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In 1995, a coalition of former rebel groups redrew Ethiopia's map, establishing an ethnic‐federal system. By 2017, internal border conflicts signalled federalism's potential unravelling. This article analyses expectations about federalism's future among Somalis in Ethiopia, drawing on anthropologies of time to understand how everyday processes of border‐making orient around the ‘future in the present’. Anthropologists and historians concerned with political time have focused largely on how the ‘past in the present’ shapes state‐building and political identity formation. Meanwhile, political scientists and commentators, as well as many Ethiopians living amid uncertainty, prognosticate about the future of identity politics in Ethiopia and attempt to discern whether decentralization is paving the way to state fragmentation. Foregrounding how people work to manage time at borders and through borderwork, this article analyses the roles borders play in people's collective constructions of political futures – and the role anticipations about the future play in people's engagement with borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We surveyed political scientists to learn more about how they approach the peer review process. We are motivated by two aims. First, to advance our understanding of how fellow political scientists approach the task of reviewing articles for publication, and the values they bring to bear on that task; second, and consequently, to provide clearer guidance to prospective authors on what to avoid or emphasize as they prepare manuscripts for submission. In this article, we present the results of our survey and make some suggestions for those submitting articles in future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance and impact of political scientists' professional activities outside of universities has become the focus of public attention, partly due to growing expectations that research should help address society's grand challenges. One type of such activity is policy advising. However, little attention has been devoted to understanding the extent and type of policy advising activities political scientists engage in. This paper addresses this gap by adopting a classification that distinguishes four ideal types of policy advisors representing differing degrees of engagement. We test this classification by calculating a multi-level latent class model to estimate key factors explaining the prevalence of each type based on an original dataset obtained from a survey of political scientists across 39 European countries. Our results challenge the wisdom that political scientists are sitting in an "ivory tower": the vast majority (80%) of political scientists in Europe are active policy advisers, with most of them providing not only expert guidance but also normative assessments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Indianista movement in Bolivia, which emerged in the 1960s to challenge colonialism and promote the decolonization of Indigenous peoples. It explores the movement's ideologies and symbols, as well as its impact on the country's political landscape. The article also analyzes the alignment between the government of Evo Morales, Bolivia's first Indigenous president, and the Indianista movement's goals. It discusses the concept of plurinationality in Bolivia and argues that it has not been fully realized in practice, with Indigenous voices and historical projects being silenced. The article calls for the reconstitution of Indigenous agendas to combat anti-Indigenous policies in Bolivia. [Extracted from the article]

Some mainstream political scientists apply the trilogy of exit, voice and loyalty in studying intra-party cohesion. This approach applies more neatly in liberal than in repressive contexts. I therefore make three modifications to enhance the trilogy's descriptive and explanatory power in an authoritarian context using the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) after Robert Mugabe. First, there is need to integrate non-voluntary exit as party members are mostly expelled against their will in a context where there are limited livelihood opportunities outside party-state patronage and defection is ruthlessly punished. Second, voice should be understood as predominantly expressed over preferences for personalities in internal power distribution rather than over policies. Third, loyalty is not always to the party institution to promote unity but to individuals or factions. From this positioning, ZANU PF is predominantly a non-cohesive party characterised by ephemerally organised leader-follower groups largely seeking power and patronage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the evolution of the British constitution and challenges the traditional view of the United Kingdom as a homogeneous, unitary nation-state. It explores counter-narratives based on the histories and political consciousness of the component nations, which argue that the UK is an artificial construction. The article also examines the concept of union and its application to the UK, as well as the difficulties in defining what a union is. It highlights the importance of integrating work from constitutional law, political science, and history in understanding the UK's constitutional framework. The article concludes by discussing the issues of sovereignty, devolution, and human rights in the UK, and the challenges of constitutional reform. [Extracted from the article]

"Conflict and Transformation: Essays on European Law and Policy" by Christian Joerges is a collection of essays that critically examines the development of European Union (EU) socio-economic governance and the integration project as a whole. The book argues that the failure of "integration through law" has led to the rise of technocratic rule and a lack of democratic deliberation. Joerges proposes an alternative constitutional paradigm called "conflicts law" that aims to preserve the diversity of member states while addressing the tensions tearing Europe apart. The book raises important questions about the role of law, the responsibility of lawyers, and the need to confront Europe's dark legacies. [Extracted from the article]

