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This article asks what the main factors are that influence the expression of Vaccine Nationalism among the population of England. The analysis is based on data collected in 2021 as part of the project entitled World Problem, National Solutions. A set of logistic regressions test to what extent (1) personal experiences of the pandemic and respondents' vulnerability, (2) perceived threat from other nations, (3) political identities and attachment to nationalist ideology, and (4) pride in national achievement at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic affect a sample of adult respondents in England to express a form of Vaccine Nationalism. The results show that Vaccine Nationalism is not affected by personal experiences or nationalist ideology. The main impact on Vaccine Nationalism among the population comes from their political orientation and pride in national achievement during the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the interplay of populism and national identity in Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's Facebook communications, with particular attention to his direct addresses to compatriots. It examines how his representation of Ukraine and Ukrainians, on the one hand, weaves together different narratives of national identity and, on the other, asserts his own role as a strong leader working for the good of his people. Seeking to establish how his discourse changed in time of large-scale war, my analysis includes Zelensky's messages to Ukrainians both before and after February 2022. At the same time, I compare his response to this grave threat to the nation with his tackling of another serious crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic two years earlier. My analysis demonstrates a peculiar mix of populism and inclusive nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic unleashed a torrent of conspiracy theories across different social media platforms. Parallel to this conspiracy wave was a heightened sense of nationalism, which manifested through both in-group solidarity and perceived out-group threats. In this study, we examine how individuals' use of government social media to gather political information correlated with nation-related conspiracy beliefs during the pandemic. Data were collected from 745 subjects in China and analyzed through path analyses, which allowed us to examine the direct association with political information consumption from government social media and the indirect association with nationalism on conspiracy beliefs. The results indicated that the use of government social media to gather political information was associated with greater beliefs in nation-variant COVID-19 conspiracies, both directly and through different mediations of nationalism. Our findings highlight the importance of examining government social media use and how nationalism can have differentiated mediation effects on beliefs in conspiracy theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article advocates for teaching transnational and racial literacies in English education. It emphasizes the need to develop literacies that are dynamic and relevant across global contexts, including transnational literacies for navigating multiple national identities, racial literacies for understanding and challenging racial injustices, and sustaining literacies for resilience amid social disruptions like the Covid-19 pandemic.

This paper analyses the relationships between nationalism and conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. We focus on the two main issues: 1) the intensity and character of belief in the COVID-19 conspiracy theories across five European societies: Germany, England, Ireland, Serbia, and Sweden; and 2) how is the commitment to specific nationalist ideologies linked with the belief in conspiracy theories. The data indicates that those who described themselves as highly religious and politically right-wing are more prone to believe in the strong versions of conspiracy theories. Furthermore, primordialism and the nation-centric view of the world are positively correlated with the propensity towards stronger versions of conspiracy theories. The paper zooms in on the significant differences across the five countries: the Serbian respondents stand out in terms of their strong beliefs in conspiracy theories while the Irish and Serbian respondents who are prone to strong version of conspiratorial thinking also subscribe more to the primordialist understanding of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we symmetrically explore the political underpinnings and connections of pharmaceutical drugs during the COVID-19 pandemic. We illustrate some different and shifting dynamics of expert-lay interplay, competing knowledge claims in politically charged environments, as well as actions and actors that can bring drugs to prominence. Focusing on three drugs, ivermectin, remdesivir, and Coronil, we offer three axes on which they can be apprehended within political logics: (a) ivermectin as a "populist drug" in the United States, (b) remdesivir as an "establishment drug" in the United States, and (c) Coronil as a "nationalist drug" in India. These three pharmaceuticals were politicized, and perhaps more surprising, politics became pharmaceuticalized. Trust in these treatments was intimately related to articulations of the threats posed by the pandemic and the best ways of addressing them, both manipulated politically by relatively powerful actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The execution of Covid-19 vaccination drives in former Yugoslavia's successor states has been disappointing. The rapidly evolving literature on the Covid-19 pandemic suggests the levels of support for vaccination are correlated with education, trust in public-health institutions, and exposure to the negative economic and health effects of the pandemic. The explanations of the political foundations of vaccination hesitancy, however, need better empirical grounding. We shed light on this subject by analyzing the results of a survey conducted on more than six thousand respondents from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia, as well as a combination of public-health, economic, and sociodemographic data across more than five hundred municipalities in Croatia. Most notably, we find the political sources of vaccination hesitancy to be strongly related to people's support for the ideas of