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Cultural identity is of great significance to the formation of group consensus and the establishment of cultural self-confidence. In order to understand the history, current situation and trend, and provide theoretical support for future research, this paper makes a quantitative analysis of knowledge map including annual publication volume, trend, distribution of authors and institutions, cooccurrence, clustering and timeline of keywords as well as emergent keywords on the literature concerning ethnic cultural identity published in "Web of Science" database for a period from 2012 to 2022, with CiteSpace software as a tool. The results show an overall upward trend with diversified ethnic and regional characteristics; major institutions including universities of the U.S., the U.K., Australia, China and other countries and regions engage in their research from different disciplines such as psychology, sociology, ethnology and education; the researchers have not formed a core group of authors despite their accumulating number; research hotspots are indicated by keywords such as national identity, identity, ethnic identity and attitude; specifically, keyword clusters fall into three categories: emotional perception, multicultural identity process and ethnic cultural adaptability; researchers probe into various issues at different stages with direct relation to international situations and regional cultures. This study has positive implications for understanding and mastering the current research hotspots and development trends of ethnic cultural identity in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity in sports forms a key stage in which globalization is both constituted and resisted and where various contentions and nuanced dynamics remain to be unpacked. In this paper, we examined the media's ability, from China and the US separately, to construct and deconstruct the national identity of a naturalized athlete, Eileen Gu (Gu Ailing), an American-born Chinese athlete, during the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games. By combining frame analysis with critical discourse analysis (CDA), salient differences were found in terms of the media frames and discourses used by China and the US in their adoption and interpretations of "sports role", "ethnic role", "social role", and "entertainment role". Furthermore, we pointed out that the national media from both countries simultaneously attempt to legitimize their stance on Gu's national identity and stress the maximization of each nation's own interest. The findings shed light on our existing understanding of the complex identity of naturalized athletes in the context of globalization and argue that media discourses, as constructed by the two countries, remain deeply rooted in an overdetermined East-West binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1861, twenty‐year‐old Ruth Bradford accompanied her father to the Chinese treaty port of Amoy where he was to serve as American consul. Bradford recorded this trip in a diary kept from her departure from New York until her 1863 return. Drawing upon her diary, this paper explores how Bradford, as the only American woman in Amoy, refined her sense‐of‐self through interracial and cross‐cultural encounters with the settlement's Chinese and British inhabitants. The paper argues that through critical comparison with these communities, Bradford, like other nineteenth‐century American women in China, consolidated and articulated her gendered, racial and burgeoning patriotic national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore how the effects of perceived immigrant threat, American national identity, and attitudes toward immigration-dominated racial/ethnic groups on perceptions of immigrant contributions differ for documented and undocumented immigrants. We contend that different levels of perceived risk associated with undocumented and documented immigrants activate the effects of immigrant threat and American identity in different ways. We consider the varying effects of general perceptions of immigrant threat, and we also differentiate the effects of American pride (i.e., positive sentiments about being an American) and American exclusion (i.e., negative sentiments associated with criteria needed to be considered an American). We use data from the 2016 to 2017 Voter Study Group surveys, which includes a survey experiment with respondents randomly assigned to documented and undocumented immigrant treatments. We find strong negative effects of immigrant threat perceptions on Americans support for both immigrant groups, with observed effects significantly stronger for undocumented immigrants. Further, while American exclusion has strong negative effects on attitudes for both immigrant groups, American pride depresses support only for undocumented immigrants. We also find that evaluations of Hispanics have effects on perceptions of contributions for documented and undocumented immigrants, though the effect of Asian evaluations is limited to documented immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the literature asks whether immigrants and their descendants come to resemble the 'mainstream', this paper places the acquisition of a new national identity at the centre of attention, contending that the views of ethnic outsiders provide strategic leverage in identifying any underlying consensus regarding the bounds of the nation and the means by which those bounds should be implemented. We contend that becoming 