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The conflict between secrecy and publicity is one of the most delicate issues in foreign policy. Not long ago, absolute monarchs were able to conduct diplomacy that was really secret and could make war and peace - not to mention less cardinal decisions-without explanation. However, in the age of mass armies and of total wars, public opinion has to be mobilized and the issues of foreign policy need to be elaborated, justified and defended, even by non-democratic governments. On the other hand, professional diplomats continue to claim that secrecy is often a crucial prerequisite for successful foreign policy. Modern international relations have thus posed a seemingly insoluble dilemma that will probably haunt governments in the future: negotiations can be flexible and successful only if they are kept secret, but they will be barren without popular consent.

This paper focuses on the stimulating role of WW1 in the process of separation, establishment and institutionalization of international relations (IR) as an academic discipline in its own right. It is well documented that these processes began immediately after 1919 with the creation of IR departments in European and American universities where training in International relations, International law, International politics, and other specific disciplines in the larger area of IR was provided.Our main thesis is that the atrocities of the first European and world catastrophy led to a better understanding of the decisive role which the relations between national governments, and especially the relations between military alliances, played in the world political arena. This, in its turn, led to the realization that these relations should be the prime target of the investigations of specific disciplines which must have their legitimate share in Bachelor, Master and Doctoral programs.In this paper we also examine the significant role of the US President Woodrow Wilson, himself an outstanding academic authority, in International history and relations, and his efforts to raise awareness and to the establishing of IR departments as legitimate entities of university structures. Special emphasis is put on the hopes of the international community that through separating IR from Diplomatic history, Law, Politology and other kin disciplines, under the auspices of which IR had previously existed, the international political life could be significantly ‘humanized’ since the future diplomats, the international and governmental leaders will be trained in the IR departments in the spirit of humanistic values related to peace, stability and prosperity.

RESUMEN Objetivo: este artículo explora el debate de ideas políticas entre los periódicos de la Corte de Río de Janeiro, en el contexto de las negociaciones de paz entre la Argentina, el Imperio del Brasil y el Paraguay, en 1872. Metodologia: mediante la indagación de las columnas del Jornal de Commercio, A Reforma y A República, así como de la observación de las negociaciones externas y las disputas internas, el trabajo trata de comprender, en toda su complejidad, los episodios diplomáticos de 1872. Originalidad: se trata de sucesos mencionados con poca profundidad en la bibliografia sobre las relaciones internacionales del Cono Sur. Conclusiones: el estudio de estos periódicos, en paralelo al análisis de eventos y personalidades, revela que los debates políticos de la prensa en la Corte se enfocaron principalmente en estrategias y métodos de la diplomacia imperial, como una manera de llevar al escenario externo las pujas de la política doméstica, sin cuestionar la legitimidad de la política exterior tradicional del Brasil frente a las rivalidades con las repúblicas del Río de la Plata. ABSTRACT Objective: This article explores the debate of political ideas among the newspapers of the Court of Rio de Janeiro, in the context of the peace negotiations between Argentina, the Empire of Brazil and Paraguay, in 1872. Methodology: By analyzing the columns of the Jornal de Commercio, A Reforma and A República, and observing the external negotiations and internal disputes, this paper seeks to understand the complex diplomatic episodes of 1872. Originality: This affair is yet to be explored in depth by literature on international relations of the Southern Cone. Conclusions: The study of these newspapers, in parallel to the analysis of events and certain individuals, reveals that the political debates of the press at the Court concentrated mainly on the strategies and methods of imperial diplomacy, as a way of bringing domestic policy proposals to the external stage, without questioning the legitimacy of Brazil's traditional foreign policy in the face of rivalries with the River Plate republics. RESUMO Objetivo: o objetivo do artigo é explorar o debate de ideias políticas entre os jornais da Corte do Rio de Janeiro, no contexto das negociações de paz entre a Argentina, o Império do Brasil e o Paraguai, em 1872. Metodologia: mediante a indagação das colunas do Jornal de Commercio, A Reforma e A República e a análise das negociações externas e as disputas internas, o trabalho trata de compreender, em toda a sua complexidade, os episódios diplomáticos de 1872. Originalidade: esses eventos têm sido mencionados, mas pouco aprofundados na bibliografia das relações internacionais do Cone Sul. Conclusões: o estudo dos jornais, de maneira sincrònica à análise dos eventos e das personalidades em jogo, revela que os debates políticos da imprensa na Corte se concentraram principalmente nas estratégias e nos métodos da diplomacia imperial, como uma maneira de levar ao cenário externo as propostas da política doméstica, sem questionar a legitimidade da política externa tradicional do Brasil frente às rivalidades com as repúblicas do Rio da Prata.