political parties committed to nationalist populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents new arguments on the role of trust in the government and nationalist sentiments in fostering policy-compliant behaviors. In July and September 2020, we launched two waves of a COVID-related survey in China with stratified quota sampling, and formed a longitudinal panel dataset of 822 responses. Based on the data, we examined how risk perceptions and nationalist sentiments jointly elicited trust in government agencies and, consequently, support for the state-sponsored immunization program. We argue that increasing concern about the risk to the state posed by the pandemic motivated Chinese citizens to rally around the government and comply with its vaccination drives. Nationalist sentiments simultaneously elevated risk perceptions, reinforcing their impact on trust in the government. Our findings contribute to the literature on crisis governance, offering new evidence on how trust in the government and nationalist sentiment may influence the dynamic interplay between risk perceptions and policy compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the national identity argument in unsettled times by using the COVID-19 pandemic as a test case. It uses a longitudinal survey among Jewish Israelis to examine whether the pandemic influenced levels of national identity and solidarity and whether it altered their relationship. The findings indicate a clear reduction in levels of solidarity, national attachment, and national chauvinism over time. They also show that the positive connection between national attachment and solidarity grew stronger, while the connection between national chauvinism and solidarity became weaker and insignificant. These findings provide complex evidence for the national identity argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the rapid development of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines and the widely recognized health and economic benefits of vaccination, there exist stark differences in vaccination rates across country income groups. While more than 70% of the population is fully vaccinated in high-income countries, vaccination rates in low-income countries are only around 30%. The paper reviews the factors behind global COVID-19 vaccine inequity and the health, social, and economic costs triggered by this inequity. The main contributors to vaccine inequity include vaccine nationalism, intellectual property rights, constraints in manufacturing capacity, poor resilience of healthcare systems, and vaccine hesitancy. Vaccine inequity has high costs, including preventable deaths and cases of illnesses in low-income countries, slow economic recovery, and large learning losses among children. Increasing vaccination rates in low-income countries is in the self-interest of higher-income countries as it may prevent the emergence of new variants and continuous disruptions to global supply chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salafi community in Ambon have developed since the arrival of Laskar Jihad during the 1999 Ambon Conflict. Social dan religious competition has divided them, which is not only triggered by their interpretation of Islam but also by their efforts to gain religious influence and socio-religious dominance within the Islamic society. The research method used in this research is qualitative phenomenology. The research results found that for the Salafis, love for their homeland was proven during the COVID-19 pandemic; Salafi groups in Ambon also implement all policies issued by the Indonesian government without exception. Religious moderation is a fair and balanced attitude that does not exaggerate or belittle religion. Another characteristic of the moderation attitude shown is constantly repairing and avoiding damage. Salafi community in Ambon continue try to protect their faith, soul, reason, honor, lineage, and property. They respect fellow religious people, regardless their religious background and beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the media representations of Muslims during the first wave of Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic in India. The study conducted a thematic discourse analysis on TV debates in the aftermath of an Islamic congregation in Delhi whose attendees were tested positive with COVID-19 infection. The study found an overall negative representation of Muslims in the mainstream media which corroborates previous studies, albeit, in different contexts. Three key themes that emerged from media narratives were representing Muslims as: (i) carriers of the virus bomb (ii) 'super spreaders' and (iii) the uncivilized 'Other' with irreconcilable differences. These findings were situated in the wider (re)emerging field of Hindu nationalism to argue that the unsympathetic representation of Muslims in the media reflected their support for the ethno-nationalist ideology of the current ruling dispensation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Covid-19 pandemic, Sweden soon found itself alone and heavily criticised for its internationally deviant strategy. Why did this approach nevertheless receive widespread public support in Sweden? This article develops and tests a novel rally around the flag (RRTF) theory, which places national identity centre stage. In contrast to previous work, the article differentiates between national pride, national chauvinism, uncritical patriotism, national attachment, and ethnic nationhood conception – expecting only the first three of these to be related to supporting the Swedish Covid approach. Survey data from a politically representative sample of Swedes support the expectations. It is concluded that the popular support for the 'Swedish experiment' is to be understood as an RRTF – although in this case the flag was 'unwaved'. This suggests that even national identities that draw their pride from institutional rather than cultural superiority lend themselves to RRTF processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legitimation of Chinese medicine has long been a politically and morally charged subject in China since the early twentieth century. In recent years, there is an apparent surge of enthusiasm in developing and promoting Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), as evidenced by the state's frequent lauding of its advantages and the implementation of a series of supportive policies and regulations. During the Covid-19 pandemic in China, TCM