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Global population is increasing at an alarming rate, posing a threat on the supplies of basic needs and services. However, population increase does not seem to be a common agendum of the global scientists and political leaders. People in the developed countries are more concerned about new technologies and their products. Pseudo‐threats related to the uncertainties of genetic engineering of crops and their outputs present on consumers are more audible and controversial than the real difficulties the world is experiencing at the moment and in the future. This review presents brief summaries of the real reasons to worry about and the uncertainties about genetically modified organisms. This article also presents the real uncertainties shared by consumers and scientists with respect to the past, present, and future of genetically engineered organisms. Developments in the field of precision genetics in the recent years and the implications on regulatory, breeding, and socio‐cultural dimensions of the global settings are included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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While the Bayesian parameter estimation has gained a wider acknowledgement among political scientists, they seem to have less discussed the Bayesian version of hypothesis testing. This paper introduces two Bayesian approaches to hypothesis testing: one based on estimated posterior distributions and the other based on Bayes factors. By using an example based on a linear regression model, I demonstrate similarities and differences not only between the null‐hypothesis significance tests and Bayesian hypothesis tests, but also those among two different Bayesian approaches, which are also critically discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co-authorship is an important indicator of scientific collaboration. Co-authorship networks are composed of sub-communities, and researchers can gain visibility by connecting these insulated subgroups. This article presents a comprehensive co-authorship network analysis of Swiss political science. Three levels are addressed: disciplinary cohesion and structure at large, communities, and the integrative capacity of individual researchers. The results suggest that collaboration exists across geographical and language borders even though different regions focus on complementary publication strategies. The subfield of public policy and administration has the highest integrative capacity. Co-authorship is a function of several factors, most importantly being in the same subfield. At the individual level, the analysis identifies researchers who belong to the 'inner circle' of Swiss political science and who link different communities. In contrast to previous research, the analysis is based on the full set of publications of all political researchers employed in Switzerland in 2013, including past publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1952, Waldemar Gurian, founding editor of The Review of Politics, commissioned Eric Voegelin, then a professor of political science at Louisiana State University, to review Hannah Arendt's recently published The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). She was given the right to reply; Voegelin would furnish a concluding note. Preceding this dialogue, Voegelin wrote a letter to Arendt anticipating aspects of his review; she responded in kind. Arendt's letter to Voegelin on totalitarianism, written in German, has never appeared in print before. She wrote two drafts of it, the first and longest being the more interesting. It contained an early reference to her thinking about the relationship among plurality, politics, and philosophy. It also invoked her notion of the compelling 'logic' of totalitarian ideology. But this was not the letter Voegelin received. Because of this, he misunderstood significant parts of her argument. Below, the two versions of Arendt's letter are translated. They are prefaced by a translation of Voegelin's initial message to Arendt. An introduction compares Arendt's letters, offers context, and provides a snapshot of Arendt's and Voegelin's perceptions of each other. Their views of political religion and human nature are also highlighted. Keyed to Arendt and Voegelin's letters are pertinent aspects of the debate in The Review of Politics that followed their epistolary exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Russian politologist Aleksandr Dugin and his International Eurasian Movement. The authors examine the significance of Integral Traditionalism for Dugin's ideological constructs. The foundations of Integral Traditionalism as a systematic religious teaching are detailed. The classification of Dugin as a traditionalist and traditionalist concepts in his ideas are explained. The authors detail the influence on Dugin by Italian mystic Baron Julius Evola. Subjects of the article also include racist theories of Evola and the concept of "actual idealism."

