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Since 1990, a large and dynamic global science system has evolved, based on grass roots collaboration, and resting on the resources, infrastructure and personnel housed by national science systems. Euro-American science systems have become intensively networked in a global duopoly; and many other countries have built national science systems, including a group of large- and middle-sized countries that follow semi-autonomous trajectories based on state investment, intensive national network building, and international engagement, without integrating tightly into the global duopoly. The dual global/national approach pursued by these systems, including China, South Korea, Iran and India, is not always fully understood in papers on science. Nevertheless, China is now the number two science country in the world, the largest producer of papers and number one in parts of STEM physical sciences. The paper investigates the remarkable evolution of China's science funding, output, discipline balance, internationalisation strategy and national and global networking. China has combined global activity and the local/national building of science in positive sum manner, on the ground of the nationally nested science system. The paper also discusses limits of the achievement, noting that while China-US relations have been instrumental in building science, a partial decoupling is occurring and the future is unclear.

China's remarkable gains in science over the past 25 years have been well documented but it is less well known that China and the United States have become each other's top collaborating country. Science and technology has been a primary vehicle for growing the bilateral relationship between China and the United States since the opening of relations between the two countries in the late 1970s. During the early 2000s, the scientific relationship between China and the United States--as measured in coauthored papers--showed significant growth (Jin et al. in "Journal of Shanxi University" 30(2):295-302, 2007). Chinese scientists claim first authorship much more frequently than U.S. counterparts by the end of the decade. The sustained rate of increase of collaboration with one other country is unprecedented on the U.S. side. Even growth in relations with eastern European nations does not match the growth in the relationship between China and the United States. Both countries can benefit from the relationship, but for the U.S., greater benefit would come from a more targeted strategy.

In this paper, we present findings from four separate studies using different data sources and methods to examine Chinese attitudes toward the United States amid the COVID-19 pandemic. The empirical results consistently indicate a marked and significant decline in Chinese attitudes toward the US between late 2019 and the end of 2022. Using a quasi-experimental design and granular survey data that exploit daily variations in public opinion, we offer additional evidence that the decline in Chinese attitudes toward the United States followed a distinct pattern not true for Chinese attitudes toward other countries. Specifically, the rise in Chinese unfavorability toward the United States closely corresponded to the heightened Chinese attention to the pandemic's progression in the United States. These results collectively suggest a causal effect of COVID-19, shedding light on how public health crises, international relations, and media jointly shape the increasing enmity between the two great powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes how American foreign policy is affected by the complexity of global interrelatedness. It is no longer possible for American foreign policy decisions to be made unilaterally. Examples of how international linkages have influenced American relations with the U.S.S.R., the Middle East, China, and other areas are included. (AM)

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following World War II, the United States constructed a liberal international order that grew noticeably more influential after the Cold War. Today, this order is in crisis, in a way that certain International Relations theorists mention the emergence of a post-liberal international order. In this relation COVID-19, as the most severe global public health crisis, has created an unexpected and serious problem in the International order. Taking into account this new international order, this research focuses on the following questions: What kinds of order are possible and whether COVID-19 Can be considered as an opportunity that helps China to build international order as a hegemon? In answer to these questions, this paper uses a conceptual model to predict the future international order according to the factor of Covid-19 and the role of China in this order. According to the existing models and with respect to the most important challenges for China to achieve a hegemonic position, we will conclude that the future order of the international system will remain as security-based international order, with two actors (China and Us) and two different ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has developed a series of 'strategic partnerships' with a range of great power states. These partnerships reflect the emergence of an actor that seeks to establish foreign policy goals with an attendant institutional architecture and political commitment. This paper examines two of these partnerships with the United States and China to illustrate the manner in which the EU has constructed a collective identity for itself via discursive association with great power states, while claiming a normative character as an actor of a different kind, with the ability to act strategically with great power states via