has again gained ample attention in major state-owned media outlets due to its proclaimed effects in treating Covid-19. In this article, I will conduct an interdisciplinary study of the semiotic work dedicated to legitimating TCM treatment of Covid-19 in the social media account of an official TCM institution. Drawing on critical discourse analysis and textual analysis supported by reference to history and anthropology of medicine, I will examine closely how the above-mentioned semiotic work is achieved through reference to a range of theoretical and moral arguments. Moreover, the paradoxes and inconsistencies in this process of semiotic construction will be discussed to shed light on the deeper issues concerning the entangled relationship of health science and politics in China, as well as the epistemological difficulties in promoting TCM inside and outside China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws attention to the ways in which the policy of zero covid disciplines spatiotemporal proximity to control the spread of coronavirus. The infrastructure of surveillance deployed for contact-tracing models degrees of spatiotemporal closeness—interpreted and measured by cellular signals from personal mobile phones—and generates health codes linked to the national identification system. The negative result of a nucleic acid test, usually obtained within the past 24 or 48 hours, also became a prerequisite for one to access hospitals, schools, train stations, highways, and most other institutions. To cope with the protocols, residents actively strategize daily activities by mapping out a changing geography of risk. Based on personal experience living through the partial lockdown of Suzhou, I examine the ways in which the protocol regulating spatiotemporal proximity exploits people's capacity to cope with the threat of lockdowns and how it can be fatal for vulnerable groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the discourse surrounding the transnational flows of South Korean popular culture, known as Hallyu (the Korean Wave), and its relationship to the country's soft power through a discourse analysis of Korean news and social media. Specifically, the study explores how Hallyu was addressed as Korea's soft power tool during the COVID-19 pandemic, when it gained even greater popularity overseas through digital means. The study questions how local cultural intermediaries, such as journalists, critics and YouTubers, have engaged with the Hallyu phenomenon. Although Hallyu is often considered a core component of Korea's soft power, aimed at increasing its influence in overseas reception points, there is a lack of studies on the meanings of Hallyu as a discursive construct in the Korean mediascape. Therefore, this study explores how Korean news and social media perceive and represent the global circulation of their local cultural content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic (a global highly contagious respiratory infection) in early 2020, Sri Lanka witnessed an upsurge in indigenous discourses. These ranged from claims by western medical doctors that pirit pæn (water blessed during Buddhist chanting) has scientifically proven health benefits to endorsements of a divinely inspired syrup. These discourses gained wide publicity and received state endorsement with the health minister consuming the syrup on national television. But by early 2021 these discourses had lost their lustre and the health minister contracted COVID. These "alternative" discourses nearly derailed the country's vaccination program. By 2021, many who backed these ideas had lost credibility and the state and public began to place faith in vaccination. The sudden public visibility of these indigenous discourses and their swift decline speaks to the complex politics of indigeneity. This essay uses the Sri Lankan case to argue that decoloniality, which has become a global theoretical trend, in some instances is insufficiently self-reflexive of how its conceptual premises are appropriated by nativist discourses. The fetishization of the indigenous can have devastating consequences. When Sri Lankan western-trained doctors spoke on behalf of a romanticized indigeneity they were appropriating the authority of indigenous medicine, which had historically fashioned itself as a "scientifically" valid hybrid alternative. When variants of decolonial thinking promote a radically "non-modern" ontology and epistemology, a similar process of romanticization occurs. I conclude with a call for a critical practice that recognizes how the so-called "modern" and "traditional" are more apparent than real and are deeply implicated in each other. I also argue for the importance of recognizing the significance of an agonistic critical orientation that is not resistant to knowledge based on its putative "western" origins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the pandemic emergency as a global challenge – the first of its kind since WWII – has activated what I call a 'pandemic nationalism' that was simultaneously both inclusionary and exclusionary. On one hand, the national community was re-defined in relation to their common fate (of facing the pandemic together because residing in the same territory) extending hence the boundaries of membership to temporary residents or those with precarious status. On the other hand, it became increasingly closed towards the exterior enhancing what has been labelled 'vaccine nationalism' and a sense of being in competition with other nations on a common, global public good (notably vaccines and cures addressing the virus). Closures and exclusions arose also internally against those minorities that were associated with the 'external threat' notably people of east Asian origin. At the face of these contradictory developments, the question arises whether we could consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a turning point that signals a new phase of development of nationalism. Such nationalism is meant to respond to the increasing challenges of globalisation by incorporating those who serve the community while Othering those who are perceived to threaten its well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examined the relationship between ideology and conspiratorial thinking and the related mediating effect of ingroup favoritism in a non-Western society. We investigated patriotism and nationalism as two favorable orientations toward national ingroups. We also examined their relationship