In recent years, political scientists have shifted the focus of explaining political phenomena from the purely cognitive perspective to an integrated emotion-cognition one. Yet most studies which examine antecedents of political intolerance ignore the potential role played by “gut feelings” or group-based negative emotions in endorsing those attitudes. Moreover, even the few studies that deal with emotions and intolerance concentrate exclusively on the role of groups of emotions (positive vs. negative, dispositional vs. surveillance) or on basic emotions (anger or fear) and ignore the potential influence of more complex discrete emotions like hatred on political intolerance. Hence, the main goal of this study was to create a deeper understanding regarding the role of discrete negative emotions in increasing political intolerance among different groups of individuals in different contexts. In order to do so, the relations between political intolerance and three group-based negative emotions (hatred, anger, and fear) were tested by means of four large-scale nationwide surveys. Within the surveys, various intolerance measurement methods were used in various contexts (wartime vs. no-war/routine periods) and among individuals with different levels of political sophistication. Results, obtained via multiple regression analysis and structural equation modeling, show that: (1) Group-based hatred is the most important antecedent of political intolerance even when controlling for important intolerance inducers such as perceived threat. (2) Other group-based negative emotions like anger or fear influence political intolerance wholly through the mediation of hatred or perceived threat. (3) The role of group-based hatred in inducing political intolerance is more substantial in the face of heightened existential threat and among unsophisticated individuals than among sophisticated ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. The article examines the factors that influence the frequency whereby scholarly articles published by Canadian political scientists are cited. Method. We collected data on 1,860 journal articles published between 1985 and 2005 by 758 Canadian political scientists and listed in the Social Science Citation Index. Using these data, we performed OLS and tobit estimations to identify factors influencing citation frequency. Results. The regressions show that the reputation of the journal in which the article is published, though important, does not explain everything. The gender of the author(s), the number of authors, the geographical focus of the article, the field, and the methodology also matter. Conclusion. An article is more likely to be widely cited if it is published in a prestigious journal, if it is written by several authors, if it applies quantitative methods, if it compares countries, and if it deals with administration and public policy or elections and political parties. Faculty members who belong to larger departments and those who are women are more cited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a discussion on the Tunisia, Morocco, and Mauritania and their path towards democratization. It is noted that based from the late 1987 assessment of political scientists on the prospect countries for democratization in the Arab world, Tunisia turned out to be the frontrunner, the spark of the region's first democratic transition. Twenty years later, the country, together with Morocco and Mauritania, underwent a democratization differential which was surprisingly and dramatically divergent from the previous forecasts.

Theories involving coattails, surge and decline, presidential popularity, and the economy ascribe little importance to presidential efforts to influence congressional elections. Since such efforts do occur, we ask: What happens when a president campaigns for fellow partisans? We examined President George W. Bush's decisions to campaign for certain House candidates in 2002, and we assessed the effect of his visits on Republicans' electoral successes. Both the competitiveness of a race and the president's electoral self-interest increased the likelihood of a visit on behalf of a candidate. Neither party loyalty nor presidential support in Congress had an effect. We conclude that presidential campaign visits significantly enhance candidates' electoral prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses some issues related to government formation. In most parliamentary democracies, governments must maintain the confidence of a single legislative chamber only. But in bicameral parliaments, upper chambers can affect the fortunes of government policy proposals. Legislatures are, by and large, majoritarian institutions. A majority is necessary to make law, and, in parliamentary systems, a majority of members must at least tolerate the formation and survival of a particular government. Over the last 40 years, political scientists have produced an impressive body of theoretical and empirical work designed to predict which coalitions will form and, relatedly, how long they will survive. Any theory that purports to explain government-formation decisions must be able to explain which potential governments would not form as well. Otherwise, one runs the risk of introducing bias into the analysis by selecting on values of the dependent variable, that is, the probability that a particular coalition will form.

Israeli academic Ilan Pappé first came to prominence in the 1980s as a member of Israel's “New Historian” movement, which chronicled the war crimes and ethnic cleansing against the Palestinians in the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948. Dr. Pappe teaches political science at Haifa University and is the academic director of the Research Institute for Peace at Givat Haviva. He is currently writing a second edition of his most recent book, A History of Modern Palestine, One Land, Two Peoples (2004). The following interview was conducted by Don Atapattu, a free-lance writer in London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors provide a list of the top 10 ways to become a “compleat” policy analyst, drawing on lessons from their own experience as policy analysts. The authors make no claims that their list is unique. However, they suggest the items included within it are supported in the academic and practitioner-oriented literature. Counting down from number 10—“The compleat policy analyst knows how to skip steps”—the authors present and comment on the items in turn. The authors suggest the number one concern for practitioners is “to live with uncertainty.” Other items on the list include eating crow, loving numbers, and acknowledging values and politics in the analytical process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shares lessons that may help bridge the gap existing when practitioners enter the public administration classroom. Notions about the world of academics; Description of actual academic environment; Factors that illustrate the relationships between practitioners and academics.

