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This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory -- mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' -- met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings.

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This study offers an alternative perspective for examining the rise of Turkish nationalism in the Eastern Mediterranean in relation to cinema culture within the political and historical contexts of Cyprus. The cinema business and its practices had their golden age in the 1950s through the distribution of Turkish films from Turkey and the increasing number of movie theatres in Turkish Cypriot neighbourhoods. This period was also crucial in terms of political developments on the island due to the drastic rise in ethnic and national divisions. Drawing on archival research and oral history; this article aims to examine how Turkish nationalism was provided with the ideal conditions to grow rapidly at Cypriot cinemas and how multi-communal cinemagoing experiences of the early 1950s had transformed into nationally divided Cypriot audiences during the last years of British colonial rule in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment – conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus' key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus' political past, and the subsequent salient 'national question', produce ambiguous notions of 'the people' on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a 'populist moment' on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served 'old wine in new bottles' further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the change and continuity in the Turkish policy toward Cyprus since the de facto partition of the island in 1974. The exploration of the relationship between Turkish nationalism and foreign policy toward Cyprus suggests that the language of Turkish nationalism regarding the Cyprus question has been far from monotonous. It is shown that the period coinciding with the coming of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in 2002 in particular was a critical juncture which opened up the discursive space for the re-articulation of the 'Cyprus problem', legitimising efforts in relation to reunification. Yet the partial nature of the discursive shift and the absence of a complete paradigmatic change—explained here with reference to structural and historical features of the Cyprus problem as well as the contingent nature of the European Union (EU) membership prospects—has meant the return of the well-entrenched narratives on the conflict and national identity. Also revealing the ways in which Turkish Cypriots have responded to such changes in policy and rhetoric from Ankara, the paper aims to complement existing accounts of trans-border nationalism in conflict and post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the ways language has been used in Cyprus during different historical periods as a means of a dividing power, with the use of Cypriot dialects as a form of resistance and reunification of the island. We situate these translanguaging themes within a context of affective biopolitics that impacts Cypriot generations in shaping their everyday life through borderscapes and nationalisms. More specifically, we first examine how the official languages of the island (Greek and Turkish) have been used in the dominant public sphere(s) of Cyprus to marginalise Cypriot dialects, which, in turn, have been used as an oral means of communication, but also to impose symbolic signifiers of the biopolitics of borders and nationalisms in dividing communities. Secondly, we explore ways in which Cypriot dialects have been used as forms of linguistic resistance to nationalism, offering an alternative collective identity for generations of both communities, even during periods when nationalism was dominant in both communities. The translanguaging exploration centres on a close discourse analysis of one particular radio programme—the 'Cypriot radio sketch'—that has been very popular among Cypriots since the appearance of radio in Cyprus in 1953. Finally, we analytically and discursively contextualise attempts of revival of the Cypriot dialects by younger generations as communicative forms of resistance to powers of partition, as well as translanguaging pathways to actualise their desire for the reunification of the island. We eclectically draw on a multi-method approach to combine datasets from interviews, media and social media while combining critical discourse analysis to theorise the affordances, borderscapes and affective biopolitics of generational language use within geographies of nationalism and resistance in the borderscapes of a divided Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents findings that highlight children's construction and experience of racism and nationalism among a sample of Greek-Cypriot (the majority) and Turkish-speaking (the minority) children in Greek-Cypriot schools through the lens of intersectionality theory. The article first reviews previous work in relation to children, racism and nationalism and describes the theoretical framework that is grounded in intersectionality theory. The second section outlines the study, its sociopolitical context and its methodology. The third section presents findings with respect to three areas: Greek-Cypriot children's perceptions of Turkish-speaking children; Turkish-speaking children's experiences of racism and nationalism; and children's strategies to negotiate racism and nationalism in school. Finally, the last section discusses the conclusions and implications with respect to educational policy and classroom practice. (Contains 5 notes.)