with the general conspiracy mentality and the specific conspiracy beliefs that have emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic. The results revealed that conservative ideology was associated with conspiratorial beliefs in China regardless of the specific conspiracy theories related to ingroups or outgroups, which indicates such tendencies may exist universally across cultures. Patriotism was not associated with conspiracy theories about the origin of COVID-19, whereas nationalism was negatively associated with the conspiracy theories about China (an ingroup) and positively associated with conspiracy theories about the US (an outgroup). Moreover, nationalism mediated the relationship between ideology and specific conspiracy beliefs during the pandemic. The general conspiracy mentality did not predict conspiracy theories about the origin of COVID-19. The results indicate that believing conspiracy theories is not only the result of a stable conspiracy mentality but is also influenced by ideology and intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will examine the response of the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) to the COVID-19 pandemic from an ontological security approach to illustrate how critical junctures may help de facto states in their quest for status and internal legitimacy. Stressing the pandemic's role in the reconstruction of political narratives and self-legitimating practices among Turkish Cypriot elites, it sheds light on the effects of this global crisis on domestic power struggles in Northern Cyprus as well as its quasi-foreign relations with its patron state (Turkey), parent state (Republic of Cyprus), and the European Union. The study shows that both nationalist and federalist elites of the de facto entity instrumentalized the pandemic in their legitimation strategies and engaged in opportunistic behavior amid the outbreak. It also reveals how the pandemic enhanced the ontological security of Northern Cyprus while advancing its nationalist leadership's claims for legitimate authority by enabling state-specific forms of agency and unilateral acts concerning the Cyprus dispute that may jeopardize the resumption of peace talks with Greek Cypriots. Thus, it can be assumed that advanced ontological security of the TRNC is highly volatile given the prospects of further isolation and de-engagement in the post-pandemic era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija/Sociology: Journal of Sociology, Social Psychology & Social Anthropology is the property of MOD International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Conservative religious ideologies have been linked to vaccine hesitancy. Yet, little is known about how paranormal beliefs relate to vaccine confidence and uptake. We hypothesize that paranormal beliefs will be negatively related to both confidence and uptake due to their association with lower levels of trust in science and a greater acceptance of conspiratorial beliefs. We test this hypothesis using a new nationally representative sample of U.S. adults fielded in May and June of 2021 by NORC. Using regression models with a sample of 1,734, we find that paranormal beliefs are negatively associated with general vaccine confidence, COVID-19 vaccine confidence, and COVID-19 vaccine uptake. These associations are partially or fully attenuated net of trust in science and conspiratorial belief. Although not a focus of the study, we also find that Christian nationalism's negative association with the outcomes is fully accounted for by measures of trust in science and conspiratorial beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the debate about the normative assessment of securitisation in light of Covid-19 and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It develops the distinction of progressive and regressive securitisation. In doing so, it emphasises the processual, contextual and ambiguous nature of securitisation. I suggest that progressive securitisation is closely linked to the solidarisation, whereas regressive securitisation implies the pluralisation of international society. The two cases of Covid-19 and Russia illustrate that international order has increasingly been characterised by regressive securitisation and a pluralisation of international society, despite possible alternatives, such as a transnational response to the spread of Covid-19. They have thus contributed to the further demise of the post-Cold War liberal order, which despite its problems, has involved a re-orientation of security away from state territory and national identity as the core referent objects. I end with a plea to take the ethics of security more seriously again, and in particular to scrutinise the ways in which our own behaviour reinforces regressive securitisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fewer Koreans are now studying overseas than in the past. Behind this trend are such factors as the shrinking youth population, the COVID-19 pandemic, rising global nationalist and xenophobic sentiments, and improvements in domestic higher education. Moreover, some of these factors explain evolving patterns of outbound flows and suggest emerging markets as attractive education destinations for Korean educational consumers. The full implications of these changes remain to be fully understood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of nationalism and populism in Europe has created significant political and policy challenges. Understanding and addressing these challenges will require attention to the psychological mechanisms and social dynamics that have engendered and promoted these societal shifts. This article presents the results of two new empirical studies that attempt to shed light on the relationships between nationalism, religiosity, national and religious identification, threat perception, and sentiment toward different groups. Informed by identity fusion theory and moral foundations theory, Study 1 collected and analysed survey data on these topics. Study 2 utilized the results of Study 1 to construct a system dynamics model in which causal propositions and links are added to the variables, creating an artificial society within which hypotheses about these dynamics can be tested. Both the survey and the simulation suggest that nationalism and religion are affected by the same variables. As such, religion might not be a cause of nationalism (or nationalism the cause of religion), but they could be correlated because of