The discussion of presidential mandates is as certain as a presidential election itself. Journalists inevitably discuss whether the president-elect has a popular mandate. Because they see elections as too complex to allow the public to send a unitary signal, political scientists are more skeptical of mandates. Mandates, however, have received new attention by scholars asking whether perceptions of mandate arise and lead representatives to actvoters sent a policy directive. Two explanations have emerged to account for why elected officials might react to such perceptions. One focuses on the president's strategic decision to declare a mandate, the second on how members of Congress read signals of changing preferences in the electorate from their own election results. We test these competing views to see which more accurately explains how members of Congress act in support of a perceived mandate. The results indicate that members respond more to messages about changing preferences than to the president's mandate declaration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Mancur Olson's(1965), it is impossible for political scientists to conceive of political participation without reference to his powerful argument linking numbers of participants, public goods, and participatory outcomes. What is puzzling is the poor empirical support for this argument in the domain where it should work best, namely explaining business political activity. Olson thought his arguments principally applicable to economic groups, and for the empirical development of his arguments Olson drew heavily on business interests, the most active segment of the interest group community. We explore these arguments with business political activities data by examining the statistical performance of various measures of market structure in determining business political activity, and find little empirical support. We do offer an alternative basis for business behavior lodged in both private and collective goods that preserves business rationality and also helps explain not only the amount of business political participation but the modes of business participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitude strength is an important, but contested, subject in social psychology. Political scientists often rely on measures of attitude strength such as attitude importance, accessibility, or certainty in their work while ignoring the politically meaningful differences across types of strength. This omission is particularly relevant in the discussion of the formation of candidate evaluations. The research reported here indicates that accessibility is not the relevant type of attitude strength when describing how voters use issues in evaluating candidates. Instead, voters' reliance on issues when evaluating candidates depends on the voter's certainty about where the candidates stand. Given the different antecedents of certainty and accessibility, this result suggests that that citizens are able to more carefully process and use information available to them during an election campaign than would be expected by the prevailing theories of attitude formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Models of congressional approval have, in both theory and specification, often imitated models of presidential approval. Through their modeling decisions, researchers have implicitly assumed that the economic determinants of presidential and congressional approval are identical. Such assumptions have discouraged other researchers from testing competing hypotheses about the economic determinants of congressional approval. Using aggregate-level time-series analysis, this article investigates the question of whether or not the economic determinants of approval vary by the target of political judgment. The author finds that presidential approval is driven largely by sociotropic prospections, a result consistent with previous research.

Examines the modeling multilevel data structures use by political scientists in the U.S. Association of statistical modeling with the analysis of multilevel data; Discussion on the educational statistics and sociology for multilevel analysis;Importance of statistical motivation for explicit accounting for multilevel data structures.

Comments on political theorist's interpretation of John Dewey's work. Concept of postpositivism; Democracy as a way of organizing thought and thinking; Repercussions of inquiry and discovery on democracy; Paradox of Dewey's thoughts; Distinct version of democracy arising from the concept of discovery.

Initiates an exploration of John Dewey's perspectives on political science and the political scientist reception of the perspectives. Claims about pragmatism and `Deweyism' in political science; John Dewey's critique of propaganda; Political scientist's disregard of John Dewey; Questions on John Dewey; Historiography; Debates.