Papal Diplomacy in the Modern Age. Edited by Peter C. Kent and John F. Pollard. (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Publishers. 1994. Pp. xiv, 288. $59.95.) The nineteen essays in this volume were originally presented at a symposium, "The Holy See in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries," held at the University of New Brunswick in 1991. In their introduction the editors assert that modern papal diplomacy is unique because the Holy See is unlike other international actors in its organization, objectives, and methods. While the subsequent essays vary in the degree to which they develop of even address this thesis, they provide a useful if necessarily episodic, survey of the Vatican's place in the diplomatic history of the first two centuries. The contributions range chronologically from the Congress of Vienna to the fall of the Berlin Wall and geographically from North America to Southeast Asia by way of Nicaragua, Ireland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia, Israel, and Lebanon. Some of the ground has been plowed before, but several essays explore new territory. In separate papers Roberto Perin and Phyllis Leblanc consider the way in which issues of language and ethnicity drew the Holy See into Canadian affairs at the turn of the century. John Conway offers several thoughtful insights into the contentious debate over the Vatican's response to Nazi Germany and the Holocaust. Describing Pope Paul VI's futile efforts to mediate the Vietnam War, Roy Palmer Domenico demonstrates that the war marked a significant reappraisal by the Vatican of its tacit alliance with the United States against communism. Finally, the late Peter Hebblethwaite provides an interesting appreciation of the Holy See's role in post-Ostpolitik Europe. The scope of any collection such as this is necessarily Limited by the research interests of the contributors, and the editors certainly make no claim for comprehensive coverage of their subject. Still, given the title of the work a reader might be surprised by certain omissions. The twenty-five-year pontificate of Leo XIII is represented only by the above mentioned papers on ecclesiastical affairs in Canada. One might expect greater interest in a pontificate which sought to reclaim for the Papacy a significant role in international affairs and whose engagement in such areas as the Caroline Islands dispute, the Spanish-American War, the First Hague Peace Conference, and the French ralliement represented the Papacy's most ambitious diplomatic agenda in more than a century. The treatment of papal diplomacy during World War I as little more than an introduction to the diplomacy of the 1920's is curious, especially since historians have hardly begun to mine the riches of the wartime files of the Secretariat of State and the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs which are now entirely open for study. …

The article analyzes the cultural policy of Italy, which is one of the key soft power instruments of the country, along with public diplomacy, the Italian language, education and scientific activities, through the prism of the cultural strategy of the EU. Despite the presence of a large number of articles on soft power implementation, this issue remains insufficiently covered today, since the concept of soft power emerged at the end of the 20th century in the framework of the American international relations school (J. Nye) and the majority of academic foreign papers are still devoted to the American soft power model. It is revealed that scientific community paid not enough attention to the Italian soft power phenomenon. The author’s goal is to analyze the cultural model of Italy, used as one of soft power component. According to the results of the structural, comparative and institutional analysis, fundamental problems in the development of the Italian cultural model were identified, as well as the links between the successful adoption of cultural diplomacy and economic crisis. The governmental initiatives in Italy in realization of cultural diplomacy and the EU cultural strategy are thoroughly reviewed. The analysis of the activities of specialized government institutions responsible for the cultural promotion of the country and the Italian language abroad is carried out. The soft power rankings, reflecting the effectiveness of cultural policy, in particular, Anholt-GfK Nation Brands Index and The Soft Power 30 are being analyzed. Measures to ensure the efficient use of the soft power resources in Italy are proposed. They are mostly aimed at combining the activities of existing institutions and forming an integrated strategy for popularizing, financing and broadening soft power components both within the state and foreign policy strategy.

