Search

This introduction argues that the East-West divide in Europe continues to be politically salient since the fall of the Berlin Wall and two decades since the accession of most East Central European (ECE) countries to the European Union. We re-evaluate the nature of the East-West divide in the EU, consider its sources, and examine the interplay between political variation and cross-border economic inequalities. The fundamental question posed here is whether such divisions are persistent, intractable, or transitional. We note that earlier scholarship on the East-West divide emphasised economic divergence as a primary explanatory factor. As relevant as the economy still is, our contribution is to argue that the divide also needs to be assessed against the broader political backdrop of democratic backsliding and new geopolitical developments. Although we find that the East-West divide is still highly salient, the articles here specify how fluid categories are and how variation has emerged – both between and within countries in the ECE region. Finally, the very perception of an East-West divide is politically consequential. If unaddressed, East-West divisions and tensions will impede future reforms of the EU's internal governance processes and limit its power on the global stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate warming likely drives ocean deoxygenation, but models still cannot fully explain observed declines in oxygen. One unconstrained parameter is the oxygen demand per carbon respired for complete remineralization of organic matter (i.e., the total respiration quotient, rΣ‐O2:C). Here, we tested if rΣ‐O2:C declined with depth by quantifying suspended concentrations of particulate organic carbon (POC), particulate organic nitrogen (PON), particulate organic phosphorus (POP), particulate chemical oxygen demand (PCOD), and total oxygen demand (Σ‐O2 = PCOD + 2PON) down to a depth of 1,000 m in the Sargasso Sea. The respiration quotient (r‐O2:C = PCOD:POC) and total respiration quotient (rΣ‐O2:C = Σ‐O2:POC) declined with depth in the euphotic zone, but increased vertically in the disphotic zone. C:N and rΣ‐O2:N changed with depth, but surface values were similar to values at 1,000 m. C:P, N:P, and rΣ‐O2:P mostly decreased with depth. We hypothesize that rΣ‐O2:C is linked to multiple environmental factors that change with depth, such as phytoplankton community structure and the preferential production/removal of biomolecules. Using a global model, we show that the global distribution of dissolved oxygen is equally sensitive to r‐O2:C varying between surface biomes versus vertically during remineralization. Additionally, adjusting the model's r‐O2:C with depth to match our observations resulted in less dissolved oxygen throughout the upper ocean. Most of this loss occurred in the tropical Pacific thermocline, where oxygen models underestimate deoxygenation the most. This study aims to improve our understanding of biological oxygen demand as warming‐induced deoxygenation continues. Plain Language Summary: Rising ocean temperatures are likely causing the observed decline of dissolved oxygen below the ocean surface. This continued oxygen loss threatens the survival of many marine animals. Currently, global models cannot fully explain the observed rate of oxygen loss with warming. One missing component could be variance in the respiration quotient, the ratio of oxygen consumed per organic carbon respired during microbial respiration. However, the respiration quotient has yet to be estimated at different depths by directly measuring the chemical composition of organic matter. Here, we used direct measurements to find that the respiration quotient varied with depth in the Atlantic Ocean. Therefore, the respiration quotient at the surface should not represent values at deeper depths. In addition, we used a global model to find that the respiration quotient mostly affects oxygen in the tropical Pacific Ocean, where unexplained oxygen loss is the highest. Thus, more extensive data on the respiration quotient may significantly improve global models. Key Points: The respiration quotient of particulate organic matter varied with depthElemental ratios of particulate organic matter deviated from Redfield proportions at all depthsThe increase in the respiration quotient with depth may account for some previously unexplained oxygen loss [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'politicisation of Europe' has mainly been discussed with reference to Eurosceptic parties in the 'conventional' political arena. From the perspective of the anti-Brexit campaign in the UK and Pulse of Europe in Germany, this article focuses on grassroots pro-European mobilisation to explore the potential of politicisation 'from below'. The two movements stood out in their ability to provoke considerable levels of grassroot mobilisation. We argue, however, that both movements reached a strategic impasse that was marked by a lack of clarity about their desired future of Europe, and which hampered their ability to generate political change. Our comparative analysis of campaign materials and interview data reveals that these movements struggled to articulate a) diagnostic frames that struck the right balance between problematising the current political situation whilst supporting the established order, and b) prognostic frames that extended much beyond the defence of the status quo (ante). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Don't let Belgrade D(r)own, protest movement against the city's controversial waterfront development, is one of the largest civil society campaigns in post-Milošević Serbia. Despite engaging an eclectic mix of activists, there has been no tangible participation by Belgrade's well-established environmental NGOs (ENGOs). The absence of ENGOs is all the more surprising given the project's well-documented threat to surface water, increased risk of flooding, and air pollution. The extant literature would suggest that EU enlargement, distancing of green organisations from domestic grassroots agendas as a consequence of external donor funding, and widespread NGO fatigue are to blame. In addition to these explanations, we contend that the limited participation of ENGOs was also due to ideological differences and initial framing of the activism by those who had emerged from, and become disenchanted with, the NGO sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the countries under discussion in this symposium, the path to EU-membership is no longer topical, and the transformative power of "Europe" is no longer the dominant determinant of environmental policy and governance. Published not long after the 2004 and 2007 accessions, that volume focused on how environmental activism in the post-socialist states had been regulated and configured first by the "transition" from communism to liberal democracy, and then by the stipulations and choreography of the EU accession process. Impaling Dracula: how EU accession empowered civil society in Romania. Their actor-centred perspective highlights the importance of the strategic capacity of movement actors and contradicts those assumptions made in the Europeanization literature that overemphasized how EU accession and membership shapes social movements. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides a conceptual framework and introduction to the special section 'Mobilising around Europe: pro and anti-EU politics in an era of populism and nationalism'. By means of its four articles, the special section seeks to address the 'politicisation of Europe' outside of the conventional party-political arena. Whilst the future of European integration has become increasingly contested, not least due to the rise of Eurosceptic political parties of the populist radical right, we observe that politicisation has also occurred in the protest arena through grassroots activism. The contributions in this special section analyse these mobilisations, which have thus far received limited scholarly attention, and the positions and frames activists and various social movement organisations (SMOs) adopt concerning the future of European integration. By doing this, these articles reveal the often complex and context-dependent stances towards 'Europe' amongst actors across the ideological spectrum, which extend beyond dichotomous pro-/anti-EU positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this thematic cluster, we explore why and how democratic erosion in post-Communist Europe has led to widespread civic mobilization. We set out the goals and motivations of citizens who choose to protest in defense of liberal democracy. We also compare across cases what pro-democracy protestors believe they have achieved by protesting—and what kinds of changes they believe are needed to end or attenuate the democratic erosion that sent them into the streets. The different contributions to this special section highlight variation in the role of elections: while protestors in some countries expect electing a new government to bring substantial, positive change, protestors in other countries consider that long-term structural reforms are needed. Still other protestors choose to back an electoral boycott as a way to express their opposition to the regime. Even when protests do not achieve short-term goals, such as spurring policy reversals, policy reforms, or changes in government, protestors believe that they raise awareness in society about democratic processes and the role of citizens in them. We also explore how democratic backsliding has impacted the rights of the LGBTQ+ community, which has generally benefited from democratization over the last three decades in post-Communist Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]