This article argues that the Turkish government facing the 1964 Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so, Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey's Greeks finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The turbulent 20th century has left Cyprus with contested spaces scattered around its terrain. The period of inter-communal violence and ensuing war have left its two main ethnic communities living on each side of a buffer zone, which separates the island into two parts. Identity within the communities presents interesting trends, with the Greek Cypriot community (the focus of this study) developing a locally cultivated Greek nationalism, as well as Cypriotism at a later stage, both of which have rendered the buffer zone into a non-space. Through this paper, I propose that since 2011, the buffer zone offers an alternative understanding of community, through the participatory art that takes place there. Through the mechanisms of collaborative creation, the generation of new, temporary communities, which are engaged with social issues, and the focus on both process and result, new conversations arise, and new priorities are set within the artistic realm. Two plays are used as case studies, Shift, by Rooftop Theatre and Gülgün Kayim and BAM!, by Giorgos Neophytou, produced by Paraplevros Productions, which were presented within the buffer zone in 2014 and 2017 respectively, and grounded within and interacting with the buffer zone and its temporary communities, generating a new dialectic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christoforos Savva, one of the most significant Cypriot artists of the 1960s, was also a highly politicized individual whose leftist worldview paralleled his artistic development. Nevertheless, this side of Savva has not been thoroughly explored. Savva created two forms of art: cementografia and ifasmatografia. Ifasmatografies were based on the vernacular tradition of weaving, while cementografies used modern cement, which was coming to replace stone in building construction. Savva's art departed from contemporary nationalist art production, such as that of the painter Adamantios Diamantis, and it also diverged from the Western colonial/orientalist projections depicting a premodern Cyprus. Overall, Savva's oeuvre bore all the hallmarks of contesting both Cypriot nationalisms—the Greek and the Turkish—since it was inclusive and anti-nationalist in its essence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines forms of nationalism and representations of national identity in Greek-Cypriot media coverage of peace negotiations related to Cyprus -- the Eastern Mediterranean island divided "ethnically" between Turkish-Cypriots in the north and Greek-Cypriots in the south since 1974. Building on existing theories of the media's role in the reproduction of nationalism, this study suggests that media representations of national identity should be addressed in both "routine" and "hot" periods so as to unpack their intersections. Divided Cyprus provides a unique case which furthers our understanding of the media's role in these processes. Focusing in particular on the Greek-Cypriot media, the paper presents the results of a qualitative study which support the argument that protracted negotiations can be differentiated between routine and crisis media events infused with discourses of nationalism. Specifically, we explore how negotiations function as routine and crisis media events in the "everyday". Second, we examine how televised presidential speeches related to the disputed solution discursively reproduce divided intra-community power relations and how national identities are used to this end. Third, we locate the representational boundaries of the national we constructed by the Greek-Cypriot press in a hot period -- the Annan Period -- during which referenda were conducted for the first time on a UN proposed plan subsequently rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and accepted by the majority of Turkish-Cypriots. Through unit and data triangulation, we explore the various ways in which the media engage in the reproduction of national identities and forms of nationalism in the Greek-Cypriot community. We examine the media construction of national identities by critically unpacking hegemonic tropes -- in particular the Cyprocentrist-Hellenocentrist antagonism - used to explain Greek-Cypriot identity in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Greek Cypriot nationalism has been in large part motivated by the misconceived idea of Cyprus becoming a modern, European society. Although Cyprus joined the European Union in 2004, the perception of it by the European north as a culturally marginal Mediterranean society had not changed. This was amply demonstrated in 2013 when Cyprus applied to the EU for urgent financial assistance. It was forced to capitalize its banks through their customers' savings and, although this and other “corrective” measures were couched in seemingly rational economic terms, they were unmistakably a punishment and a civilizational lesson. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Trauma and ambivalence are common aspects of the post-colonial condition and themes in Cypriot poetry. Yaşın's (1998) poem acknowledges the present de facto political partition of Cyprus since the Greek coup and Turkish invasion of 1974, with Michanikos' (1975) poem providing a complementary question as to the lack of necessity of this partition with references to the intercommunal violence of 1963-1964. These questions are linked to both a shared, albeit segregated, trauma from political tragedies and upheaval and a shared nostalgia either for a nationalist past or a bicommunal garden of Eden, the main cleavages of the island's separation. The question of history and nostalgia in Cyprus, as well as its own identities have been entangled in the context of British colonialism as well as Greek and Turkish nationalism. This article investigates the relationship between archaeology, nationalism, and colonialism in Cyprus, producing segregated archaeological narratives and hidden bicommunal and minority experiences. It