The acquisition and expression of political orientations are highly age-related; however, the nature of age-typical forms is rarely conceptualized in socialization research. The first part of this article examines the hypothesized nature of ‘age invariance’ identified by criminologists in the study of deviant behavior and the inverted U-curve of voting behavior identified by political scientists. The second part uses survey data from German youth and young adults (n = 7,280, ages 13 to 30) to describe typical age patterns for various types of unconventional behavior. The more unconventional the behavior, the more the curve resembles what criminologists have long found for deviant behavior. Youth approval of the more disruptive forms of political behavior has a left-skewed age distribution that is also typical of deviant behavior. This suggests an unappealing combination of potential actionism and political ignorance occurring in late adolescence, a possibility that ought to be of consequence for the design of civic education and other interventions. From a research perspective, these age-typical patterns can be useful as a theory-building and theory-testing strategy by treating them as baselines against which individual and cultural variations can be measured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the deontological liberalism theories of Alasdair McIntyre, Michael Sandel, Michael Walzer and Benjamin Barberand their arguments against communitarian critique. Rejection by communitarians of a mistaken form of individualism which is sociological liberalism; Need for communitarians to incorporate conceptions of moral individualism and human rights into their reformulations of shared understanding.

The discussion of strategic voting and agenda manipulation tends to be highly abstract. Most real-world examples are either artificial or politically insignificant; the few paradigmatic examples which do exist are discussed again and again. This is one reason why many empirically minded political scientists often ignore the whole social choice approach. The purpose of this article is to focus on a single event — the election of the Finnish President in 1956 — and to show that almost all theoretically interesting phenomena studied in the social-choice literature were present. The paper is based on empirical material, especially on subjective descriptions provided by the main actors. This kind of approach is recommended as a complement to the deductive-theoretical approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines some problems that are particularly suitable to continue research activities by political scientists. The early literature is definitely out to prove the case of privatization by way of argument, while the more recent books use empirical evidence to evaluate the possible merits of privatization. Some of the literature focuses on a discussion of the comparative advantage of private and public organization of goods production and service provision in terms of effectiveness and efficiency.

Chief executives at both the national and state levels regularly promise to reduce the cost and improve the performance of government by overhauling the bureaucracy. Modern political scientists, however, tend to dismiss these claims as empty rhetoric. Indeed, reorganization for economy and efficiency (the traditional model) has been largely discredited in the contemporary academic literature, and it has been replaced by a new (political) model. Yet, the fact remains that we know very little about the bottom line results of reorganization because empirical analysis is almost nonexistent. In this paper, the bottom line results of a 1982 statewide reorganization in New Jersey are systematically analyzed. Based on the findings of this analysis, the author concludes that the pendulum has swung too far in one direction with the current and nearly exclusive emphasis on the political dimensions of reorganization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientist and author Louis Brownlow would have enjoyed the celebration of his hundredth birthday the way he enjoyed all celebrations: enthusiastically and without reservation. He observed the anniversaries of people, events, organizations, the building of buildings, and past occasions of all kinds. He honored every milestone quite possibly because he suspected, somewhere in his very complex consciousness, that milestones might be the only way one could know that there was a road. It was important to him that people believe not only in the road, but also in a direction that had to be followed. According to the author, he met Brownlow shortly after his retirement as director of the Public Administration Clearing House. According to the author, Brownlow understood something historians often have to struggle to understand: that the organization of memory is the halfway house between truth and reality that makes history an art, not a science. Brownlow's contributions to the field of public administration were largely in the creation of professional organizations, although putting it that way makes it sound simpler in today's terms than it was in the years after World War I. Brownlow worked to create the professions of public service as independent specialties. Practitioners had to be encouraged to develop a body of knowledge, to communicate it, to train the young both to use and to expand it, and to provide it as a service for which the public would be willing to pay.

The author reports that if his father had not been a lawyer, he probably would not have become a political scientist. Majoring in political science seemed to the author the natural way to prepare for law school. The author says that most of the students at his time who majored in political science planned to enter a law school. The discipline seemed not an end in itself but an avenue to something else. The author was not enthralled by the discipline when he was first exposed to it. The author was in his junior year when professor Walter R. Sharp was lured from the University of Wisconsin to head up and modernize and revitalize the Department of Government of the City College of New York. Sharp brought in a group of young instructors whom the author found very inspiring and who opened intellectual vistas for the author. In addition to his administrative duties, Sharp also taught the first course in public administration ever to be offered by the department. The author found himself intrigued by the process of transforming pronouncements of policy intentions, wishes of elected officials and the language of legislation into tangible governmental actions. INSET: Kaufman's principal publications..

