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This paper discussed the relationship between language, ecology, and culture, and claimed that the study of linguistic communication as pragmatics should not be confined to the traditional context, but should focus on a broader ecological environment. It analyzed the context of practical communication from the perspective of language ecology beginning with the discussion of the ecological crisis in communication and found that language, like plants and animals in nature, needed the support of the external environment with certain "soil fertility". This paper classified ecological context into two types: internal ecological context (psychological-cognitive context) and external ecological context (natural environment and social environment). Based on this classification, the ecological context of pragmatics was further divided into environment-friendly context, addressee-friendly context, and speaker-friendly ecological context. This paper was an exploratory analysis of language ecology in pragmatics, aiming at helping communicative participants find their ecological niche and adopt appropriate strategies to maintain the ecological balance in pragmatic communication.

The question of whether economic globalization promotes or depresses governments' education spending has attracted social scientists' attention for decades. Existing literature presents an interesting contrast between two theoretical scenarios, namely race to the top and race to the bottom. This paper attempts to adapt the debate to the subnational context of China and argues that, under this decentralized authoritarian setting, economic globalization could boost the absolute levels of education funding by incentivizing human capital formation and by contributing to local government coffers but shrink its relative share in overall spending by shifting government priorities away from education to other budget items such as infrastructure that relate more closely to foreign investment. A dynamic panel data analysis of provincial-level statistics from China over an 11-year period confirms that inflow of foreign direct investment increases the absolute level but decreases the relative weight of education spending in the overall provincial budget, essentially a race to the top and to the bottom at the same time.

Economic policy uncertainty has had an important impact on trade and sustainable economic development. Especially in some specific industries, uncertainty has increased dramatically. The extant related literature mainly analyzes the nexus between uncertainty and trade across different industries and focuses less on a specific industry. Using Chinese customs data on HS 8-digit products over the period of 2000–2013, this paper first investigates the impact of both foreign economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and domestic intra-industry trade on China's mechanical and electrical product exports to 23 trading partners and applies pooled OLS regressions to conduct an empirical study. This paper finds that EPU has a significant inhibition effect on mechanical and electrical product exports; conversely, intra-industry trade can both significantly promote exports and alleviate the inhibition effect of EPU. In addition, the export impact of EPU varied with different trade patterns. It can significantly inhibit processing exports, while it has no effect on ordinary exports. The results of this paper indicate that in the context of increasing uncertainty, our findings could have far-reaching policy implications for China to build a new development pattern of domestic and international dual circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's ascendant position in International Relations has sparked a debate over the future of the US-led liberal international order. As China's military, economic, ideological, and institutional influence continues to expand, apprehensions about its challenges to the existing global order and the evolution of China's role in international governance have intensified. This research is qualitative and consults both primary and secondary recourses. From the neo-Gramscian school of thought perspective, this research explores the core relationship between China and the global order, delving deep into the historical context. Unlike traditional international relations theories, this research presents a historical and relational interpretation to present an alternative perspective on China's rise. Elucidating this dynamic historical progression, this paper posits that China's relationship with the world order has evolved significantly, moving from animosity and refutation in the post-independence period to compliance with Western ideals and institutions, integration into the international system and, more recently, to the pursuit of independent institution-building, global governance, and promotion of alternative world order. This paper concludes that while China has adopted a predominant role in shaping the rules of the international system, it is far from being a disruptive reformist. Thus, despite its global outreach, China does not seek to build a power centre that counters explicitly the Western liberal order but signals a gradual transition towards a multipolar order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates China's regional role in Southeastern Europe by examining the economic strategy of neo-mercantilism using Greece as a case study. In doing so, this paper will make use of the strategy of neo-mercantilism as part of the broader theory of regional powers pursuing broader geostrategic goals. How has the strategic partnership between China and Greece evolved in recent years, and what are China's primary objectives in Greece under the neo-mercantilism? China has intentionally sought to expand its influence in Southeastern Europe by cultivating a strategic partnership with Greece, while avoiding challenging the influence of other powers in the area. The economic turmoil in Greece over the past decade created a favorable environment for attracting Chinese FDI. China's principal focus in developing its strategic partnership with Greece is to increase FDI as a means of