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This study aimed to reveal the relationships between a Chinese influencer’s “kimchi” video content on YouTube, news reports about it in portals, and online nationalism, which will help explore how the issues of history and traditional culture in portal news reports are conveyed and understood. The results demonstrated that the correlation of nationalism and the Chinese Northeast Project, and responsibility frames was the largest in the Naver portal. The more the origin and pride of kimchi are emphasized, the more the kimchi issue is attributable to the Chinese Northeast Project, which is one of China’s policies. This is the responsibility of China and affects anti-Chinese sentiment in Korea. As Chinese government officials accelerate this issue, it is ultimately amplified to develop into public opinion. On the other hand, the correlation between the anti-Korean sentiment and conflict frames in the Baidu portal was the largest, which means that shifting the responsibility for conflict between Korea and China tends to enhance anti-Korean sentiment inside China, resulting in enhanced cohesion of the Chinese people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on public opinion and foreign policy in China has focused on nationalism as the driver behind public support for the use of force. However, nationalism is just one of many potentially significant factors that can increase support for military deployments. In this article we build a mediation model to test the relative effects of psychological predispositions, foreign policy attitudes, perceptions of the opposing state and calculations about the likely outcome of the conflict on support for China sending naval forces to the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. We find that dislike of the Japanese government and a belief that China would be victorious in a conflict with Japan are both powerful predictors of support for the use of force. Nationalism and militarism directly increase support but also indirectly increase it via different pathways. Nationalists are more confident in a Chinese victory while militarists have a stronger dislike of the Japanese government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's recent termination of strict COVID-19 control necessitates taking a booster vaccine shot as a precaution against the pandemic as quickly as possible. A large body of research has examined people's attitudes toward and intentions for the booster shot. However, most studies failed to explore how China's sociopolitical context has shaped their attitude regarding the booster jab take-up. The current study utilizes data from a national survey adopting quota sampling to analyze the Chinese public's medical and non-medical considerations to determine their intention for the third dose of the COVID-19 vaccine. The study found that thanks to China's initial successful lockdown policies, personal risk and benefit perceptions did not dominate their views regarding booster vaccination. Instead, respondents' gender, nationalism, endorsement of the zero-COVID policy, self-efficacy regarding vaccination, and perceived infection severity were the major factors underlying their booster shot intention. The situation highlights how the politicized context of China's COVID-19 control has impacted people's plans to practice preventive behaviors. It is necessary to offset the negative consequences. One strategy is to educate the Chinese public with more medically relevant information to help them make rational choices regarding vaccination and other protective measures. On the other hand, such education can utilize this nationalistic mental status to enhance the persuasion effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eat Drink Man Woman, well-known as the last episode of "Father-Knows-Best" trilogy directed by Ang Lee, is attractive to numerous scholars following its nomination of Oscar. Through comparative studies, voluminous critics have devoted to the theme of globalization and cultural identity. However, few scholars notice that cultural identity as a sign of national image experiences a series of transformations. Therefore, this article mainly probes how the transformation of cultural identity changes the ideological component of national memory that contributes to nurturing the Chinese national identity. Father' s image and daughters' role are prominently represented in the film, particularly father's psychological changes in some sense projecting the transformation of traditional ideology. Thus, combined with historic background this article will set about the transformation of father's role and daughter's image which predicate the deconstruction of traditional gender discourse, trying to figure out how does the transformed ideology expressed through the deconstruction of gender discourse contribute to the reconstruction of Chinese national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article uses the sociological/philosophical theory of liberal communitarianism to analyze existing trends in global affairs. The European Union (EU) has often erred by expanding its missions without also recognizing the pull of nationalism and conducting community-building to strengthen the bonds among member nations. EU nations and countries around the world are retreating to nationalism. Rather than bringing the world together to fight a common enemy, the COVID-19 crisis has accelerated these global trends. The rise of nationalism has not increased domestic cohesion, but has led to high levels of domestic polarization. International communities seem a long way off, and the world order in the near future may depend to a considerable extent on whether the United States will permit China to increase its influence in the Western Pacific, which would allow for collaboration on most other matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Hong Kong's 2019 