This article focuses on the questions of academic freedom, scholar activism, public science, and social engagement. The five authors represent scholars from different disciplines and scientific paradigms as well as diverse gender, sexual orientation, nationality, ethnic, and class backgrounds, yet they share a joint passion for academic ‘activism’. The paper, therefore, reflects a multitude of transdisciplinary perspectives and positionalities. This dialogue was born out of the group’s desire to investigate the role of scientists in public and political matters, including engagement in social justice. The interdisciplinary nature of the dialogue allows for comparisons between how activism is defined, perceived, practiced, and considered (un)welcome in the disciplines of Sociology, Psychology, Law, Media Studies, and Medical Sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

German lawyer and political scientist Karl Loewenstein is generally regarded as the originator of the militant democracy paradigm. In a series of articles in the mid and late 1930s, he argued that constitutional democracies should pre-emptively defend themselves against movements and parties that were seeking to undermine them. More recently, another father of the paradigm has been identified in the controversial figure of Carl Schmitt. Before his despicable and opportunistic support for the Nazi regime at the end of 1933, he advocated a model of authoritarian democracy based on fundamental constitutional contents that should be made impervious to legislative change. This article examines the different models of disciplined and authoritarian democracy proposed by these authors. While both advocated measures that could inhibit the activity of parliamentary majorities composed mainly of parties opposed to the state constitutional structure, Schmitt, more than Loewenstein, made the point that the defence of democracy requires subscribing to substantive values and principles and entrenching them. The juxtaposition of these models makes it clear that militant democracy not only recommends the protection of certain procedures but also entails a normative standard comprising substantive contents. This helps to highlight the unstated normative burdens of democratic militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, political scientists have hotly debated longitudinal trends in political trust rates. An important undercurrent in the debate is that any decline in political trust might signal a legitimacy crisis. Yet, descriptive figures are unable to distinguish between two interpretations of these downward trends: (i) declines that can reasonably be expected as a reflection of declining political trustworthiness (i.e., procedural or output performance) and thereby reflect critical citizens who monitor their democratic institutions; and (ii) downward trends that are not warranted by democratic performance and thereby suggest a more fundamental disconnect between citizens and their democratic institutions. This research note argues that residuals to multilevel models of political trust allow us to distinguish between these two types, and thereby provide a better understanding of trends in political trust. These residuals do not only reveal short‐term aberrations to the explanatory model (often reflecting short‐lived, country‐specific events), but also the extent to which a country's trust rate systematically underperforms in the middle‐ to long‐term. To the extent that declining trust rates are lower than explanatory models predict, the residuals express excessive distrust. To the extent that declining trust rates are in line with the explanatory models, the residuals reflect critical, monitoring citizenship. We outline the approach of residual analyses as a tool to better understand trends in political trust. We illustrate the use of these residual analyses on a cross‐national, longitudinal data set (the Eurobarometer), covering 15 Western and Southern European countries between 1999 and 2019. While political trust rates fluctuate in all these countries, we only find evidence for a structural decline in two of these countries. In France and Spain political trust failed to recover in line with improving economic and institutional performance after the Great Recession. We then test the versatility of the tool to different conditions, including retests on an alternative set of countries (11 Central and Eastern European countries between 2004 and 2019) and an alternative dataset with different measures and time points (the European Social Survey). Finally, we elaborate on the two main conditions under which residual analyses offer a useful tool to the trend debate in political trust research: (1) a firm understanding of the object‐driven determinants of political trust, and (2) a detailed coverage of country‐wave combinations to separate structural trends from short‐term fluctuations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the decade and a half following World War II, processes of democratization took place across the globe in what political scientists frequently refer to as the second wave of democracy. This democratization was defined by a series of debates about the true meaning and correct form of democracy. This article examines the drafting of the 1946 Constitution of Brazil within this context. Specifically, this text reviews the ways competing definitions of democracy fueled the debates at the constitutional convention and informed the creation of political institutions. In contrast to previous scholarship on the drafting of the 1946 Constitution that depicts the proceedings as a competition between reactionary conservative and pro-democracy factions, this article finds that this Constitution constitutes a reconciliation of the competing definitions of democracy that existed among the Brazilian political class at that time. This contradicts the commonly held view that the 1946 regime was a muted democratic experiment. Furthermore, the article highlights some of the ways in which the democratization process in Brazil mirrored transitions elsewhere and how it was unique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long sought to understand power dynamics across the Global South, but efforts to systematically capture political power have been limited, and existing datasets have faced conceptual and measurement