outlines a history of Cyprus, its nationalisms, and their effects on intercommunal imaginaries (Ioannou 2020). It will then discuss how ideology has shaped archaeological research in Cyprus (Karageorgis 1969). Lastly, the paper looks at how archaeology has moved towards a more nuanced discussion of ethnicity, the possibility of a common history, and reconciliation through the use of spatial, non-ethnic frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on a growing body of research that shows an intrinsic but complex relationship between the concepts and the ideologies of nationalism and racism. In doing so, it investigates how different, meaningful national and ethnic in-group identifications of a dominant national/ethnic group (Greek-Cypriots) within a given national context (Cyprus) influence their perceptions of different, meaningful ethnic and racial minority out-groups. Logistic regression analysis of quantitative survey data with secondary school children (N = 738) in Cyprus shows that the relationship between national/ethnic in-group identifications and out-group perceptions varies according to the social and political relationships between particular national/ethnic in- and out-groups. The findings show that future research on the relationship between nationalism and racism should consider the overlap between and context specific nature of national and ethnic in-group identification processes and the historical, political relationships between different in- and out-groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of nationalism in news coverage is a phenomenon noted across a variety of disciplines. This study examines how news media in Turkey recontextualise events involving Cyprus in ways that articulate different discourses of nationalism. To do this, a history of Turkey's role in Cyprus and then relations between the Turkish press, Turkish politics and Cyprus are examined. This is followed by a critical discourse analysis of a selection of news stories recontextualising a recent event in Cyprus from newspapers with different political orientations. It is found that news stories articulate discourses of nationalism in regard to Cyprus in ways which are of benefit to elites with ties to news centres and not necessarily beneficial to solving the Cyprus problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the effects of nationalism and anti-colonialism on party politics in Cyprus have been influential throughout its contemporary history, mobilisation of the anti-colonial cleavage within the Greek community of Cyprus largely accounts for the nature of Greek Cypriot politics in the early decades of British rule. Nationalism and anti-colonialism produced a permanent division among the nationalist circles of the Greek ethnic community between intransigents and moderates. Within this overarching division Greek Cypriot politics was characterised by continuous factionalism among a small social and religious elite. The bases of factionalism among the leading dignitaries of the Greek Cypriot elite were access to and ownership of power channels overlaid by individual differences over the anti-colonial struggle. The institutional context established by the British facilitated the demarcation of the conflict on an ethno-religious basis, subsequently retaining its largely intraethnic character and only becoming largely interethnic with the later political mobilisation of the Turkish community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Supported by the EU and the international community, the extraordinary effort of the UN to mediate a settlement of the Cyprus problem before the integration of Cyprus into the EU ended in failure. The two historical highlights that marked the failure of the peace process were the top level talks at The Hague in March 2003 and the Cyprus referendum in April 2004. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role that the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leadership played in derailing the peace effort during these two defining moments in the evolution of the Cyprus problem. The analysis focuses on the polarizing ethno-centric nationalism of the then Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders. But it does so by contrasting the respective nationalism of the leaders to the Europeanizing and peace-enhancing trends that were emerging in Cypriot civil society and Greco-Turkish relations during the crucial period leading to the Hague talks and the Cyprus referendum. From this perspective, the role of the Cypriot leaders during the negotiation process is assessed against the backdrop of Turkey's changed policy on Cyprus and the deepening interethnic rapprochement between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, especially following the lifting of restriction to free movement across the green line in April 2003. The investigation attempts to explore how the stubborn sustenance and strategic reactivation of the legacy of adversarial nationalism, as well as the perpetuation of the mono-ethnic concept of statehood by the Cypriot leaders rendered them practically unwilling and ideologically incapable of recognizing and seizing the greatest historical opportunity for peace in Cyprus in half a century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both ethnic communities in Cyprus have maintained strong political and cultural ties with Greece and Turkey, respectively, and at some point of their twentieth century history, each has aspired to become part of either the former or the latter. Yet the way this relationship has been imagined has differed across time, space, and class. Both communities have adapted their identities to prevailing ideological waves as well as political opportunities, domestic alliances, and interests. The article evaluates different responses to ethnic nationalism, highlighting important intra-ethnic differentiations within each Cypriot community usually expressed in the positions of political parties, intellectuals, and the press. While the current literature identifies two major poles of identity in the island, “motherland nationalism” and “Cypriotism,” the article suggests that the major focus