temporal and ethical forms of social distancing from these same actors. This paper consults recent survey research and policy developments to assess the success of these EU discursive strategies. It is concluded that these partnerships play a somewhat useful role in establishing the EU as an actor of global significance, whilst the EU is less successful in its inherent claims of normative superiority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia's middle powers face a trilateral dilemma stemming from their relationships with the U.S. and China. This paper uses the Australian example to examine the dilemma. It shows that Australia has bound itself to the U.S. because of domestic political factors, cost considerations, a belief that it can keep its interests separate, and its perception of regional threats. The paper then argues that others are likely to resolve their trilateral dilemmas in ways that make the regional strategic dynamic more competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets up a framework for analyzing the policies of the US and the People's Republic of China toward the Republic of China(Taiwan). It surveys how the two powers' policies have evolved during the period 1949-2009 and makes numerical evaluations of the degree of "supportiveness" of American policy toward the ROC and the degree of "aggressiveness" of the PRC's policies. The evaluations are charted. The paper observes that the US and the PRC have been engaged in a kind of "negotiation-by-move-and-countermove" over this period. This form of interaction is found to be slow-motion and not very effective for resolving differences between the two sides. However, the need for a formal resolution of the island's political-legal status becomes less important as the trade, investment, and people-to-people linkages between the two Chinese entities increase. There appears to be a huge potential for an ever-greater convergence of the two powers' economic desires for Taiwan even while the issue of their respective stances towards its legal-political-military status may not be resolved for quite a while. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the implications of the tectonic shifts in the global balance of power marked by the rise of China and India and the relative decline of American hegemony across the Indian Ocean region – bordered as it is by five continents and some 40 countries. Located at the Middle Eastern end of it are the strategic chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab and the Strait of Hormuz, and at the Asian end the Strait of Malacca. However, while the Middle East and Asia are ever more interconnected across this third-largest ocean (and also along the reviving terrestrial ‘Silk Road’) through trade, finance and culture, the paper does not foresee an imminent confrontation in the Middle East between the rising Asian superpowers and the United States. Nonetheless, it is contended that President Barack Obama's dramatic ‘rebalancing’ project indicates that America intends to intensify its support for the small Asian states worried about China's assertiveness in the East and South China seas, while at the same time insisting that this ‘pivot’ does not mean a diminution of US power in the Middle East. For the time being, it seems that China and India are content to remain ‘free riders’ in the Middle East, uninterested in challenging the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study has questioned the very legitimacy and ability of United States to honor bilateral relations that it commits under strategic partnerships. The investigation makes the point that partner nations with United States are used as a tool to pursue foreign policy priorities in regions of strategic interest. Partner nations are usually vulnerable to United States international influence in political, economic, diplomatic and military domains. United States due to its international leverage most of the time gets an easy way out in the so-called strategic partnerships but at times when partner nations are in need of dire support, Washington prefers to backtrack from its commitments. This paper has considered South Asia as a case study to contest United States context of 'strategic alliance' as a mean to pursue foreign policy priorities with Pakistan. The vulnerabilities of Pakistan time and again have allowed United States to positively negotiate best deals for Washington, which in-turn brought political complications for the partner nation. This study makes the point that nature of bilateral relations between Pakistan and United States are multifaceted, whereas the phenomenon of 'containment of communism' initially the Soviet and now the Chinese had become the most decisive factor behind their strategic orientation. US failure to attain its objectives from Pakistan had always made India the ultimate choice, which in turn uses Washington's leverage to craft South Asian political order in its favor. The study has applied inductive method with that of 'Analytical Eclecticism' approach to evaluate the ups and downs of the two inconvenient strategic allies and decoded the so-called premises of the Indo-US strategic alliance which is founded on the political orchestration to contain Chinese increasing influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the asymmetric dilemma facing the Philippines and China in the South China Sea tensions. Among American East Asian allies, the Philippines seems to stand on the frontline between two rival powers, the United States and China. Since the US declared its Pivot to Asia policy, the Philippines' foreign policy towards China has become assertive and sometimes appears reckless with some military adventures against Chinese maritime patrols and naval ships, which also further forced China