Military diplomacy incorporates measures adopted by a country to enhance its defence and security capabilities. States engage in military diplomacy to share intelligence, equipment, and resources necessary to safeguard their interests. This study examined trends of Kenya-Britain military diplomacy under four regimes. The focus was on the critical areas of military diplomacy, cooperation and assistance between Kenya and Britain, trends of trade in military equipment and the factors that have influenced military diplomacy and trade in military hardware and software between Kenya and Britain from 1963 to 2017. The study was based on two theories – interdependence liberalism and realism. The study used the historical research design to trace the nature of cooperation and momentous events influencing military diplomacy. Purposive sampling was used to arrive at a sample size of 70 derived from the target population comprising the military, ministry of foreign affairs, and experts in international relations. Field data were collected through oral interviews and Focused Group Discussions. Secondary data was sourced from conference papers, books and journals. Collected data were grouped, corroborated, and presented using content analysis. The study concludes that Kenya and Britain have engaged in military diplomacy for a long time. After Kenya attained independence from Britain, the latter immediately became instrumental in forming a military and laying necessary security and defence structures in her former colony. Britain, therefore, became Kenya's long-standing defence and security partner. Britain and Kenya signed several agreements to cement these relations that enabled the British Army to train in Kenya and conduct joint military exercises to offer military assistance to their Kenyan counterparts. Moreover, Britain supplied Kenya with military equipment and arms. But military cooperation between Kenya and Britain has shifted over the four regimes. Geopolitics and globalization have made Kenya open the doors of her militaries to more countries, especially in acquiring its military equipment. Consequently, volumes of trade imports in military equipment from Britain to Kenya have declined. This trend has been influenced by economic and political sanctions levelled on Kenya in the advent of multiparty democracy in the early 1990s and the look-east policy adopted by Kenya to cushion her from the stringent measures on funding from the West. As a result, China, Oman and Jordan are emerging as Kenya's new trade partners in military equipment. This notwithstanding, Kenya still enjoys close business ties with Britain in military circles. The recommendations point that Kenya should strengthen its military diplomacy with Britain to enhance its national security and access to military capacity. Further research needs to be done on emerging military capacity, especially in intelligence gathering and sharing.

Diplomacy has played a key role in conflicts since ancient times. Over time, the role of diplomatic agents has changed, to take on, gradually, greater importance especially in wartime. This article focuses on the activities of the Italian foreign service in World War II and on the role of diplomats during the civil war that followed the fall of Fascism and the subsequent armistice with the Allies. In this dramatic context, some diplomats confirmed their loyalty to the king, while others joined the new-born Italian Social Republic, a puppet state ruled by Mussolini under the protection of Nazi Germany. Somewhere, two Italian diplomatic representations coexisted shortly. A page in the history of diplomacy, unknown to wide audience, that this contribution aims to bring to light. The paper strives to draw conclusions on the implications and consequences of this 'diplomatic civil war' on post-war Italian foreign policy. info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Through bilateral treaties between Moscow, Ankara, Tehran and Kabul, revolutionary diplomacy shaped the ‘Northern Tier’ of the Middle East in the early 1920s. This article argues that the infamous Young Turk leaders, though in exile after the First World War, remained at the centre of a significant moment in transnational revolutionary diplomacy in Eurasia. Based on a hitherto underutilised collection of published and unpublished private papers in juxtaposition with other archival sources, this article illustrates the working of a dual process of internationalism. While campaigning for Muslim internationalism, the Young Turk leaders were able to partake in international politics, but ironically reduced their own legitimacy and capacity as non-state actors by championing revolutionary bilateralism between Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan and Soviet Russia.

This paper investigates the diplomacy of the city of Rome in Royal and Early Republican periods fragmentation. It is known that the diplomatic authorities of Ancient Rome had a legal basis, fixed in Roman law. The oldest legal norms are preserved in the quotations and paraphrases of the Roman writers, lawyers and antiquaries (Cicero, Livy, Varro, Fest and others), who lived at a later time. Based on their data it is possible to reconstruct the field of public law governing the powers of fetials and ambassadors, ius gentium in the period VII - III centuries BC. In addition, they provide an opportunity to recreate some aspects of international relations in the region (relations with the Latin League, Etruscans, Volsci, Aequi and other Italian peoples) and diplomatic activities of Ancient Rome (diplomatic rituals - the Declaration of war, conclusion of peace Treaty; the position of ambassadors, diplomatic activities of the Roman Senate and consuls).

