, and by the government. Contrarily to what was theorized in the literature dedicated to movement/countermovement dynamics, it suggests that the birth and rise of ultra-nationalist movements created in reaction to domestic NGOs dealing with the consequences of the occupation cannot be explained by the achievements of the latter or by the threats they pose locally to segments of the Israeli population. Rather, this article shows they are an indirect consequence of recent global developments mainly stemming from the Palestinian internationalization strategy. Yet, these developments have strong effects not only at the international level but also at the local level. One of them lies in the fact that NGOs are now presented as “foreign agents” for obliquely nurturing voices that speak up worldwide against Israeli policy.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) Este trabalho apresenta a formação e a dinâmica das mobilizações antiaborto como contramovimento ao movimento de grupos pró-aborto e às políticas estatais. Com base na teoria do confronto político, são focalizados o ambiente sociopolítico de formação do contramovimento (oportunidades e restrições políticas) e a dinâmica relacional que se estabeleceu entre repertórios e enquadramentos interpretativos antiaborto e pró-aborto. Na teoria do confronto político os conceitos de contramobilização e de contramovimento têm sido utilizados para circunscrever teoricamente movimentos formados em antagonismo a determinados movimentos pré-existentes. Estudos nessa linha focalizam movimentos que atuam de forma antagônica aos movimentos sociais iniciais. Durante o ciclo eleitoral de 2006 a mobilização antiaborto se apresentou como representativa de alterações no campo do confronto político em torno do aborto, desencadeada no contexto de regulamentação dos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos no Brasil no interior do primeiro Governo Lula. Esta pesquisa reconstrói a contramobilização à pauta do aborto que desembocou na Campanha Nacional em Defesa da Vida, em meio ao ciclo eleitoral de 2006 e, ao mesmo tempo, na formação do Movimento Nacional de Cidadania pela Vida ? Brasil sem Aborto. Deste modo, a análise desta dissertação concentra-se nas mobilizações antiaborto nacionais e sua interação com o movimento feminista no contexto mais amplo e relacional com o Estado, no confronto eleitoral de 2006. This research brings forward the formation and the dynamics of antiabortion mobilizations as a countermovement to the movement mobilization of pro-abortion groups and to State policies. Based on the political process theory, the research focus on the sociopolitical environment formation of the countermovement (opportunities and political constraints) and the relational dynamics that was established between the repertoires of collective action and frames antiabortion and pro-abortion. In theory of political confrontation the concepts counter-mobilization and countermovement have been used to circumscribe theoretically movements formed against certain pre-existing movements. Studies in this area focus on movements that act antagonistically to the initial social movements. In the context of the election cycle of 2006 the antiabortion mobilization was presented as representative of changes in the field of political confrontation about abortion, initiated in the context of sexual and reproductive rights regulation in Brazil during the first Lula´s Government. This research presents the counter-mobilization against the abortion agenda that culminated in the Nacional Campaign in Defense of Life, over the election cycle of 2006 and, at the same time, the formation of the National Citizens Movement for Life - Brazil Without Abortion. In this conjunction, the analysis of this dissertation focuses on the national antiabortion mobilizations and your interaction with the feminist movement in the broader and relational context with the state, during the electoral confrontation of 2006. FAPESP: 2014/13558-2 Dados abertos - Sucupira - Teses e dissertações (2013 a 2016)

Le mouvement des femmes québécois a connu des transformations importantes au cours des dernières décennies. Plusieurs causes ont été mises de l’avant pour expliquer ces changements, telles que la mondialisation, le néolibéralisme ou des causes internes. Dans les années 1980, nous observons une montée de l’antiféminisme au Québec et l’émergence de sa forme masculiniste. Ce phénomène a modifié le contexte dans lequel évolue le mouvement des femmes. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser les répercussions de l’antiféminisme sur les transformations du mouvement des femmes. Afin d’analyser les interactions entre le mouvement des femmes et le masculinisme, nous étudions les discours antiféministes dans les médias de 1985 à 2009. Plus précisément, nous analysons les thématiques masculinistes contenues dans La Presse et Le Soleil durant cette période. Par la suite, nous analysons diverses publications (rapports d’activités, la Petite Presse et le Féminisme en bref) de la Fédération des femmes du Québec dans le but de voir si le mouvement des femmes a modifié ses analyses, ses stratégies et ses actions en réaction à cette montée de l’antiféminisme. Finalement, à l’aide de la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources et de l’approche des contre-mouvements, nous étudions les interactions entre le mouvement des femmes et son contre-mouvement, soit l’antiféminisme. Nous arrivons à la conclusion qu’il existe véritablement des interactions entre ceux-ci et que la montée de l’antiféminisme a eu des répercussions sur le mouvement des femmes, qui ont modifié ses analyses, ses stratégies et ses actions., The women’s movement in Quebec has known significant transformations during the last decades. Several causes have been put forward to explain these changes, such as globalization, neoliberalism or internal causes. In the 1980s, there has been a backlash against the women’s movement in the province of Quebec and a specific form of anti-feminism emerged, masculinism. This backlash has changed the context in which the women’s movement has evolved. The objective of this thesis is to analyze the impact of anti-feminism on the transformations of the women’s movement. In order to analyze the interactions between the women’s movement and anti-feminism, we study the anti-feminist discourse in the media from 1985 to 2009. First, we analyze the masculinist’s thematics contained in the newspapers La Presse and Le Soleil during this period. Second, we analyze various publications (annual reports, la Petite Presse and le Féminisme en bref) of the Fédération des femmes du Québec in order to see if the women’s movement has changed its analysis, strategies and actions in response to this backlash. Finally, using the theory of resource mobilization and the countermovements’ approach, we study the interactions between the women’s movement and masculinism. We come to the conclusion that there are interactions between the women’s movement and the countermovement (anti-feminism). Furthermore, we see that the emergence of anti-feminism has changed the analysis, strategies and actions of the women’s movement in response to this backlash.