of identity of Cypriots is identification with their respective ethnic communities in the form of Greek Cypriotism or Turkish Cypriotism. In fact, contentious politics in Cyprus from the ENOSIS/TAKSIM struggle to the April 2004 referendum demonstrate the interplay of external constraints and collective self-identification processes leading to the formation of these identities. The article concludes by identifying the implications of identity shifts for deeply divided societies and conflict resolution in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has two main aims. First, it aims to challenge the widespread narrative in Cyprus studies that presents ethnic identities as historically inevitable and natural. Rather, identities need to be conceptualized as socially constructed. The second aim of this article is to problematize the argument that ethnic or national groups are homogenous actors. It underlines the need to deconstruct these supposedly unitary actors by making use of a class-based conceptualization of the state. By using such a conceptualization, the article will focus on the period between 1878 and 1974. It will start with a concrete analysis of the class structure in the Cypriot society and then will trace how different classes in both communities positioned themselves vis-à-vis political structures of power and how these positionings paved the way to the division of the island. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey's foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of 'geographical imagination'. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP's socio-political vision of a 'Yeni Türkiye' (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey's regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey's Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara's policy towards Cyprus under the AKP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between nationalism and religion and its adaptation to cultural values and ideological differences in countries on the Balkan Peninsula. The incorporation of religious concepts in movements for state formation and ethnonational expansion in the Balkans, the effects of institutionalization and de-institutionalization in the post-communist era, the historical association of nationalism with ethnic identity, the secular reforms in Turkey, the influence of the Ottoman Empire in Greece, and the impact of post-colonialism in Cyprus are discussed.

This article discusses the link between women's involvement and identification with the so-called 'Cyprus problem' and nationalism and how it may become problematic within the context of Cyprus's future accession to the European Union. The author argues for the need to analyse women's unexplored perspectives and feminist discourses, and that theoretical questions be addressed about Cypriot women's place within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to assess the impact that the current status of the country and of the education system has on the identity and place attachment of the students attending the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th grades of the elementary school, in the context of the meanings these students attribute to the concept of homeland via the metaphors they have created and the pictures they have drawn. The study was conducted on 27 male and 33 female students that attend the Yedidalga Elementary School in the Lefke District of Northern Cyprus. Metaphors and pictures were chosen as the tools to assess the students' perceptions of the concept of homeland, and for this reason, the students were asked to reflect their perceptions of the concept of homeland on the metaphors they create and on the pictures they draw. The data obtained were analyzed using the methods of descriptive analysis and document analysis. Students produced a total of 20 metaphors that were categorized into 4 themes about the concept of homeland, and produced pictures, in which they used blue color the most followed by green color. In conclusion, the results of the study suggest that the students' perceptions about the concept of homeland focus mostly on national values and loyalty, and that the elementary school students associated the concept of homeland predominantly with a sense of protection of national values. [The page range on the .pdf (85-98) is incorrect. The correct page range is 84-98.]

Individuals and societies continue and end their lives within the framework of values. One of the most important of these values is the concept of homeland. Homeland refers to the land, where the individuals were born and live in, a piece of which may also be owned by such individuals. The concept of homeland is always given utmost importance in the curricula. In this context, it is important to determine the perceptions of elementary and middle school students towards the concept of homeland in order for foreseeing the love they felt for, and the importance they attach to, the geography they live in. In this study, it is aimed to reveal what students understand from the concept of homeland through metaphors. Phenomenology pattern, one of the qualitative research patterns, was used in this research. The study group of the research comprises 580 students. "Convenience sampling" was used in sample selection. In this study, elementary and middle school students were given a form of incomplete sentences in the following format of "Homeland is like ............... Because ................." as a data collection tool, and then they were asked to write their opinions by filling the blanks. The results of the study revealed that the participants expressed a total of 59 metaphors in relation to the concept of homeland. Based on the metaphors developed by students for the concept of "homeland", 7 categories were created. These categories are; Administration, Vitality, Concrete Object, National Value, Security, Value, Social Environment. The results of the study indicate that particular attention should be paid to the synonyms of the word "Homeland". It would be useful to organize certain activities in order to create a sense of belonging and national awareness among the students.