to take a tougher foreign policy against the Philippines. Considering the distinctive asymmetric indicators between China and the Philippines based on military forces, economic capacity, territorial size, and population, the aggressive policy behaviors that the Philippines and China have been displaying against each other cast an inquiry on what drives the two countries into head-to-head collision. While China as the larger power vis-à-vis the Philippines as the smaller power in the relationship has aimed for control and domination of their disputed territory, the Philippines' drastic defiance has also led to China's irritation and possible frustration. Furthermore, the US' renewed attention to Asia has caused shifts of asymmetric bilateral dilemma to triangular entanglement between the US-China-Philippines. It is vital therefore to pay attention to the asymmetric interaction of states and their varying views in order to find possible solutions to the SCS tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Although there have been surplus and deficit nations in the world for some time, the magnitude of the so-called global imbalances in the 2000s provided the macroeconomic backdrop to the worst financial crisis in nearly a century. The key players are the United States and China, but the global macroeconomic imbalances involve many other emerging economies. Although the genesis of the financial crisis is much more complex and has to do with financial innovation and deregulation, this paper examines the role of global macroeconomic imbalances. It argues that the reserve currency effect of the US dollar alongside an acceleration of global imbalances in the 2000s meant that the reserve accumulation of China and other large surplus countries contributed to an unsustainable level of liquidity in the US economy which fuelled the housing boom, whose collapse in 2007 was a trigger in the ensuing global recession and the subsequent global financial crisis. The findings point to the importance of monitoring global capital flows associated with the US dollar's reserve currency role in the context of persistent global imbalances as part of the G20's efforts to coordinate global governance of markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With China's share in global trade increasing rapidly, some argued in 2002-2003 that China was exporting deflation to other countries as it was dumping cheap goods in mature markets. Later, others argued that China was causing sharp increases in global prices. This paper uses several econometric techniques to assess the extent of the link between inflation rates between China and the USA and Japan. Only limited empirical evidence at the aggregate level is found for consumer price inflation in China leading to price changes in the USA and Japan. However, there is some evidence that inflation in the USA has an impact on Chinese inflation. The results seem consistent with the Federal Reserve and the Bank of Japan being concerned about inflation and, hence, adjusting policy such that inflation shocks have no significant effect on overall inflation. Recent Chinese price rises are unlikely to have a material effect on the USA or Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines US, Japanese, and European political economy approaches to China, and their effect on US-Japan and US-EU relationships. Great powers with a greater security concern in dealing with another major country care more about power while those with less of a concern are preoccupied with calculations for wealth. China's rise and its actions have posed a far greater security challenge to the United States and Japan and are driving the two countries closer together. The political economy game involving China reveals a dominant welfare motive among the advanced market economies. The ambition to transform China politically has diminished. China's integration into the global market makes a relative gains approach difficult to implement. Globalization simply limits the ability of a state to follow a politics-in-command approach in the absence of actual military conflict, which explains why the political economy approaches of the United States, Europe, and Japan are not that different in the scheme of things. China's own grand strategy to reach out to the world to outflank the US-Japan alliance has also contributed to a divergent European policy toward China although there are severe limitations to Beijing's ability to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role and challenges of scientific self-governance and standardization in inter-continental clinical research partnerships in stem cell medicine. The paper shows that – due to a high level of regulatory diversity – the enactment of internationally recognized standards in multi-country stem cell trials is a complex and highly situation-specific achievement. Standardization is imposed on a background of regulatory, institutional and epistemic-cultural heterogeneity, and implemented exclusively in the context of select clinical projects. Based on ethnographic data from the first trans-continental clinical trial infrastructure in stem cell medicine between China and the USA, the article demonstrates that locally evolved and international forms of experimental clinical research practices often co-exist in the same medical institutions. Researchers switch back and forth between these schemas, depending on the purposes of their research, the partners they work with, the geographic scale of research projects, and the contrasting demands for regulatory review, that result from these differences. Drawing on Birch's analysis of the role of standardization in international forms of capital production in the biosciences, the article argues that the integration of local knowledge institutions