In this article, Golembiewski adopts a futuristic view, resting on four contributors to the present uneasy state of the field but focusing on a dozen "action items" that can help remedy matters. Selectivity dominates, but nonetheless the author outlines the major thrusts required to move beyond the present conditions of the field--expressed as "an intellectual crisis," a "stuckness," or by related metaphors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the foundations of an approach that explains the workaday values of public administration practitioners which focuses attention on "microcosmic" level of governmental actions. This article contends that although formal obeisance has been paid to the idea of administration being an art, the notion has not been taken seriously enough to develop an explicit theory of "artful" administration. In this article, the author seek to take some beginning steps in that direction and to generate discussion over what could become a new avenue of systematic thinking about public administration. The motivation for theorizing in this somewhat unaccustomed manner about public administration is not simply to even out the treatment of the trilogy in ASPA's motto. Several normative ideas and supportive systems already exist for the public administrator. The author makes the rather bold argument that they tend, however, to operate at the macrocosmic rather than microcosmic level. Generalized norms of legality, constitutionality and personal ethics are examples.

The article provides a critical assessment of the utility of the dominant intellectual approaches used by today's political scientists. If politics is broadly defined as the processes by which people make and execute collective choices, then the purpose of political science can be viewed as the discovery of true sentences about these processes. Someone unfamiliar with the literature of political science would undoubtedly assume that political scientists devote considerable attention to practitioner skill. Perhaps the inattentiveness to practitioner skill should not be surprising. At the practical level, it is difficult to study systematically. Practitioners such as legislators and public managers participate in complex processes where observers face severe problems in determining the contributions of individuals to outcomes. Political science might contribute to the improvement of practitioner skill by more explicitly considering selection processes as well as the rules and incentives that constrain and motivate practice-this has been one of the traditional concerns of public administration and is the focus of the anew economics" of organization.

Since the end of the Vietnam War Congress has reclaimed a role for itself in the making of U.S. foreign and defense policy. Although the surge in congressional activism has attracted considerable normative commentary, political scientists have devoted relatively little effort to exploring the causes and consequences of Congress's renewed interest in foreign policy. To stimulate more empirical study in this area, this paper summarizes the existing work on foreign and defense policy in Congress and identifies opportunities for new research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Occasionally an institution's members take public stock of their strengths and weaknesses, their problems, and their potential, where they have been and where they ought to go. These moments of self-scrutiny and reflection are useful to scholars. This article puts the Senate debate over televising its proceedings to that use. It places the debate in the context of a changing Senate. It uses the language of the debate to examine conflicting ideas about what the Senate is, and ought to be, like. It uses the actual decision process to illustrate the distinctive deliberative features of the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Complete election returns are now available for the 1968-1986 period for 14 state legislatures that used single-member districts exclusively in both houses during that period. An analysis of incumbents shows that in most states there was only a modest increase over that period in the proportion who sought reelection or succeeded in getting re-elected; the reason is that in most states that percentage was already high in 1968. There was, however, a significant increase in most states in the margin by which incumbents won, though not an increase in winning margins for open seats. In many states this increase was largely accounted for by an increase in the proportion of uncontested elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "new American political historians" have made extensive use of a variety of standard quantitative methods to delineate and analyze the roll-call behavior of the U.S. Congress and the state legislatures since the late colonial period. There is now a very large published and unpublished literature that provides a broad chronological coverage of such behavior. It is presented here by Congress, state, and time period as a reference and resource for political scientists and others interested in similar and related problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the meeting of a group of political scientists interested in establishing a subfield on legislative processes, behavior and representation, which was held in New York in September 1978 at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. A series of by-laws have been adopted by the political scientists. Members have chosen a steering committee for the 1978-1979 year. Barbara Hinckley was elected Chairperson of the group. Abdo Baaklini was elected Secretary-Treasurer. Harrison Fox was elected Program Director.