As a result of the division of Cyprus in 1974. and until the mid-1980s. Greek-Cypriot nationalism was suppressed at the expense of Cypriotism. an ideology that pledged support to the political independence of the island. The retreat of nationalism, however, was temporary and it soon resurfaced as a dominant ideology, albeit in a changed form. The new Greek-Cypriot nationalism does not go unopposed. Whereas the clash between Greek nationalism and Cypriotism is not a recent phenomenon, in the post-1974 years it has acquired a greater intensity and constitutes the major battle in the Greek-Cypriot contest over identity. This essay examines the post-1974 period and especially the revival of Greek-Cypriot nationalism since the mid-1980s. The aim is to analyse the ideological contest between Greek nationalism and Cypriotism as it becomes articulated in the social construction of cultural and political identity and the collective memory of the Greek-Cypriot community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a situated, theoretically informed account of national identity construction by exploring children's engagement with nationalism in the context of the classroom in divided Cyprus. The paper aims to illustrate how children enter and participate in the cultural world of nationalism in the classroom by accepting, resisting, and negotiating the ideological meanings they encounter there. Design/methodology/approach – The research on which the paper draws used an ethnographic approach. The paper draws primarily on teacher-student exchanges during class lessons and, to a lesser extent, on interviews with children. Findings – The paper suggests that the process of engagement between children, teachers, and nationalism often produces powerful senses of belonging which are, however, always limited and unstable both because of ideological contradictions and ambiguities and because of children's access to alternative knowledge. Research limitations/implications – Though the ethnographic evidence suggests that nationalism in educational contexts produces powerful senses of belonging among children, more research is necessary to document the processes by which children consume nationalistic ideologies. Originality/value – The paper is original because it offers a dynamic explanation of national identity construction through the application of practice theory to ethnographic data which takes into account both the powerful institutional constraints imposed on children at school as well as their agency and ability to impact their worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, conflict between the two communities in Cyprus has been characterised by the diverging demands of ethno-nationalists. The introduction of the Annan Plan for the solution of the Cyprus problem has fostered new trends in Cypriot politics and a new alignment of the political forces on the island. This paper argues that the conventional ethno-nationalist division and the left-right divide are no longer sufficient in understanding the conflict in Cyprus. The new dividing and unifying elements in Cypriot politics can be best understood through analysing the views of political actors on such issues as sovereignty, territoriality, identity and power-sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish Cypriot newspapers played an important role in the construction of Turkish national identity during the From Turk to Turk Campaign in Cyprus in the late 1950s. The campaign involved the establishment of Turkish municipalities that were separate from the Greek Cypriot ones and the change of village names into Turkish and aimed at conducting all trade and other business relations exclusively between Turks in order for them to develop economically. This article examines the role of the newspapers that were published in Cyprus in 1958 and 1959, which is the period during which the From Turk to Turk Campaign was active. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay assigns the literary as the preferred means to write Cyprus because it exposes the power of place and space in postcolonial partitioned cases; it shows that spatial production determines the formation and agency of identity in Cyprus, which serves to sharpen and to blur the dominant binary legacy of historical-political deadlock discourse, so as to generate conflict and solidarity between the deeply divided people in postcolonial partitioned Cyprus. The focus is on the Greek-cypriot and Turkish-cypriot nationalist identification that dominated throughout the last decades of British colonial and into postcolonial Cyprus. This is an examination of ethnic motherland nationalist literatures, with emphasis on capturing the ways writers actively write, read and construct the dominant production of Cyprus. Even though nationalist's writings are based on deeply competing narratives, they have used the same processes and practices to produce a Cyprus for their ethnic selves. This spatial competition and solidarity will be examined through various empirical-theoretical spatial approaches, with emphasis on illuminating the postcolonial and partitioned inventions of gendered nationalism, through making use of Yi-Fu Tuan's healthy balance between experiencing place and space and Henri Lefebvre's spatiology. The essay demonstrates the shared ways in which nationalist writers attempt to produce an ethnically homogeneous mental place through two gendered processes - a maternal principle and ancestral journeys operating with fetish spectacles, objects and substances - that manipulate social, historical and spatial practices to make the abstract nation appear concrete. This place is thus depicted as a gift from the mothers to the children of Cyprus and as Baby Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the development of an indigenous Turkish language press in Cyprus during the British colonial period (1878–1960). It argues that Turkish Cypriot newspapers were highly influential in the propagation of ethno-nationalist ideology, endorsing separate Greek and Turkish communal identities on the island and promoting ethnic attachments to the neighbouring Turkish Republic. The development of Turkish Cypriot newspapers was also shaped by the strict anti-nationalist censorship of the British colonial government and by the intensification of the Greek Cypriot campaign for unification with Greece. Finally, this article traces the conflicts between three rival newspapers in the immediate aftermath of the British colonial period as battle lines were drawn in the new nation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article seeks to formulate a comparative framework that explains the uneven development of schooling in Cyprus and Singapore during the British colonial rule. It specifically focuses on the moment of transition to independence and on the role played by ideas and the interaction of ideas in the evolution of social institutions. The overall argument put forward is that the divergent ideational and institutional dynamics of schooling in the two settings at the moment of decolonisation were the outcome of the intersections of British colonial education policies, locally-indigenised cultural heritages, and relations with other nation-states in the region. These complex intersections permitted and, at the same time, constrained certain readings and re-readings of the continental European idea of mass schooling over time.