'American' entails adopting American attitudes towards persons beyond the territorial divide, a population that includes nationals of one's country of origin or ancestry. The paper develops a conceptual framework to understand how attachment to the people of the state of emigration gets transformed into attachment to the people of the state of immigration. The paper provides a demonstration of that process, focusing on Mexican immigrants and their descendants and using a variety of data sources to highlight and unpack different dimensions of Americanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to trace U.S. imaginaries, representations, and uses made during the cycle of Latin America's centennial celebrations by a number of men of culture, diplomacy, and regional politics who played prominent roles in discussions about how the countries in the subcontinent should position themselves and act toward one another and toward the United States. By analyzing the multiple references and uses of symbols, signs, and other attributes of the Northern nation that circulated between 1910 and 1926 in a series of speeches, conferences, essays, articles, and books -largely unnoticed by the historiography on the subject-, it will be possible to observe how different images of such country were constructed and disseminated in order to promote and legitimize certain political-ideological searches and bets. Contrary to readings that have reduced the Latin American map at the time to the tension between Pan-Americanism and anti-imperialism, this article ultimately aims to make this image more complex by repositioning other uses and meanings around the United States at a particular moment of the continent's history, in which its imperialist expansion encountered a systematic search by Latin American countries to reassert their interests, positions, and national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carol Fadda-Conrey (2014) points out that Arab American literature emerged remarkably in the early years of the 21st century, accompanying various political events and turmoil in either the USA or the Arab world, particularly the Middle East. One of the key aspects of this ethnic literature is the manifestation of the Arab national identity and the call for unity and solidarity among kin Arab communities, whether locally or across borders. This paper, as such, by taking Diana Abu-Jaber's novel Crescent (2003) as an example of the Arab American fiction produced in the contemporary era, examines the components of nationalism as expressed from afar – long-distance nationalism. This type of national propensity has received little attention in contemporary literary studies. In addition to using critical and analytical approaches to the novel, this paper basically relies on a socioconceptual framework based on the perspectives of prominent theorists and critics, such as Carol Fadda-Conrey, Nina Glick Shiller, Gabriella Elgenius, and Tololyan Khachig, to name a few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People demonstrate indirect support for a nation's identity by consuming products representing their nationality. In such context, this article focuses on how people react toward brands with national associations when the nation faces threats perpetrated by institutions. Institutions are important as they are one of the core elements defining national identity. Institutional threats to national identity can come from within the nation (internal threat) and from outside (external threat). Weekly supermarket scanner data from 2004 showed that sales of American-sounding brands declined in counties that saw higher coverage of the Abu Ghraib prison torture scandal (internal threat), and sales of American-sounding brands increased in counties with more war casualties (external threat). Seven additional experiments demonstrated that (1) self-enhancement derived from national identity mediates these main effects, (2) advertisements that refocus attention on how the brand helps cope with external threats mitigate the negative effects of internal threats for American brands, and (3) such advertisements do not mitigate the negative effects of internal threats for non-American brands. Qualitative surveys (N = 218), surveys (N = 1,603), experiments (N = 3,123), and secondary data analyses (encompassing sales of over 8,000 brands across more than 1,100 U.S. stores) were used to triangulate the results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

White Americans are more affectively polarized today than at any point since at least the 1870s—and the trend shows no sign of abating any time soon. Recent work using the Common In-group Identity Model (CIIM) suggests that appealing to a super-ordinate identity—in this case, American national identity—holds the potential of bridging the social distance between partisans (Levendusky, 2018). However, CIIM assumes that the normative content—i.e. the norms and stereotypes—that people associate with being an American are the same across subordinate groups. Using the 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies cross-sectional surveys, as well as the 2016–2020 ANES panel survey, we demonstrate three key findings. First, White Democrats and White Republicans have systematically different ideas about what attributes are essential to being a member of the national community. Second, the association between partisanship and these competing conceptions of American identity among White Americans has gotten stronger during the Trump Era, largely because of Democrats adopting a more racially inclusive conception of American identity. Lastly, appeals to American identity only dampen out-partisan animosity when the demographic composition of the opposing party matches their racialized conception of American identity. When there is a mismatch between people's racialized conception of American identity and the composition of the opposition party, American identity is associated with higher levels of partisan hostility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