into the global bioeconomy does not necessarily result in the shutting down of localized forms of value production. In emerging fields of medical research, that are regulated in highly divergent ways across geographical regions, the coexistence of distinct modes of clinical translation allows also for the production of multiple forms of economic value, at varying spatial scales. This is especially so in countries with lenient regulations. As this paper shows, the long-standing absence of a regulatory framework for clinical stem cell applications in China, permits the situation-specific adoption of internationally recognized standards in some contexts, while enabling the continuation of localized forms of value production in others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called freedom of navigation through the Malacca straits and the South China Sea, some of the world's busiest trade routes, has long been of concern to scholars and practitioners of international politics in the region. Increasing tensions around territorial disputes recently propelled the issue to the forefront of global foreign and security policy making. Yet, despite the frequent invocation of threats to the 'freedom of navigation' for the justification of military measures to protect the 'liberal rules-based order', the substance of this rule or norm remains ambiguous and the nature of the threatened order unclear. Located at the confluence of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, Australian discourses represent a suitable case for clarifying both. Starting from the original provisions on navigational regimes in international law, this study analyses the meanings that officials, think tank analysts and academics have been attributing to the freedom of navigation and contextualize them in the evolving debate about order. Focusing on political rather than legal discourses, it finds that concerns with the freedom of navigation are largely unrelated to the safety of maritime transport. Instead, they serve as proxy for an increasingly static imagination of international order – written backward in time – to be secured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the government and society of the Republic of China's (ROC or Taiwan) have changed markedly in the new millennium, the fundamentals of US policy toward the island remain intact. This study outlines recent developments in Taiwan and shows how they represent challenges to the US. It also discusses American policy toward Taiwan and examines several proposals for change that an American administration may wish to consider. In conclusion, the paper explains why the current policy, albeit contradictory and ambiguous, is in the best interest of the United States. There is a strong possibility that any major change in policy would succeed only in undermining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper centers on elaborating a sequence path of the forty years of the Sino-North Korean alliance by employing several standards that explain why alliances endure or collapse. The sequence path began when China's threat perceptions began changing in the early 1970s. The next stage witnessed significant decline in China's credibility as an alliance partner. As a result, the third stage showed North Korea's increasing secondary alliance dilemma that was further stimulated by the collapse of the communist world and the end of the Cold War. As a solution, North Korea bandwagoned with the United States. The final picture of this ongoing sequence path has appeared with North Korea's maneuvering between Washington and Beijing, as well as China's attempts to preserve its traditional sphere of influence against encroachment by the United States. This paper concludes that the alliance is being transformed from an ideological military alliance to a new triangular security relationship between North Korea, China, and the United States. In accordance, North Korea is becoming increasingly autonomous in its alliance with China. In so doing, Pyongyang is attempting to play one superpower off against the other, much as it succeeded in doing with the former Soviet Union and China. China, in turn, is compelled to defend its traditional sphere of geopolitical influence. North Korea will be involved in the coming conflict between China and the United States during the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China's ascendancy in Artificial Intelligence (AI) potentially surpasses that of the United States in specific dimensions, this research article critically assesses the existing and proposed AI policies of the United States, incorporating recommendations from the U.S. National Security Commission on AI (NSCAI). The research uses dual-scoring metrics based on the NSCAI-proposed AI stack and an original stakeholder metric to provide quantifiable variables to assess the potential impact of a policy, capturing feasible policy proposals. This analysis creates a practical tool for policy analysts and researchers to evaluate AI policies, which includes a tiered policy structure based on overall scores from the dualscoring metrics. Given the significance of AI in future national development, our model aims to aid policymakers in discerning the merit and feasibility of specific AI policies, thereby facilitating informed policymaking and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the connection between international politics that characterized the outbreak of COVID-19, mainly between the United States of America and China and the devastating impact of the second wave outbreak on the Nigerian economy. At the initial stage of the pandemic on the Chinese mainland, the economy of China experienced a significant decline. The efficacy of China's response to COVID-19 led to a fractional