Problem Statement: The island of Cyprus, due to its strategic location, was under the influence of many conquerors throughout the centuries. Cultural traces of these captors have survived to the present day. This long, turbulent history has had a profound effect on the Cypriot educational system, with the most recent influence being the impact of the British Administration during the 19th and 20th centuries. Purpose of Study: This article attempts to reveal the influence and consequences of British Colonial policies on education, focussing on curriculum and its aims in the 20th century. The emphasis is more on the opinion of the recipients of education concerning their experience with the education system and their perception of its success or failure rather than on the aims and goals as set by the administrators and educators. Methods: This study encompasses a qualitative research approach to gain in-depth data based on interviews of Turkish-Cypriots and Greek-Cypriots of different backgrounds who were students during the colonial times. The data regarding issues of primary and secondary school curriculum and its aims, nationalism and religion at schools, identity, and ties between the two communities and their "motherlands" was recorded, analysed thematically, and presented in detail. Findings and Results: By implementing sometimes extreme measures, the British followed the tactic of "Divide and Rule" which led the two communities to ethic division. The authors discern the trends of the British Colonial policies towards the establishment of a more British society, which was accomplished by influencing the educational and sociopolitical aspects of life on the island. Conclusions: The British educational policies helped both Turkish and Greek Cypriots to create ethno-nationalism, which inspired the subsequent resistance of both communities. Although it is apparent that Cypriots placed a high value on education, this development was confined only within the context of being Greek or Turkish. Indeed, it would appear that within a curricula context, for the most part, this served as a forum in which all parties sought to construct national identities. The cost remains to be seen.

This paper explores Greek-Cypriot media representations of national identities during negotiations on a United Nation Plan (the Annan Plan), aiming to reunite ethnically divided Cyprus under a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. The study analyzed thematically 57 editorials and lead commentaries published in all the daily Greek-Cypriot Press from the presentation of the Annan Plan in November 2002 to April 2004, at which point two simultaneous referenda were held. The study's findings are consistent with ideas that national identifications are not static and provides an in-depth exploration of exclusive forms of Cypriot identities vis-à-vis more inclusive forms and vis-à-vis hellenocentric identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on ethnographic data from a project on peace education and reconciliation pedagogies in the conflict-affected context of Cyprus. Following a primary school teacher over the period of eight months in peace education workshops and in her classroom before and after the workshops, we trace critical moments that seem to have an impact on teacher's thoughts and emotions in relation to conflict and reconciliation. Analysing extracts of interaction both from the workshops as well as from her classroom, we show her struggle to cope with reconciliatory ideas and the dominant conflict ethos, pointing to possibilities for change but also resistances and limitations. Despite the detailed focus on one individual, we use data from the whole project to contextualize her practices and we use her case to highlight important elements to consider when designing reconciliation activities. Using the concept of "critical ambivalence," we highlight teachers' ambivalent emotions during the process (namely, both positive and negative ones) as a first step in deconstructing hegemonic nationalist discourses, and we argue for the value of creating spaces for these ambivalent emotions to be acknowledged and discussed through a critical lens.