George Orwell's political writing was adept at capturing crises. Totalitarianism, nationalism, colonialism, class, poverty, the Cold War, and the early atomic age all cast a sinister shadow during his short lifetime. Within international relations, and coupled to his own life experiences, these dangers caused an obvious preoccupation with certain states and entities most notably the USSR, Spain, India, France, and Europe amongst others. The United States somewhat sat out of Orwell's orbit which is paradoxical considering the country's seismic role in a twentieth century marred by upheavals and ruin. This paper seeks to address this gap by examining what his essays, journalism, and letters tell us about how the US and specifically its national identity was fashioned. The findings concern culture and language, wealth and race, and power and empire. As such, despite America initially featuring as peripheral to his concerns, its literary prowess, economic might, and international influence all inspired Orwell to produce a number of important observations on American national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Contrary to popular perception, local residents in the western frontiers of Canada and the United States in the late 19th century frequently possessed a large degree of agency and leverage vis-à-vis their respective national cores. Far from being the obedient periphery, frontier communities and their political leaders were able to use their profession of loyalty to the national identity to win concessions and secure autonomy from national governments and, when needed, beneficial intervention from them to support the interests of local residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary arguments on the nature of American national identity tend either to consider America to be a nation in a classical cultural sense, or in a primarily ideational sense. These, however, are inadequate framings of American nationhood, which is rooted more in process than in identity. To better understand the processes by which American national identity has been constructed historically, and thus the dynamics of ongoing American life, heuristics offered up by David C. Hendrickson and Walter McDougall--"the Unionist Paradigm" and "the American Civil Religion"--can help one imagine America as an international system built on compromise, and then as a fractious universalist church in constant theological dispute. Looking at the span of American history through the lens of these heuristics, the fundamental contingency and shifting nature of American identity becomes clearer, as does the centrality of collaborative and compromising habits to the American political character, and thus of flexibility to American historical memory. America as living tradition, political experiment, and historical memory are all thus emergent, collaborative processes, which do form something worth designating as "nationhood" but this requires an explicit stepping-back-to-observe process. Cultural history and political practice can thus support each other in helping both actors and thinkers understand the ongoing process of America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Architecture in Latin America is cyclically underpinned by the quest to represent multiple identities: international, national, (Latin) American. During the 1930s, although modernist European architects became the reference for Latin American professionals, they were nonetheless of no help in developing national expressions of modernity. Tracing back the debate to the cultural turmoil of that decade with an eye on older topoi on environmental determinism, this article delves into various texts through which the identity of Colombian architectural modernism was constructed. Firstly, it highlights the link between territory, nation, and historical heritage that underpinned the definition of a system of values seen as typically Colombian but, in fact, comparable to that of other countries. Then, it focuses on the construction of Colombian modernism's identity as opposed to different Latin American experiences, highlighting the role of local and international actors. The article also explains the centrality given to Bogotá and its architecture because of the climatic differences that made the country's cool highlands similar to Europe and the USA and, therefore, the place where civilisation, development, and modern architecture were possible for the Colombian elites. Ultimately, this text documents an exemplary case, stressing the non-exceptionalism of the different representations of Latin American national modernisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on exploring the intersectionality between Orthodox theology and intersectional methods, drawing parallels to the architectural concept of spandrels in Orthodox churches. It author aims to examine the potential convergence and divergence between these two expansive theologies and how they can be used to dismantle systems of oppression and promote unity.