challenges. The Political Settlements (PolSett) dataset was developed to address these issues. This original expert survey-based dataset includes over one hundred political economy variables coded for forty two countries from 1946 or independence to 2018 (totalling 2,718 country years). It allows for a detailed mapping of countries' power configurations, capturing information on the relative size, power and social composition of competing political blocs in society, as well as their internal cohesion, accountability relations and distribution of benefits. The dataset is expected to enable more direct and rigorous analyses of power differentials in the Global South and their impact on political and economic developments. This letter describes the conceptual background of the dataset, how it was constructed, discusses its validity, and highlights some of its key features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Our reply to critics" by Andrew Arato and Jean L. Cohen addresses criticisms raised by scholars regarding their work on populism and civil society. The authors discuss methodological issues, definitions, and the stages and causality of populism. They defend their method, which combines immanent criticism of populist ideology with ideal type analysis, and argue against subtracting or adding certain components to their definition of populism. The authors propose a three-level hypothesis to explain the sources of populism, emphasizing the tension between popular sovereignty and constitutionalism as the ultimate source. They also acknowledge the role of political actors and leaders in driving populist movements and highlight the importance of understanding long-term ideological tensions, middle-term crisis tendencies, and short-term interactions in studying populism. The article concludes by advocating for democratic alternatives to populism. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the concept of nonviolent resistance in authoritarian regimes. It explores how dictators use legal repression to deter dissent and protect their power, and how nonviolent resistance movements navigate this repression. The article also examines the changing nature of dictatorial rule and the tactics used by both dictators and resistance movements. It emphasizes the importance of understanding the factors that determine the success or failure of nonviolent resistance movements in holding dictatorial regimes accountable. The article concludes by highlighting the various perspectives and motivations of those involved in nonviolent resistance movements. [Extracted from the article]

This article features a conversation with Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner, a political scientist, who emphasizes the importance of studying small states and the Global South in world politics. Braveboy-Wagner explains that small states offer valuable insights into strategies for increasing visibility and power, while the Global South shares a common history of colonialism and limited global voice. The conversation also touches on the impact of climate change on the Global South, the diversity of the Caribbean region, and the role of diplomacy in addressing immigration issues. Additionally, the article discusses the challenges faced by Venezuela in hosting and returning refugees, as well as the need for international assistance to help countries deal with migratory outflows. The second part of the article features an interview with a scholar who discusses her experiences as a black woman in the field of political science and international relations, highlighting the lack of diversity in the profession and the need for more representation and inclusion. The interview also explores the changes and challenges in the field over the years, including the shift from a Cold War security-oriented world to a more globalized and multipolar world. [Extracted from the article]

Political scientists have long been concerned that a popularly elected presidency may destabilize competitive party systems. We develop and test a new theory holding that the impact is more immediate and severe than previously assumed. Coexisting legislative and presidential coalitions first and foremost impede the evolution of predictable party interactions at the executive level, which is the domain of the cabinet. This quality has become accessible for comparative research thanks to the concept of party system closure. Using a new dataset for all European democracies since 1848, we show that presidential elections undermine party system closure in two ways: (1) by confounding patterns of government formation (notably under powerful presidencies) and (2) by disturbing electoral/legislative politics, which in turn affect executive politics. The former, direct effect emerges as dominant from a series of panel analyses and case illustrations. These findings have important implications for current problems of constitutional design and institutional reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, school district politics rose to prominence on the nation's political agenda, as school boards grappled with controversial decisions about reopening schools and implementing mask mandates. A growing number of political scientists are using newly available data and innovative research strategies to examine policy responsiveness, elections, segregation and inequality, state takeovers, interest groups, democratic deliberation, and public opinion—all while focusing on the unique context of education politics. We illuminate the distinctive institutional and policy context of US education politics and review new research in the field, including growing evidence of partisan polarization and the continuing significance of race for influencing power and decision making about schools in the United States. The field has made great strides in the last decade; we highlight the emerging themes from that already rapidly growing literature, while pointing out areas for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How much should we fear that a president will break the law to pursue power—then use their office to avoid legal accountability? Political scientists studying the presidency have often overlooked the risk of what we here call a criminal president. Donald Trump's presidency spotlighted that risk and has