This paper examines how politics have shaped Turkish Cypriot educational institutions and school buildings in Cyprus, focusing on the British colonial period (1878-1960). Unlike other British colonies, Cyprus enjoyed considerable autonomy on educational matters in the early decades of British occupation. During this period education, which was segregated, played a pivotal role in cultivating national aspirations of the two major ethnic populations on the island. The two decades following the 1931 revolt against the colonial regime was a period in which the British took serious measures in matters relating not only to education but also to school architecture. Atatürk's reforms in creating a new modern Turkish society, on the other hand, evoked Turkish Cypriot ethnic nationalism. Without having the tension of the ideals of nationalism and modernism Turkey had to pacify, Turkish Cypriots embraced the modern as necessarily national and built their schools during and after the 1950s in a modern style.

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This paper examines how politics have shaped Turkish Cypriot educational institutions and school buildings in Cyprus, focusing on the British colonial period (1878–1960). Unlike other British colonies, Cyprus enjoyed considerable autonomy on educational matters in the early decades of British occupation. During this period education, which was segregated, played a pivotal role in cultivating national aspirations of the two major ethnic populations on the island. The two decades following the 1931 revolt against the colonial regime was a period in which the British took serious measures in matters relating not only to education but also to school architecture. Atatürk’s reforms in creating a new modern Turkish society, on the other hand, evoked Turkish Cypriot ethnic nationalism. Without having the tension of the ideals of nationalism and modernism Turkey had to pacify, Turkish Cypriots embraced the modern as necessarily national and built their schools during and after the 1950s in a modern style. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most Cypriots before and since independence in 1960 experienced a double patriotism that contributed to the prolongation of the conflict between the two communities in their country. They identified with the island on which they lived as well as with the nation, Greece or Turkey, from which their ancestors had come. These patriotisms changed after the landing of the Turkish troops in 1974 when Cyprus was split into two distinct sections clearly based upon Turkish and Greek ethnicity. An attempt is made here to describe the resulting insecurity that played a significant role in preventing a resolution of the conflict in 1984-1985. For inductive, theoretical reasons a deliberate effort is also made to isolate ensuing "consequences" and hence to salvage old and slightly new generalizations that perhaps transcend this particular conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the obstacles to the peace settlement between Cyprus' Greek and Turkish communities. Competition for control of the institutions of the state; European Union's policy toward the island; Weaknesses of the international system illustrated by the Cyprus case.

The power of local borders to resist and prevent transnational mobilities in education has received little attention in comparative education. In this article we explore the motif of "border immunology' with reference to new history, a mobile paradigm of history teaching, and Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot history textbooks as types of local borders that have been impermeable to new history. The overall argument we explore here is that ethnonational forms of collective identities that are imagined to be constitutive of textbook borders account for immunity to mobility and change.

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The article discusses cultural festivals organised in the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and their ideological implications on the national identity of Greek-Cypriots from Independence (1960) until the country's accession in the European Union (2004). Debates and conflicts about national identity in the two ethnic communities coincide with the need for intensifying the relevance between the festivals' artistic content and the concepts of nation, origin and identity on the island. Local cultural festivals functioned as a means of projecting national messages and symbolism, according to the identity bi-pole, Hellenocentric and Cypriotcentric, prevalent in Greek-Cypriot community. Later, in the 1990s, political changes inaugurated a need for the emergence of Eurocentrism with respect to the Greek-Cypriots' cultural identity, this led to a significant increase of European artistic product via hosting of arts festivals. Despite the domination of ethnocentric approaches in the local cultural management model, the participation of other stakeholders – besides the state – contributed to the consolidation of the Eurocentric identity. This development had also strengthened the cosmopolitan ambiance, altered the repertoire of local festivals and differentiated the role and importance of artistic creation in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border studies have grappled with, on the one hand, the need for the use of common themes or concepts while, on the other, the need for contextual specificity. Borders are sites that embody different potentialities: division and contact, conflict and cooperation, security and anxiety, creativity and oppression, among others. In short, they are sites of the paradoxical. Paradox, it is argued, is the common overarching conceptual characteristic of borders but which specific potentialities are embodied in a border and what prevails as a result of the ensuing power struggles requires contextual specificity. Cyprus, a divided island lying on various border lines, partly inside and partly outside the EU, presents a useful socio-political space in order to illustrate this argument by outlining the specific paradoxical aspects of its own border and the results of the ensuing power struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]