In 1947, Travis Freeman Epes of Richmond, Virginia, called on Southern Baptists to fight the growing epidemic of juvenile delinquency. Others, like Winnifred Sullivan, have raised similar questions about religiously oriented prison programs, especially when sufficiently equal secular programs are not offered.[89] If Southern Baptists do not go as far as some evangelicals in seeking state authority to impose their views on others, their juvenile delinquency programs showed that they were willing to use the advantages their access to the courthouse created in their efforts to evangelize a beholden population. In that case, Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote that the practice was permitted because there was no direct evidence of coercion, and students were not "required or expected to participate."[87] The juvenile delinquency programs that Southern Baptists developed in the 1950s anticipated this by promoting cooperation between Southern Baptists and the courts to solve a perceived social problem. Nevertheless, Delamater viewed state programs as insufficient "in contrast to the spiritually motivated personalized services of the New Testament Church."[28] The Southern Baptists' primary goal was religious: Southern Baptists sought to achieve reform through salvation. [Extracted from the article]

Through close reading of primary sources, we analyzed social work's role in the Americanization movement, a massive nation-building, nation-defining endeavor that flourished around the turn of the twentieth century. Although social work was a significant force in the rationalization and implementation of Americanization, its embrace of the project remains largely unknown within the field. We locate social work's participation in the movement's sedimentation of whiteness as the national identity and examine the ways in which this construction was applied to discrete populations: Indigenous Americans; African Americans; and immigrants from Europe, Asia, and Mexico. Both settlements and charity organization societies were intimately engaged in the construction of the proper citizen: the self-sufficient, self-managing laborer/consumer, docile to the underlying logic of the industrializing nation. The ethnoracial hierarchy of the United States solidified through these endeavors continues to shape the nation and the profession's approach to immigrants and racialized others today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning after the American Revolution, bourgeouis white northern Americans began to tell Indian origin stories about their mineral springs and spa towns. Appearing in guidebooks, periodicals, fiction, poetry, travel narratives, and scientific discourse, these origin stories had some identifiable roots in Native American practices but were largely an invention of elite white culture. They served as a neat intellectual resolution to some of the central problems of national legitimacy and national identity formation that faced the most privileged Americans. They imagined alternative non-British origin stories for shared Anglo-American cultural practices, which enabled elite white northerners to construct an alternative elite American national identity. They also established the legitimacy of white claims to an American landscape that was still in the process of being expropriated from Indians, and served to explain and deny the continued presence of Indians in white leisure spaces. The cultural script of Indian origins for Anglo-American summer leisure practices at mineral springs resolved a complex and interconnected set of cultural ambivalences through the simple, emblematic figure of an Indian at a spring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to identify how U.S. media in the late nineteenth century sought to portray the Russian Empire in the late nineteenth century. The primary focus is on the "newspaper of record" The New York Times, which reflected to a certain degree the attitudes of the American people, but more so reflected the stance of the "powers that be" in the United States - the government and the business class. The main goal of this article is not to make conjecture about what nineteenth century Americans believed, or to state that there was an agenda against the Russian Empire. Rather, the goal of this article is to demonstrate that American attitudes reflected in U.S. media towards the Russian Empire were shaped by the media, and that the portrayal of the Russian Empire was not entirely positive or negative, although followed a negative trend over time for various reasons. The reasons for negative portrayal of the Russian Empire in The New York Times were arguably connected to various tsars in power and their personalities and a shift in world alliances bringing the United States closer to Great Britain. The portrayal of the Russian Empire in U.S. media as well as the reasons for its eventual negative stance, led Russia to be a suitable "other" in American national identity formation as the twentieth century unfolded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity-based crimes are understood as crimes rooted in the perceived identity of either the perpetrator or the victim. While some research reports a relationship between the production of cyberhate and group identity, no empirical tests to date assess the strength of the identity related to the crime. We explore the relationship between American identity and the production of hate in an online setting. We draw on data from a nationally representative survey (n = 896) to examine how various dimensions of American national identity relate to the odds of producing hate in the cyber-world. Framed in modern theories of identity, we use a five-item measurement of American identity – prominence, salience, private self-regard, public self-regard, and verification—to provide a detailed exploration of how a respondent's self-views of their American identity and understanding of how others view that identity relate to their likelihood of producing hateful online material. Using descriptive statistics and regression analyses, we find higher levels of salience and public self-regard, as well as socio-demographics such as age, ethnicity, conservativism, and living in a large city, are associated with an increased odds of producing hate. Conversely, education and living in the South are inversely related to the production of hate. The findings suggest that understanding the nuances of "what it means to be American" is an important first step toward more fully grasping the phenomenon of cyberhate. Our findings contribute to the growing body of empirical work on online extremism by demonstrating how identity affects behavior, particularly in this polarizing time when what it means to "be American" is frequently questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]