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the evolution of international relations in Europe in the middle of the 5th century, which involved a struggle for hegemony between the Hunnish Empire ruled by Attila on the one hand and both of the Roman Empires - on the other hand. By the late spring of 452, Attila had gathered capable troops and went ahead with launching a new campaign into Italy, the heart of the Roman Empire. The Byzantine diplomacy managed to send Attila against the West and may have played its role in this. The Hun aristocracy and hordes are thought to spur their ruler into launching the campaign to capture new spoils of war too. At all events, it is necessary for us to objectively reconstruct the events of the Italian campaign

Brazil has long strived for greater status and a stronger role in international politics, but its actual standing depends on the recognition it gets from outside. This paper analyses the perceptions of the status of Brazil from the perspective of the UK. It contributes both to the study of status in IR (by using a qualitative method with focus on perceptions and inter-subjectivity) and to the study of the status of Brazil (by analysing external perceptions about its standing in the global hierarchy). Based on interviews with British diplomats who served in Brazil, it shows that the UK believes the country misperceives its own place in the world and appears to remain “on the fence” in global affairs.

In diplomacy, the interests of an individual nation largely determine the form of relations it maintains with other states. This gives credence to the notion that there is neither a permanent friend nor permanent enemy in international relations; rather, it is interests of a country which is permanent. In the pursuance of their national interests, diplomatic relations between Lagos and Moscow were formally established on November 25, 1960 soon after Nigeria’s gaining in-dependence. The embassy of the Soviet Union was established in Lagos in 1961, while Nigeria established its embassy in Moscow in 1962. On December 26, 1991 the Soviet upper chamber under the chairmanship of A. Alim-shanov (Declaration № 142-H) decided to discontinue the Soviet Union existence as a state. This was in line with the outcome of the meeting of December 8, 1991 between Boris Yeltsin (Russia), Leonid Kravchuk (Ukraine) and Stalinislav Shushkevich (Belarus) that later came to be known as the Belovezha Accords of 1991. Russia, a prominent union republic of the for-mer Soviet Union, gained international recognition as the successor to the Soviet Union which thereafter took up both the assets and liabilities of the former Soviet Union. Nigeria-Russia Bilateral Relations (NRBR) had been developing over the years and cul-minated in the visit of Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo to Russia in 2001 and Russian President Dmitri Medvedev’s visit to Nigeria in 2009. Undoubtedly, the NRBR has had both good and diffi cult experience. This paper is an assessment of NRBR and it provides answers to the questions of the desirability and necessity of strong Nigeria-Russia diplomatic ties. Besides, it makes recommendations on how the two countries can elevate their bilateral relations to a more functional cooperation in the key and strategic sectors.

The work of Michael Jabara Carley gives a unique perspective on the diplomatic relations of the key world powers in the pre-war period and appeals to a wide audience who are not indifferent to the history of the world. The events described took place almost a century ago and over the years have received a variety of interpretations in the domestic and foreign literature about those times. Painstaking work with archives combined with s fine psychological approach made it possible to recreate and visualize the peculiarities of international relations of those years. This thorough analysis resulting in a vivid cultural description of the fateful period falls neatly within the framework of historical cultural studies and adds to our understanding of the intricacies of world diplomacy. Looking into the past, the author sees in the faded lines of the archived documents more than mere facts: there are people with their principles and insecurities, societies striving for peace and countries earning for power and security at all costs. Sketching portraits of the main characters with a few sharp strokes, Michael Carley manages to immerse the reader in the thick of events and understand the human side of diplomatic relations between countries, which could be allies should things have happened somewhat differently. The translation of the paper does not give verbatim quotations from the Russian language archives, but rather follows the author’s conception. The intention behind the book is not limited to a chronological compilation of dispatches, diaries and reports. On the contrary, it becomes obvious that written documents record dry facts, and only taken in a broader context can they truly shed light on the complex, uneven negotiations. The unique features of the era, traced in the text along with the individual characteristics of the persons involved, deserve readers’ attention as the non-trivial optics with which the author approaches the subject will allow a fresh look at the foreign policy relations of the USSR in 1933-1934. One will see how the cultural canvas through major trends and minor happenings influences the fate of the world. The vision that can be projected to the many and many other events of the past and present.

This controversial assessment from the CIA’s Office of Soviet Analysis separates SOVA from the consensus of the rest of the U.S. intelligence community regarding Gorbachev and his chances for success, or even survival. The document carries a scope note calling it a “speculative paper” because it goes against the general view that would soon be expressed in a Fall 1989 National Intelligence Estimate. That NIE would predict that Gorbachev would survive the coming economic crisis of 1990-91 with...

Published online: 21 Oct 2015 This article introduces a collection of original papers and research project reports considering the history of the BBC foreign-language services prior to, and during, the Second World War. The communication between the British government and foreign publics by way of mass media constituted a fundamental, if often ignored, aspect of Britain's international relations. From the 1930s onwards, transnational broadcasting, that is, broadcasting across national borders, became a major element in the conduct of Britain's diplomacy, and the BBC was employed by the government to further its diplomatic, strategic and economic interests in times of rising international tension and conflict. A review of the literature on the BBC's foreign-language broadcasts sets the stage for the presentation of the articles that compose this special issue of Media History.