social movement concerning the spontaneous and collective forms of expression that sparked throughout the city, known as Lennon Walls. Based on the premise that national identity is an imagined social construct, this article explores the link between the construction of a Hongkongese identity differentiated from a Chinese identity and the way this distinction is translated into more than a hundred public spaces. These sites became peaceful demonstrations of resistance around Hong Kong. This article discusses the relationship between democracy, social movements, and the search for a Hong Kong identity to further address the characteristics and ongoing demands of 2019's social protests. Moreover, Lennon Walls will be analyzed as public forms of expression of Hong Kong's identity based on the search for democracy. Lastly, the article concluded that due to this sense of national identity, Lennon Walls are just one more link in the chain that implies a complex balance for Hong Kong's citizens to be part of a broader State such as China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was a deep relationship between historian Gu Jiegang’s comment on the Chinese nation during the Second Sino-Japanese War and the history of the Mengjiang Puppet Regime, as well as the pre-war Inner Mongolia Autonomy Movement. Gu Jiegang’s pre-war attitude toward the agricultural exploitation of Inner Mongolia only took the Hans’ standpoint. Even without the instigation of foreign colonizers, the autonomy movement would have still broken out under the despotism of native rulers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of "Chinese nation" has a close relationship with the rise, development and upsurge of modern Chinese nationalism from its proposition to establishment, and to universal identification among people of all ethnic groups. The period of the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China was the formation stage of modern Chinese nationalism and also the stage of the proposition and initial usage of the concept of "Chinese nation": Modern Chinese nationalism developed around the period of the May 4th Movement. Under the impetus of the establishment of national self-determination theory, especially the rise of a national self-determination movement, the concept of "Chinese nation" was accepted and adopted by more and more people and finally established and formed. After the September 18th Incident, especially after the North China Incident and the July 7th Marco Polo Bridge Incident, the worsening national crisis promoted the upsurge of modern Chinese nationalism, and this upsurge made the concept of "Chinese nation" more widely and deeply disseminated and accepted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have separatist sentiments increased in Hong Kong despite of China's growing economic attractiveness? This question is critical for China–Hong Kong relations. However, few studies have explored it from a comparative perspective. This study compares Hong Kong and mainland college students' national identities by making a series of interlocked surveys and interviews from 2012 to 2016. It shows that Hong Kong students have a much lower sociopolitical identity with China, which proves to be the primary cause for their separatist tendencies. Although they hold a comparably strong pan-Chinese economic identity, it does not strengthen their sociopolitical identity as it does for mainland students. This can be attributed to their post-materialist framework through which they are unlikely to believe that economic development alone can bring sociopolitical improvements. The findings imply that China faces serious difficulties in turning its economic strength into political charm in societies with strong post-materialist values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine consumer ethnocentrism (CE) in China and clarify whether CE impacted on Chinese consumers’ product preferences between local and foreign products.Design/methodology/approach Street surveys and mall intercepts were conducted, 367 questionnaires were collected with 170 from Shenyang – Northern China and 197 from Shenzhen – Southern China.Findings CE is low in China, it poses no serious threat to foreign products. Consumers living in second tier Northern city like Shenyang have higher ethnocentric beliefs than those living in a first tier like Shenzhen in Southern China. CE’s impact varies between product categories and availability of domestic alternative could be a key issue. Age and education level have significant moderating effects.Research limitations/implications It only collected from two Chinese cities, distribution pattern of CE data determined non-parametric data analysis methods were adopted.Practical implications Regional differences in China matters, first tier Southern cities like Shenzhen could be less challenging destinations for foreign retailers. Targeting young and highly educated consumers could be more effective. Although CE level is low in China, a cautious approach beyond first tier cities is recommended, especially when facing competent local rivals.Originality/value It clarified that CE did affect product preferences amongst Chinese consumers, highlighted China’s regional differences in terms of North-South divide and first and second tier cites. It also identified that availability of domestic alternative is a key factor that cannot be ignored. This study provided evidence to demonstrate that with unprecedented uncertainties on global free trade, there is no grassroots support for protectionism and isolationism in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to explore how nationalism shapes the public perception of multinational corporations' crises on Chinese social media. Using qualitative content analysis, this study examines 1000 public comments from the top 10 hashtag posts and explores the interaction between nationalist expression (i.e., content and