begun to shift the field's focus toward not just presidential power but presidential constraints. We believe this shift should continue. In this review, we aim to set an agenda that makes the danger of a criminal president central to understanding the presidency more broadly. Situating the criminal presidency within wider questions about legal and constitutional constraints on presidential power, we emphasize the unique risks to democracy that a president unbound by law can pose. We call for a greater focus on the legal rules governing the executive branch—especially unitary executive ideas—and the policies needed to hold criminal presidents accountable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have a long-standing interest in the acquisition and exercise of power in democratic institutions. Although considerable attention has been devoted to understanding the role of political parties in legislative decision-making, empirical studies relying upon observational data, such as roll call voting, have faced difficulty in disentangling the effects of party and preferences on legislative behavior. This research uses new measures on individual roll rates of state legislators in the nonpartisan Nebraska legislature and a sample of partisan state legislatures to provide unambiguous evidence of causal effects of party influence in legislative decision-making. The results demonstrate that preferences provide the most consistent prediction of individuals' roll rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have shown increased research interests in Asian Americans' political behavior. Nevertheless, considerable skepticism remains over more fundamental questions about Asians, such as the capacity for pan-Asian cooperation and political solidarity in the US. To advance research in this area, the current study examines how a diverse, "pan-ethnic" Asian group can function as a cohesive collective using evidence from a behavioral game, an innovation in this area of research. I show that an inclusive common ingroup can be forged and cohesion attained when shared threats of exclusion that cut across subgroup distinctions are made salient. I demonstrate this using original experimental data that allow me to examine behavioral measures of group cohesion, as well as policy support for different subgroups. Results show the existence of co-ethnic bias among Asians in the US towards those who share their ethnic background. They also show the power of salient shared exclusionary discrimination to overcome this bias by increasing ingroup cohesion in a one-shot economic game and enhancing support for policies that benefit Asians as a group. Taken together, this study highlights unique conditions of group-based threats under which Asians in the US achieve political cooperation—particularly across South and East Asian lines—due to substantial heterogeneity within the group category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political investorism involves the use of financial investments to promote political aims, but has, with some recent exceptions, received scarce attention from political scientists although there are valid theoretical reasons to consider this a new form of political participation. Here, we add new knowledge to this research agenda by examining empirically whether political investorism constitutes a distinct mode of political participation. Furthermore, we explore the characteristics of political investors and why they use political investorism. We examine these issues using an original survey from Finland (n = 1065). Our results demonstrate that political investorism constitutes a distinct mode of participation that in particular appeals to young and well-educated women living in an urban setting. Finally, cultural ideological divisions (measured with GAL-TAN: Green-Alternative-Libertarian and Traditional-Authoritarian-Nationalist) mediate socio-demographic characteristics when explaining participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have largely situated Western Europe's new far right in the noneconomic, sociocultural dimension of party competition that realized greater salience during the relative peace and affluence of the post-war period. Such an investment in 'new politics' implies that far right support should retrench when economic issues regain salience, yet far right support did not appreciably recede in the aftermath of Europe's Great Recession. This article argues that far right durability during the Great Recession is due to a sociodemographically rooted electorate, defined by education, occupation, and working class identity, and that—among the major party families in Western Europe—the far right is uniquely and anachronistically structured by sociodemographics. Analyses using the European Election Study show that by 2014, far right parties exclusively overrepresent working class, blue collar, and less educated voters—even when compared to Social Democrats or the radical left. These voters appear unlikely to abandon the far right once they have lent support, and these traits predict future far right support even controlling for recalled vote. Thus, this article argues that far right success during the Great Recession results from consolidating rather than expanding their electoral base, with implications for democratic competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the place of game theory in Elinor Ostrom's groundbreaking studies of nonmarket institutions for managing common-pool resources (CPRs) from the 1980s onward. While game theory had been associated with the study of CPRs since at least the later 1960s, the precise way scholars used the theory varied, depending not only on their home discipline but on the locally specific research program they hoped to develop. Ostrom's use of game theory ultimately looked quite different from that of laboratory psychologists studying "commons dilemmas," political scientists theorizing about constitutional choice, or economists building formal models of sparse markets, bearing perhaps the closest resemblance to the economist Reinhard Selten's skeptical and heterodox applications of game theory to the study of industrial organization. This account of Ostrom's local adaptation of game theory potentially helps us evaluate critiques of her work that focus on