mutual causation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal-dominated civil society theory tends to obscure the dynamics and intricacy of state-society relations in authoritarian contexts. Existing accounts on Vietnam have not cast adequate light onto the struggles of ideology and positions between the state and civil society. Drawing on the most recent data from social media in Vietnam, the article contributes a new analytical approach to understanding state-society relations by offering granular insights into the contrasting but mutually reinforcing narratives adopted by the state and civil society actors. In particular, the article steers attention towards the opportunities that crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic have provided for ideological struggles and legitimacy building between these actors. The paper argues that rather than continuously pushing forward the rhetoric 'civic space is shrinking', these alternatives must be steeped within wider historical understanding, attuned to particularities of the social-political context, and ultimately reflective of the evolving intricate state-society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Covid-19 pandemic has swept across the world, the wearing of medical facemasks has become a hot topic on social media. In China, the relevant discourses are entangled with codes of medical science, national self-esteem and appropriated modernity. These discourses can be dated back to the narrative established by Dr Wu Lien-teh, the great fighter in the Manchurian plagues of 1910–1911 and 1920–1921. This paper reveals that Wu and his colleagues used different strategies when displaying to the Western world their achievements in the anti-plague battle and when proving the effectiveness of the Western medical and hygienic system to Chinese people. Wu and his colleagues used metonymies, analogues and metaphors on or related to medical facemasks to illustrate the possibility of building a modernised nation with sovereignty. Because the construction of a sanitary system in China has always been labelled as a patriotic movement (Rogaski, Ruth. 2004. Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 285–298), the wearing of medical facemasks has constituted an important part of the narrative of nationalism and hygienic modernity. This discourse continues to play a significant role in today's campaign against the coronavirus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19, as a major public health crisis, has triggered nationalism to different degrees all around the world. This study utilises an online survey to explore the relationships between media use, media trust, and nationalism in China during the COVID-19 pandemic. We found that the level of nationalism was still considerably high in China at the time of the pandemic and that the role of the media in nation-state building enterprises remains significant. It becomes more pervasive after the news media's adoption of digitalisation. Our study argues that contemporary China's expression of nationalism is socially constructed by media and rooted in its Chinese Confucian culture. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is increasingly designing the news media and manages social media. It has already successfully constructed a sense of nationalism to facilitate its own interests in response to the national crisis. This has led nationalism being embodied in the media's constructed social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Language & Literature is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Chinese idol fans have been identified among the main forces in cyber nationalist activisms in recent years, acting as the nationalist fans protecting the state as an idol in response to external political shocks. Their skills in acknowledging, involving, and even reinventing the image of the state and national pride in cyber nationalist activisms do not emerge in a vacuum. This article examines how idol fans involve and reinvent the nationalist discourse in their everyday fan activities – idol promotion. We focus on the pandemic in 2020 as it provides a specific social and political context that allows us to understand better the interaction between idol fans and the state in their mundane fan activities. We construct our analysis under the computational grounded theory framework with over 6 million fan posts collected from Weibo and 11 in-depth interviews with active idol fans. Our findings show that when engaging in pandemic-related discussion, idol fans actively borrowed official discourse on nationalism and strategically responded to key political and social events in their idol promotion activities. The idol images they built are not only positive but also nationalist. Therefore, they play not only the commercial logic commonly seen in the Japanese and Korean K-pop/idol culture but also the political logic propagated by the state in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last few years have been marked by a series of challenges for the entire Western world. It is about a succession of crises, among which we recall the institutional, economic, political, social and sanitary ones that have befallen Europe. The pandemic and the conflict at the border of the European Union represent only recent crises with a strong impact on the European construct. In this context, the nationalist discourse legitimized itself as revenge and alternative at the same time. Thus, almost naturally, the phenomenon of Euroscepticism fueled by the effervescence of nationalism also began to grow. Through the present study, we aim to understand to what extent the growth of the nationalist-Eurosceptic phenomenon within the European Union represents an imminent danger or an opportunity for the consolidation of the European project. In the first part we will make a brief presentation of the causes and problems that led to the growth of nationalism. Then, our study will present the evolution of Euroscepticism and the emergence of the populist vote within the EU – a vote that was most often associated with EXIT-type projects. The last part aims to present a perspective through which we can evaluate whether the recent crises are not actually opportunities to combat destabilizing phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's seemingly ever‐globalizing societies, nationalism remains a potent force, most recently illustrated by national governments' responses to the COVID‐19 crisis. Even