sentiment of nationalism) and the public's perception of the United Airlines crisis in 2017. The findings demonstrate how nationalist content impinged upon the interpretation of United Airlines' misconduct. Six concrete emotions (anger, hared, amusement, pride, encouragement, and disgust) were identified from the sample comments, which were categorized into inward-directed and outward-directed nationalist sentiments. Given the findings, this study argues that nationalist expression has driven the evolution of the United Airlines crisis beyond the discussion of organizational misconduct. While inward-directed sentiment served to strengthen the Chinese public's national identity, outward-directed sentiment was utilized to exclude multinational corporations as "out-groups." The theoretical and practical implications are also discussed. • Nationalism provokes an emotional rather than rational understanding of organizational crises. • Inward-directed nationalist sentiments served to strengthen the Chinese public's national identity. • Outward-directed nationalist sentiments were utilized to exclude multinational corporations as "out-groups". • Nationalist sentiments as permanent emotions can lead to the public's emotional-based coping of organizational crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of a Chinese popularity function may seem surprising, given its authoritarian nature. However, exploring the possibility of indirect popularity functions in nondemocratic systems, we articulate a model of national government support in China. The model argues that sociodemographics, political attitudes, and performance issues mold central government satisfaction. Drawing on a countrywide 2008 public opinion survey, we conclude that regional differences, national trust, and local policy success are of special importance in shaping national government support. The findings, which exhibit theoretical and statistical appeal, lay the groundwork for further investigation of popularity functions in China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the revolution of 1932 that ended absolute monarchy in Siam, a new government came into power that sought to legitimize its rule by encouraging mass identification with the state. Practically, the expansion of a wage economy and the development of a state-led education system were seen by government officials as central to promoting a sense of citizenship to as yet disinterested rural communities. Throughout its first decade in power, the government thus set up projects to provide such groups with skills that might contribute to their overall material advancement. Following the lead of similar endeavours, particularly in India, one of the principal ways in which it would do this was through the production and bringing to market of cotton textiles. However, with foreign imports both superior in quality and cheaper than anything produced internally, the state struggled to establish a public relations message that might convince consumers to purchase Thai-produced textiles. As a result of specific limitations rooted in Thailand's ambiguous status globally, this meant that Thai leaders struggled to replicate the success of such movements elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author focuses on how China viewed Taiwan and the people of Taiwan between 1931, the year Japan invaded Manchuria, and 1941, the year the U.S. entered World War II. Some of the subjects considered include nationalism, Chinese identity, Chinese political thought, and the ideology of nation-building and cultural identity. An overview of the historiography of competing Chinese and Taiwanese national identity exemplified in the writings of historians Emma Jinhua Teng, Alan M. Wachman, and Steven E. Phillips, is presented.

In 1892, Terrien de Lacouperie (1845-1894), professor of Chinese at University College in London, set out to prove that the Chinese migrated from Mesopotamia in prehistoric times. Despite mixed responses from his colleagues, Lacouperie's "Sino-Babylonianism" found its way into China and captured the imagination of Chinese historians from the 1900s to 1930s. Whether they supported or opposed Lacouperie's view, Chinese historians were intrigued by his boldness in linking early China to the global network of trade and cultural exchange. This article examines how Chinese historians adopted, transformed, and appropriated Sino-Babylonianism in their discourse on the nation. It argues that the rise and fall of Sino-Babylonianism coincided with the Chinese perceptions of the world system of nation-states. Sino- Babylonianism was warmly received when the Chinese perceived the world system of nation-states as a hierarchy in temporality, prescribing a process of evolution that all human communities must follow. Sino-Babylonianism was fiercely rejected when the Chinese saw the world system of nation-states as a hierarchy in space, characterized by incessant territorial expansion of imperialist powers. In both instances, Sino-Babylonianism was no longer what Lacouperie had proposed in the late nineteenth century. Rather, it was an important benchmark for the Chinese understanding of the modern global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the belief systems of Chinese youth and their attitudes toward the state. Youth in China are generally described as having an internationalist outlook, being pragmatic and materialistic, and embracing nationalism, patriotism, and altruism. The post-1980s attributes of generations of Chinese youth are discussed. The article suggests that contemporary youth are not an immediate threat to China's regime in 2009 and that they believe that China will overtake the United States as the leading superpower. Anniversaries of events and protests in China that concern the political leadership such as the 1919 May Fourth Movement are mentioned. The reason why Chinese youth join the Communist Party is also mentioned.