economic recovery during the pandemic. However, the internationalization of COVID-19 was greeted with a second wave in most advanced countries, such as the United States of America, Italy, and the United Kingdom, among others. The low level of preparedness and poor responses were comparably low in second-wave countries compared to China. It also examines the failure of the United States of America and China to develop a global health framework against COVID-19, as well as the Blame Game Politics that eventually played out. The politics of shifting blame between the United States of America and China, coupled with poor responses against COVID-19 in most Western countries, culminated in a devastating outbreak in low-income countries. Nigeria's COVID-19 experience severely affected the critical sectors of the economy. However, this awkward situation has heightened Nigeria's status as a major economic victim of the pandemic in Africa. The study utilized primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data were generated through the utility of Key Informant Interviews (KIIs), and the secondary data were generated from textbooks, journal articles, and web-based materials. The data generated were analyzed using the logic induction method and thematic analysis. The study recommends rejigging the Nigerian economic framework and improving revenues through an Agrobased economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the US pivot to the Asia-Pacific on Canada's strategic thinking and maritime posture. It highlights elements of the US rebalance before examining Canada's recent past, present, and future strategic and military engagement. Canada wants to be able to contribute to crisis de-escalation if regional tensions lead to conflict, yet the Royal Canadian Navy has less deployment capacity today than it has had in 25 years. To contribute to mediatory influence, and provide warfighting capability, a recapitalized navy should increase deployments to the region, forward deploy some naval assets, and ensure interoperability with its US counterpart. In the event of a crisis, a choice might have to be made between a neutral, honest-broker stance and a more likely decision to contribute forces to a US-led coalition. The first step in either case is to be in the Asia-Pacific region with capable and credible naval forces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The dynamics of international relations between the West and the East have mutated in recent years with the decline of the West, especially in the wake of the financial crisis in America in 2008, and the rise of the East, where China is the most obvious powerhouse. The power-shift theory spotlights recent changes in many areas of international relations between industrialized countries and emerging powers but ignores the multi-polarization shift that doesn't tend to give "emerging powers" the same respect and attention. This paper examines the power-shift theory through quantitative analysis of the media coverage of "The United States" (the West) and "China" (the East) in three prominent European newspapers--The Times (British), Le Figaro (French) and Sü ddeutscheZeitung (Germany) -- over the past 12 years (from 2000 until 2011). Comparison over time will be conducted for the 3 newspapers in terms of the total number of stories, subject-matter ranking and favorability differences in order to (1) examine the shift trend and (dramatic) change of media representation of the United States and China in the past decade from the European point of view and (2) explore the characteristics of news coverage to understand the continuing imbalance between the attention paid to the West and the East, and verify the inequality and half-truth of the power-shift theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Can we construct transnational or international public service advertising to counterbalance the proliferation of transnational commercial advertising? As an important first step in exploring the possibility of such an application of shared media public diplomacy among nations, this paper describes a complete survey of commercial and public service advertisements collected from the public spaces of subway systems in American and Chinese cities in 2010 – New York, Washington, DC, Shanghai and Beijing – to reveal the range of themes of commercial and public service ads in these spaces. The study reveals first that analogous commercial and public service ads are ubiquitous in the public spaces of both Chinese and American cities. Second, many of the themes that might appear in international or transnational public service ads are already being portrayed in ads created by local or national governments or NGOs, although these themes are portrayed in ads created by different sets of actors in China and in the US: government actors and a few international NGOs in Chinese cities, and governments, corporations and non-profit organizations in the case of American cities. Finally, the survey reveals that in all four cities there are many commercial advertisements that appeal to the identity of a transnational consumer, but that there are almost no public service ads that appeal to the identity of a transnational citizen: merely local or national ones who can solve such public problems as global warming, education, and health issues. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The objective of this paper is to analyze China's quest for energetic security and USA reaction, as well as its consequences for the international politics. The central debate is the Chinese ascension depend of external energetic supply that, consequently, unveiling the growing disputes with the USA in a scenario of international reorganization of forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]