though nationalism and its manifestations are deeply entrenched within societies, the term 'nationalism' itself continues to carry negative connotations, and the dichotomy between 'good patriots' vs 'bad nationalists' appears to be widely accepted in everyday life and the scholarly literature. Likewise, the association of 'good' (meaning 'civic' nationalism) with Western and 'bad' (for which read 'ethnic') nationalism with Eastern forms of nationalism remains prevalent. In this special issue, we critique these Eurocentric approaches to nationalism, highlighting two aspects of nationalism that are often overlooked: 1) nationalism takes many forms, and rather than viewing it as 'good' or 'bad, it should be understood as a spectrum spreading across the Global North and South; 2) there is an emancipatory and creative potential within nationalism for marginalized and colonized peoples that has been illustrated through cases from the Global South. This potential – represented by the 'nationalisms of nations without states' – forms the central concern of this special issue. Our selection of cases from both the Global North and South reflects our own approach to nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to the issue of the online racism among football fans at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic when due to national restrictions, participation in football matches was unavailable, by the example of the 2020 Polish Independence March. In particular, the research is dedicated to the fans' mobilization to participate in the March. The main research questions include: (1) What actors/groups did fans perceive as the main antagonists in the context of the Independence March?; (2) Was the racist content present in the discourse?; (3) Did fans refer to the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of the Independence March?. The research has been pursued through qualitative content analysis of a topic dedicated to the 2020 Independence March on the most prominent internet forum of Polish football fans kibice.net. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how Hindu nationalists employ fantasy narratives to counteract resistance, with a particular focus on narratives of 'motherhood' and 'pseudoscience'. It does so by first introducing a conceptual discussion of the relationship between fantasy narratives, ontological insecurity, gender, and anti-science as a more general interrelationship characterizing pre- and post-COVID-19 far-right societies and leaders, such as India. It then moves on to discuss such fantasy narratives in the case of India by highlighting how this has played out in two cases of Hindu nationalist imaginings: that of popular culture, with a specific focus on the town Varanasi and the film Water (produced in 2000), and that of the COVID-19 pandemic and the emerging crisis and resistance that it has entailed. Extracts of interviews are included to illustrate this resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how online expressions about Dr Li Wenliang became a public opinion incident in China and how the regime adjusted its internet censorship and emotional governance. We find that public perception of Li changed from a rumormonger to a whistleblower, a victim of structural causes, and a martyr of the nation, with collective emotions shifting from feelings of uncertainty to outrage, panic, and grief. Reassured by the state's crisis management and by positive stories of solidarity and resilience, the public then moved to a xenophobic discourse of crisis nationalism with feelings of hope, vindication, and pride. Meanwhile, public trust in the state grew as the regime delegated responsibility to local governments and perpetuated itself as a paternalistic, responsive, and effective leader through an authoritarian participatory propaganda. We argue that the pandemic spawned an emerging crisis nationalism that fed into the regime's crisis management and propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although "vaccine nationalism" and vaccine diplomacy have thus far typified the COVID‐19 vaccine rollouts around the globe, there remain limited scholarly insights on global vaccine distribution strategies. This research note (RN) examines the global vaccine distribution strategies and implications for public policy and governments. In conceptualizing the global vaccine distribution strategies into three competing perspectives (i.e., "vaccine nationalism," vaccine diplomacy, and global initiative), this article highlights the divergent effects of different approaches in terms of ushering elements of nationalism and ethnocentrism. By contextualizing the discourse on the COVID‐19 pandemic into the three competing perspectives and highlighting the role of pharmaceutical companies and COVID‐19 vaccine passport, the study also offers pathways for further examination of the subject incorporating the contextual conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the historiography surrounding the French Revolution's bicentennial celebrations and its implications, delving into the diverse interpretations and debates sparked by the event. It also discusses the significance of the French Revolution on international ideologies, exploring its impact on the evolution of terms like freedom, nationalism, and people's rights, drawing connections to other revolutions worldwide. It details the commemorative aspects and the evolution of memory associated with the Greek Revolution, examining the evolution of its monuments, public ceremonies, and scholarly reflections across different periods and historical contexts.