In 1944, a rebellion in China's northwestern Xinjiang Province prompted Chiang Kai-shek to send his most trusted lieutenant, Zhang Zhizhong, to negotiate with the rebels and to attempt to consolidate Nationalist China's hold over the perennially restive frontier province. Zhang's innovative adaptation of tested Soviet models of minority representation tapped into and reinterpreted a long tradition of established cultural paradigms for digesting and representing the internal "other" within China. The most visible and widely disseminated projects that Zhang sponsored in the waning days of Nationalist China represent a determined eleventh-hour propaganda attempt to integrate the seldom-seen Central Asian frontier into the greater conception of a unified Chinese republic. This effort also marks one of the earliest instances of the Chinese state attempting to employ mass propaganda media to disseminate—among a large and diverse audience—a modified version of established modes of ethnic representation previously in currency only among a limited subsection of elite and official society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Chinese diasporic culture and national identity in Singapore. The section reflects on the importance of the Tiger Balm Gardens or Haw Par Villa, built in the 1930s by overseas Chinese pharmaceuticals tycoon Aw Boon Haw, in Singapore's Chinese community area. According to the report, during the colonial era, the garden marked the success not only of Aw Boon Haw but also of the Chinese migrant community in Singapore, which was renovated into an orientalized theme park and then resuscitated as the repository of diasporic Chinese entrepreneurship.

The article tries to prove how SARS has exceeded mere health and humanitarian levels from the viewpoint of different political entities among the Chinese population. Examining the "SARS Diplomacy" between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China/Taiwan--that is, how each side of the Strait spoke to one another during the epidemic crisis--may enable us to gauge the potential for the formation of the Chinese orbit in the era of globalization. The greatest threat posed to the Chinese people from SARS Diplomacy is the stirred up populist sentiments on both sides of the Strait, with the agenda to hold a "preventive referendum" against the mainland threat on one side, and the escalated nationalism with an increasing level of distrust toward Taiwan on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the assimilation of overseas Chinese in economies in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The Chinese culture is dominated by a number of attributes which affect economic organization. One is respect for hierarchical position and leadership. Another is a group or collective orientation, directed particularly to family and local community, but coexisting with a strong sense of national identity and respect for the national leader. The traditional Chinese behavior is regulated by Confucian appeals to good conduct. Reculturization is defined in the context of a new breed of Chinese making inroads back into China as it opens its overseas economy to foreign infusions of capital and technology. These younger generations of Chinese from the ASEAN economies have become citizens in their respective countries. They have the advantage of Western education and exposure to Western technology and management practices which add an extra dimension to their role in connecting with each other. Also, many of these new Chinese have learnt about political sensitivities in multi-ethnic settings and implicitly accept the rule of politics which are often discriminatory toward overseas settlers. The driving force of the reculturization effort is essentially economics rather than social or political factors.

The article discusses gender, discursive emphasis on the importance of cultural authenticity, and education of overseas Chinese women in diaspora, and explores the interaction of national and imperial priorities that produced certain expectations of women, particularly in Malaya and Singapore. Topics discussed include response of overseas Chinese women to feminine national belonging ideas, female education, and growth in Chinese nationalism through Chinese-medium education.