her use of rational choice models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a historical reconstruction of the birth and shaping of two research communities at the University of Rochester, that of economists and that of political scientists. Starting from the late 1950s, the arrival at Rochester of the renowned mathematical economist Lionel W. McKenzie and, later, of the innovative political scientist William H. Riker transformed this university into a leading research institution in economics and political science. The simultaneous presence of Riker and McKenzie at Rochester introduces a "local dimension" in this story, especially since Riker's aim was to convert political science into a theory-driven, highly formal discipline, which he labeled "positive political theory," apparently along similar lines as the postwar mathematical revolution in economics, of which McKenzie was one of the main characters. This article tries to assess the existence, direction, and effects of this "local" element in the case of Rochester. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amidst growing demands for more democratic forms of organizing, we argue that better understanding the origins of transformational leadership theory offers a way forward. Transformational leadership theory, originally developed by American political scientist James MacGregor Burns in the late 1970s, is the best-known and most influential leadership theory in management studies. Transformational leaders are visionaries who engage with followers' higher-level needs and inspire them to deliver extraordinary outcomes for their organizations. Democracy was at the core of Burns' conception of transformational leadership: voters selected their leaders and voted them out if they failed to deliver on their visions. However, this was overlooked by those who introduced the theory to management studies. Using intellectual history, we contrast the conventional representation of transformational leadership theory in business with Burns' original conception. We explore how and why the democratic foundation of the theory was lost, why this matters, and what can be done to recover it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Several disciplines in social sciences have shown that institutions that promote cooperation facilitate mutually beneficial exchanges and generate prosperity. Drawing on these insights, this paper develops a Reservation Economic Freedom Index that classifies institutions on a sample of Indian reservations concerning whether these intuitions will enhance the prosperity of Indians residing on these reservations. The development of this index is guided by the research of political scientists, economists, other social science disciplines, and research in law. When correlating this index with Indian incomes, the evidence shows a statistically significant positive correlation between reservations with prosperity-enhancing institutions and their economic prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science has been an incredibly powerful and revolutionary force. However, it is not clear whether science is suited to performance under pressure; generally, science achieves best in its usual comfort zone of patience, caution, and slowness. But, if science is organized knowledge and acts as a guiding force for making informed decisions, it is important to understand how science and scientists perform as a reliable and valuable institution in a global crisis. This paper provides insights and reflections based on the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic and from an analytical perspective. In particular, we analyze aspects such as speed, transparency, trust, data sharing, scientists in the political arena, and the psychology of scientists—all of which are areas inviting more detailed investigations by future studies conducting systematic empirical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In May 2023, Reset Dialogues on Civilizations organized the international conference 'Nationalism, Nation-Building, and the Decline of Empires' in Dublin. The purpose was to gather a group of historians, political scientists, theorists, philosophers, and experts who could grasp the significant trends, over the long term, in nationalism, nation-building, and imperial issues and could create a forum for dialogue that would compare different, and in many ways related, contexts, defining the challenges of the contemporary politics in the international scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay surveys both the traditional findings and new debates that have used the Spanish imperial royal financial accounts to analyze the colonial economy and government. The crisis of the seventeenth century, the relations between colonial elites and royal government, the impact of income transfers among treasury offices, the sale of offices, the system of voluntary loans, the eighteenth-century reforms, and the influence of the tax system on the evolution of the colonial economy and society have all created a new set of questions and debates that historians, economists, and political scientists have engaged in. There is both consensus and disagreement on what these numbers mean for various groups in the society as well as long-term institutional developments. Just as new approaches have opened up new area for research, there are also a great deal of unexplored topics that can be developed using the unpublished primary accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The imperative to conduct research ethically has been firmly established. Biomedical and applied research in the Global North has dominated the development of an ethical framework based on four broad principles: respect for autonomy, non-maleficence, beneficence and justice. The prevailing research ethics can become significant constraints to political scientists focussing on non-democratic settings. The appropriateness of these codes in guiding political scientists' research, especially in authoritarian contexts of Central Asia, is examined. The article outlines the need for a more culturally and contextually nuanced approach to research ethics and an understanding of the discipline-specific ethical dilemmas for researchers within political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)