The article examines the early spread of COVID-19 in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPTs) in light of nationalism and sovereignty. For Palestinians, the spread of COVID-19 has been challenging due to domestic and regional interactions and limited sovereignty, undermining their ability to combat the virus. Israel, often without coordination with the Palestinian Authority (PA), determined who could enter and exit the OPTs, including tens of thousands of Palestinians working in Israel, leading to an increased number of infections in the West Bank. The pandemic awakened Palestinian national sentiment, serving as a reminder of disunity and lack of sovereignty. Despite these challenges, we show that the Palestinian health system unsuccessfully attempted to overcome the crisis. The combination of economic [inter]dependence on Israel, lack of sovereignty, and nationalist resurgence help explain why the Palestinian health sector recorded thousands of cases following the second wave of the virus. COVID-19 has only further revealed how Palestinians could not practically operate independently from Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the EU's ability to mobilize European citizens in its favor and counteract such phenomena as nationalism, populism, and "sovereignism" has significantly decreased. Consequently, the suggestion has been made that the EU's social dimension should be enhanced and its citizenship be made more salient in that regard. Such a suggestion has become even more topical after the COVID‐19 outbreak and the strain it has placed on the health‐care systems and economies of EU member states. Starting from a debate which addresses that suggestion, in this article I argue that, before attempting to enhance its social dimension, the EU should first try to strengthen its still weak political foundations in order to cope with its predicament. The article also shows that this move would be consistent with the rationale behind the European integration process, where economic issues were originally regarded as only means to achieve an ever‐closer political union. Related Articles: Barrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe." Politics & Policy 49(4): 824–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12423. Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. "Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany." Politics & Policy 49(4): 891–912. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12421. McBeth, Mark K., Donna L. Lybecker, and Kacee A. Garner. 2010. "The Story of Good Citizenship: Framing Public Policy in the Context of Duty‐Based versus Engaged Citizenship." Politics & Policy 38(1): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00226.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years Saudi Arabia has launched many campaigns to promote a model of global excellence to be a pioneer in future growth. As part of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's National Vision 2030, the country encourages the improvement of national quality services based on the commitment of the government to build up a prosperous country, starting with the valorisation of local traditions. In particular, the Saudi, Arab, and Islamic heritage, built by an ancient civilisation and deeply rooted in the country's history, is currently valorised to strengthen the national identity of local Arab values. The country aspires to preserve heritage sites and the local environment by promoting hospitality services for tourism. In the last years, Muslim pilgrims and all visitors to heritage sites entering the country from abroad have reached eight million people, tripling the numbers in the last decade. The government has started many initiatives and promoted many urban planning processes, programmes, and projects to enhance the touristic offer. The intent is to reach a sustainable approach to target the healthy growth of the country and the Saudi Arabian cities. The article presents some interventions that are currently under development to pursue the Saudi Vision 2030 and its goals. The recent third expansion of the Two Holy Mosques, the modernization of national airports, and the Mecca Metro project to complement the railroad and train public transportation offer will be presented and discussed as part of the national strategy to achieve a sustainable economy and tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses an original dataset on policies adopted in 47 European countries between December 2019 and June 2020 to prevent coronavirus from spreading to prisons, applying event-history analysis. We answer two questions: 1) Do European countries adopt similar policies when tackling the COVID-19 pandemic in prisons? 2) What factors are associated with prison policy convergence or divergence? We analyze two policies we identified as common responses across prisons around the world: limitations on visitation rights for prisoners, and early releases of prisoners. We found that all states in our sample implemented bans on visits, showing policy convergence. Fewer countries (16) opted for early releases. Compared to the banning of visitation, early releases took longer to enact. We found that countries with prison overcrowding problems were quicker to release or pardon prisoners. When prisons were not overcrowded, countries with higher proportions of local nationals in their prisons were much faster to limit visits relative to prisons in which the foreign population was high. This research broadens our comparative understanding of European carcerality by moving the comparative line further East, taking into account multi-level governance of penality, and analyzing variables that emphasize the 'society' element of the 'punishment and society' nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articles in this issue examine the transformations and adaptations of place branding during the Covid-19 pandemic and post-lockdowns. Using five case studies, they examine how Covid-19 has changed place branding in Italy, Brazil, Japan, the Philippines, and France during different stages of the pandemic. The articles explore questions concerning how to (re)brand a global viral hotspot; the interplay of Covid-19, place branding and tourism; populism, nation (re)building and Covid-19 management; as well as the political nature and impact of place branding such as nation-building and nationalism during the Covid-19 pandemic and in a post-lockdown world. The articles examine place branding as semiotics with respect to how campaigns are entextualized and re-contextualized. They focus on tropes such as morality, fun, (lack of) mobility, and the future/time. Overall, this issue argues that Covid-19 is an event for place branding and that new tropes are likely to continue to emerge and endure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since China has formally joined the WHO-backed global COVID-19 vaccine initiative known as COVAX, there is a presumed notion that China's vaccine diplomacy will make a significant contribution to the international public good and thus uplift Beijing's role as the rule-maker of international order. To scrutinize this, the paper asks if China succeeded in proliferating its weaponized vaccine policy to obtain maximum diplomatic gains and soft power projection to intensify its international image, geopolitical power, and