An offspring of a precocious large-scale humanitarian enterprise to save occupied Belgium from starvation during the FirstWorldWar, the Commission for Relief in Belgium (CRB) Educational Foundation was established in 1919 as an exchange programme for Belgian and American university students. The CRB Educational Foundation was originally designed as a commemoration monument celebrating the relief drive and its main architects – the businessman and future president of the USA, Herbert Hoover, and its counterpart on the Belgian territory, the financier Emile Francqui. In a few years’ time, the programme rapidly grew out from a successful private initiative to a political project corresponding to different needs. While Hoover saw in this transatlantic exchange programme the expression of a policy which in many ways anticipated the activities of ‘cultural diplomacy’ during the Cold War and allegedly promoted ‘mutual understanding’ in international affairs, Francqui conceived it as a purely domestic instrument enabling to alleviate Belgium’s lagging scientific and academic position after the war. This paper attempts to show that this fundamental divergence of views contributed to make the exchange programme an unbalanced programme from the start whose success ultimately resulted from a fruitful misunderstanding, rather than from a common aspiration for ‘mutual understanding’., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This paper discusses how hallyu—the recent influx of Korean popular culture in Taiwan—has transformed the image of South Korea among the people of Taiwan. South Korea and Taiwan share a similar historical past. Nevertheless, the Taiwanese did not have a positive image of South Korea after 1992, when South Korea broke off diplomatic relations with Taiwan in order to establish diplomatic relations with mainland China. This work is based on ethnographic research done in Taiwan and South Korea from 2001–2003 and 2007–2009. It explores how hallyu has contributed to the rebuilding of the image of South Korea in Taiwan. It discusses Taiwanese perceptions of this image and the role of the South Korean government in improving it. It focuses on how a once-held negative image of South Korea has been transformed. The hallyu boom inspired many Taiwanese to remark on the influence of South Korean dramas and pop music in renewing their relationship with South Korea. It has provided an opportunity for Taiwan and South Korea to build positive relationships after the break-up of their diplomatic relations. Through hallyu, South Korea became a country that Taiwanese want to emulate, a model nation for Taiwan today.

This article examines the response of the British government to the revolution in Zanzibar in January 1964. It demonstrates that, once the safety of British nationals had been assured, British concerns upon the possibility that the new regime in Zanzibar might become susceptible to communist influence. These fears appeared to be realised as soon as British influence in Zanzibar diminished and the new government welcomed communist aid and advisers. In the aftermath of successful military interventions in support of moderate regimes in Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika, and under pressure from Washington to take decisive action, the british prepared a series of plans for military action in Zanzibar. None of these were enacted and the final plan was scrapped in December. The paper examines the range of factors that undermined British diplomacy and inhibited the government from taking military action in Zanzibar. In doing so it illustrates the complexity of Britain's relationship with post-colonial regimes in East Africa and the difficulties that it faced when trying to exert influence in a region recognised by both London and Washington as a British sphere of influence.

This paper deals with the problem of the emigration of the Romanian Jews in Israel as revealed by a few historical writings and in published documents. The Romanian Jews' emigration in Israel was a continuous process in spite of the communist regime established in Romania after the war and it was one of the main priorities of Romanian-Israeli diplomatic relations. The research focused on the years 1948-1969. The relationship between Romania and Israel evolved in time, manifesting interest in economic life, cultural life, human rights field, migration, religion.

Benedicto XVI, en el conjunto de los papas de los dos últimos siglos, es un papa eminentemente pastoral, poco diplomático. En algunas ocasiones le faltó tacto para manejar sus relaciones con los musulmanes y con los judíos. No le gustaba la política. Como gran pensador de carácter teórico la preocupaba más bien la profundidad de la filosofía que imperaba en Europa, 'la dictadura del relativismo'. Y también los problemas económicos (el egoísmo del capitalismo financiero) y el medio ambiente que no son política internacional aunque sean contenidos que interesen por sí mismos.

The paper explores the concept of heritage diplomacy in order to critically examine the links between conservation, cultural aid and hard power, and the dance between nationalism and internationalism. Three themes—venues, cooperation, and borders—orient the discussion, opening lines of enquiry previously ignored by scholars in a variety of fields concerning the entanglements between the past and the enterprise of preserving its material culture, and our unfolding histories of globalization and international affairs.