Boards of education of public school districts are legislative bodies. As such, they can be analyzed using the same theoretical assumptions, empirical procedures, and evaluative criteria employed by political scientists to study other legislative bodies. This paper considers the responsiveness of school boards to their constituents. The authors argue that responsiveness is a complex multi-faceted concept, and present prototype empirical indices for eleven school boards. Comparative analysis indicates that school board responsiveness varies within and across indices, and that operational measures of responsiveness are independent within and across theoretical components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists and politicians both talk in terms of "the relations between the executive and the legislature." But in fact it is seldom helpful to speak of "executive-legislative relations" tout court. If we wish to understand the phenomena generally subsumed under this heading, we need to identify and consider separately a number of quite distinct political relationships. Different patterns of such relationships are found in different countries. For example, in Great Britain the most important such relationship, or mode, is that which links the Government with backbench majority-party Members of Parliament. The same relationship is the most important in France. But in West Germany the relations both within and among parties are important, and so is a cross-party mode, operating within Bundestag committees, which has no real equivalent in either of the other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article features Laurence J. O'Toole Jr., Margaret Hughes and Robert T. Golembiewski Professor of Public Administration in the Department of Public Administration and Policy, School of Public International Affairs, at the University of Georgia and recipient of the Dwight Waldo Award for outstanding contribution to the literature and leadership of public administration through an extended career. O'Toole is a graduate of Clarkson University with MPA and Ph.D. degrees in public administration from the Maxwell School, Syracuse University, where his major professor was Dwight Waldo. He has lectured and conducted research widely in North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. He is past chair, Section on Public Administration, American Political Science Association and has served on the Executive Council of the National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and Administration (NASPAA). He is currently president-elect of the Public Management Research Association. O'Toole has conducted research for numerous governmental agencies, including the U.S. Agency for International Development, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the U.S. Geological Survey, the U.S. National Science Foundation, and the European Commission. Among his other research honors are the Burchfield, Mosher (twice), Stone, and Wholey Awards of the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA); as well as the best article award in public and nonprofit management from the Academy of Management. He is also a recipient of the Charles Levine Award provided jointly by ASPA and NASPAA, for outstanding instruction, scholarship, and public service.

This article explores the applicability of political scientist Adam W. Herbert's thesis on the demands and pressures experienced and perceived by minority public administrators in the U.S. For all those interested in the propositions set forth or inferred from Herbert's work, a 20-year retrospective is most welcome. It should allow us to explore the continued applicability of his work and assess it in light of what we have since learned. However, the study of Murray and his associates contains several weaknesses that limit a sound reassessment. First, its stated purpose is to revisit Herbert's thesis to determine whether the perceptions of minority administrators have changed. However, this is misleading because Herbert offers a theoretical discussion not a test. Thus, only the applicability of Herbert's theory, not change, can be tested. Second, the methodology and reporting of findings on the most critical area includes no tables, no statistical analysis beyond frequency and mean response data on selected items and, through errors of omission, raises more questions that are answered.

The article pays tribute to economist and political scientist Elinor Ostrom, winner of the 2009 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences.

The article reflects on the study of sociology and examines the works of Alexis de Tocqueville. While some have considered the works of Alexis de Tocqueville as neglected classics, the article argues that famous sociologist remains an important figure and that his written works are routinely assigned in American colleges and universities. Scholars label Tocqueville as a political scientist, yet he is actually one of the European forefathers of American sociology. The article also mentions several essays that incorporate the spirit of Tocqueville's theories.

The article presents information on the various aspects of the journal "Symbolic Interaction." It also mentions the appointment of Simon Gottschalk as the new editor of Symbolic Meetings. He starts with very little experience in politics and throughout the entire movie, organizes his unlikely campaign to be elected president. The social worlds both internal and external re-present, and sometimes change are examined by sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, historians, political scientists, and scholars working in women's studies, communication studies, cultural studies, literary criticism, film studies, ethnic studies, and others. They are polymorphous and polyvocal emerging out of face-to-face interaction. This journal addresses these issues directly and critically. Simon Gottschalk concludes that he intends to maintain "Symbolic Interaction" as one of the best journal of this discipline. Ultimately, however, the excellence of the journal depends on the quality of the manuscripts submitted and the usefulness of reviews that are provided to each other.