domestic politico legitimacy. The authors argue that despite its vaccine diplomacy demonstrated the robust governance capacity and responsibility to be a great power. Yet, Beijing's geopolitical influence and international image are significantly overrated and not enough to play a more prominent role in the global power fulcrum/equilibrium. On the contrary, China enjoys a leading position on the domestic political front. Its successful portrayal of China's vaccine provision in the global market and remarkable configuration to leverage a deep-rooted nationalism has fundamentally provided China with a powerful rationale to divert its public's attention from Beijing's earlier inadequate handling of the outbreak. The evaluation of the paper reveals that China's vaccine diplomacy's influence in promoting international image and geopolitics is limited but has successfully stabilized its domestic political environment and enhanced its domestic legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The small business sector has been identified as an essential component of the global economy, especially in the developing economies, where it plays a significant role in addressing job creation and poverty. However, the COVID 19 pandemic and its attendant lockdown restrictions have brought untold devastation to the sector forcing many out of operation, crippling business operations and financial viability. We seek to identify the role and impact of government relief measures in helping immigrant-owned businesses in South Africa to deal with the impact of the pandemic on their businesses. Primary data was collected using an electronic questionnaire administered to 260 foreign business owners in South Africa. The data was cleaned and statistically analysed using IBM SPSS version 27. We interpreted and discussed the results using the realistic conflict theory. Though a vast majority of the businesses (89%) reported that the pandemic had a very severe impact on their financial sustainability and liquidity, none of them reported that they benefitted from any of the South African government business support packages during the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically analyzes nationalism as a feature of public discourse in Barbados during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Globally, nationalism has resurfaced over the last decade as a focus of heated debates within diverse arenas, including academia, politics, and popular culture. The COVID-19 pandemic also brought to the surface latent tensions around nationhood and the relations between the local and international. Official invocations of nationalist discourses have thus been apparent in a number of Caribbean nation-states, as elsewhere, during COVID-19. Such invocations of nationhood are of particular interest in the case of Caribbean states because they both exemplify uncritical appeals to a homogenous grouping, but also because they often simultaneously acknowledge the importance of ongoing connectivity with the broader regional and international communities and assert the renewed relevance of multilateralism or internationalism, more broadly. This paper examines the ways in which various nationalist discourses or sentiments were strategically deployed in the Barbadian state's communication to the people in this specific moment of crisis, exploring the implications of these deployments for the national, regional, and international self-positionings of Caribbean Small Island States. Este artículo analiza críticamente el nacionalismo como una característica del discurso público en Barbados durante la primera ola de la pandemia de COVID-19. A nivel mundial, el nacionalismo ha resurgido durante la última década como foco de acalorados debates en diversos ámbitos, incluidos el mundo académico, la política y la cultura popular. La pandemia de COVID-19 también sacó a la luz tensiones latentes en torno a la nacionalidad y las relaciones entre lo local y lo internacional. Por lo tanto, las invocaciones oficiales de discursos nacionalistas han sido evidentes en varios estados-nación del Caribe, como en otros lugares, durante el COVID-19. Tales invocaciones de nación son de particular interés en el caso de los estados del Caribe porque ejemplifican llamamientos acríticos a un grupo homogéneo, pero también porque a menudo reconocen simultáneamente la importancia de la conectividad continua con las comunidades regionales e internacionales más amplias y afirman la relevancia renovada de multilateralismo o internacionalismo, más ampliamente. Este documento examina las formas en que varios discursos o sentimientos nacionalistas se desplegaron estratégicamente en la comunicación del estado de Barbados con la gente en este momento específico de crisis, explorando las implicaciones de estos despliegues para los autoposicionamientos nacionales, regionales e internacionales de los pequeños estados insulares del Caribe. Cet article analyse de manière critique le nationalisme en tant que caractéristique du discours public à la Barbade pendant la première vague de la pandémie de COVID-19. À l'échelle mondiale, le nationalisme a refait surface au cours de la dernière décennie en tant que centre de débats houleux dans diverses arènes, notamment le milieu universitaire, la politique et la culture populaire. La pandémie de COVID-19 a également fait émerger des tensions latentes autour de la nationalité et des relations entre le local et l'international. Des invocations officielles de discours nationalistes se sont ainsi manifestées dans un certain nombre d'États-nations caribéens, comme ailleurs, pendant la COVID-19. De telles invocations de l'identité nationale sont particulièrement intéressantes dans le cas des États des Caraïbes parce qu'elles illustrent à la fois des appels non critiques à un groupe homogène, mais aussi parce qu'elles reconnaissent souvent simultanément l'importance d'une connectivité continue avec les communautés régionales et internationales plus larges et affirment la pertinence renouvelée de multilatéralisme ou internationalisme, plus largement. Cet article examine les manières dont divers discours ou sentiments nationalistes ont été stratégiquement déployés dans la communication de l'État de la Barbade au peuple en ce moment spécifique de crise, en explorant les implications de ces déploiements pour les auto-positionnements nationaux, régionaux et internationaux des Petites États insulaires des Caraïbes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]