This paper deals with the problem of Romanian Jews’ emigration in Israel as revealed by a few of historical writings and in published documents. The Romanian Jews’ emigration in Israel was a continuous process, in spite of the communist regime established in Romania after the war, and it was one of the main priorities of Romanian-Israeli diplomatic relations. The research focused on the years 1945-1953.

Osmanlıca ve Venedik lisanını okuyarak 4 asırlık Osmanlı - Venedik münasebetlerinin vesikalarına dayalı topyekün bir tarih yazılması sadece Akdeniz değil dünya tarihi açısından da muteber bir çalışma olacaktır. Bu tez çalışmasında maksat da böyle çalışmalara başlayacak olan tarihçilerin istifade edeceği bir basamak olmak iddiası taşıyarak meseleyi Osmanlı?nın en kudretli olduğu asırdaki ahval-i umumiyeye bakarak ele almakta olup bu sahadaki ilmi literatüre katkı sağlamaktır.Çalışmanın giriş bölümünde, Osmanlı ? Venedik arasında on altıncı yüzyıldan evvel meydana gelen tarihi münasebetler kısaca takdim edilecektir. Bu bölümde bazı Osmanlı vekayinameleri gibi birinci el kaynaklar az olmakla beraber daha ziyade ikinci el kaynaklardan malumat verilecektir.Birinci ve ikinci kısımlarda, Sultan ile San Marco arasında on altıncı yüzyılda meydana gelen ticari ve diplomatik münasebetler takdim edilecektir. Burada, Osmanlı Devleti?nin Divan-ı Hümayun Sicilleri ve kronikler gibi birinci el memba daha ziyade kullanılıp, kısmen ikinci el kaynaklardan da malumat takdim edilecektir.Üçüncü kısımda, Kıbrıs Seferi?nin Merkez?den idaresi ve bu esnada Osmanlılar ile Venedikliler arasındaki kriz dönemi üzerinde durulacaktır. Burada, doğrudan birinci el kaynaklar ışığında meseleye bakılarak istihbarat, nakliyat ve donanma idaresi gibi noktalara temas edilecektir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Osmanlı, Venedik, Ticaret, Diplomasi, Kıbrıs Seferi. Writing a history based on the Ottoman-Venetian affairs of four centuries by reading the Ottoman and Venetian languages will be a recognized study not only for the Mediterranean world but also for world history. Having a claim of being a useful step for historians who will attempt such kinds of studies, the aim in this thesis study is to contribute to scientific literature by looking at the general conditions in the century when the Ottomans were the most powerful.The content of this thesis is:In the introduction, the features of the relations which were experienced in previous centuries between the Ottomans and the Venetians will be briefly introduced. In this chapter, while at times, the paper makes use of primary sources like chronicles, mostly secondary source will be used.In the first and second chapters, while handling how the diplomatic and commercial deeds between the Sultan and San Marco in the sixteenth century occurred through classifications, generally first-hand sources such as State Council Registries (Divan-ı Hümayun Sicilleri) and chronicles are used; secondary sources will also be used at times.In the third chapter, how the conquest of the Island of Cyprus, organized from the Ottoman Palace, caused a crisis between the Ottomans and the Venetians in this century, will be covered with three titles under the light of direct primary sources. Here, it will be referred to as intelligence, transportation and navy administration.Key words: Ottoman, Venetian, Trade, Diplomacy, Cyprus Campaign. 151

This article is a revised version of a paper presented to the Colloque 'La perception de la puissance en Europe occidentale à la veille de la seconde guerre mondiale', organized by Professor René Girault of the Université de Paris X Nanterre, at Sèvres in April 1982. I am grateful to Mr Nicholas Pronay, Dr Philip M. Taylor, and Mr Wesley K. Wark for their generous advice. I am indebted to the BBC and to the Royal Insitute of International Affairs for permission to reproduce material from their archives. Since the role of The Times has been extensively analyzed, I have focused on the BBC and the press in general. For The Times see The History of The Times, vol. 4, Part II (London 1952); Franklin Reid Gannon, The British Press and Germany (London 1971); Keith Middlemas, Diplomacy of Illusion (London 1972); I. McDonald, A Man of the Times (London 1976); D. McLachlan, In the Chair: Barrington-Ward of 'The Times' (London 1971).