achieving its economic goals and other political goals with tangible results related to China's support in issues mainly concerning the country's applied foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June 25th, 2021, the State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China issued a white paper entitled "China's New Political Party System." This document argues that the political systems of Western nations are "outdated" and emphasizes the superiority of the political system of "Chinese democracy," as promoted by Xi Jinping. However, the Chinese government's official English translation leaves out the context of "newness" and does not emphasize the harmfulness of the West's "outdated" system. Why was the English version rewritten with little nuance? This could be because of a desire to avoid drawing international criticism for its plan to boost China's "international discourse power" (国际话语权 in Chinese), which President Xi Jinping has sought to shore up. This paper argues that China's "new political party system" was implemented as a political tool to formulate Xi Jinping's new social science theory. Thus, it did not bring about any major changes to China's political consultation system, in which "democratic parties" can consult with the Communist Party but basically cannot oppose or disagree. Additionally, the phrase "new political party system" was created amidst conflict around discourse power with the West and was an argument with strategic significance in its connection to foreign policy. Discussion of China's political system is likely to become all the more important amidst the current structural conflict between the US and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of E-L@tina is the property of E-L@tina. Revista Electronica de Estudios Latinoamericanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decades, banking has become an impressive global affair. This changing orientation of the big banks' activities has led to the expansion of their operations at a global scale but raised difficult issues related to their capacity to manage their liquidity and to face various financial shocks worldwide. The competition among global banks has become much more severe in recent years as customers expect higher confidence from them. This is why more and more banks should design and implement customer-centric business models, ensure a higher cybersecurity, and drive digitization across their whole organizations. The goal of the paper is to briefly analyze the competition among the largest banks of the world within the global banking system in the period 2020-2021 by taking into account their Tier 1 capital, assets and market capitalization. The paper concludes that the Chinese banks were the main actors in the global banking system in the period 2020-2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This position paper intends to highlight a brief introduction of the inaugural two-way university-level exchange of students between Romania and China (during 1950-1956) which have taken place in a binary system of international relations. Data presented in this position paper is recorded under an extensive process regarded as 'intergenerational dialogues'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the portrayal of China in Kazakhstani media, focusing on changes in perceptions before and during the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through comparative discourse analysis, the research reveals a shift in media narratives from primarily economic and political aspects to a growing emphasis on fostering friendly relations between Kazakhstan and China. The paper also explores how diplomatic relations between the two countries influence media reports about China. Although the findings are specific to Kazakhstan, the study contributes to understanding Central Asian views on China, especially in the context of the BRI and the region's changing geopolitical dynamics. The research suggests a trend toward more positive and neutral coverage of China in Kazakhstani news outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and diplomats have significant differences in professional skills, activity time and work content, but they should work together. With the deepening impact of science and technology (S&T) on socio-economic development and international relations, S&T has become a crucial component of national strategies, particularly for diplomacy. There is a need for scientific evidence and advice, meaning that mastering more knowledge and skills in S&T would be helpful in negotiations. This paper analyses the ideas of S&T diplomacy, including a review of its 40-year history in China, its definition (with detailed connotations) and its characteristics. The paper focuses on the significant role of people-to-people communication in S&T, which may inform future work. Five suggestions are given to strengthen the strategic planning of S&T diplomacy: (1) A more clarified, strategic goal of future-oriented S&T diplomacy is required; (2) It is important to build a theoretical system for China to describe S&T diplomacy; (3) The creation of a global S&T cooperation map that adapts to the new type of international relations would be valuable; (4) Fairness and justice shall be maintained, while a reform of the global S&T governance system is promoted; (5) It is a must to adhere to bottom-line thinking and strengthen risk prediction and emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking a spatially sensitive approach to evaluating China's quest of soft power, this paper conducted a media discourse analysis of European countries' perceptions of China's growing international influence in general, and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in particular. Preliminary analysis reveals regional diversity in media coverage of the BRI that was partially caused by a country's position as a 'discourse leader', 'discourse responder' or 'discourse follower'. In terms of the contents, this paper noticed a huge discrepancy among the European countries towards the potential impacts of the BRI and China's rise in international affairs, and recorded a shift from a rather positive to a cautious attitude among the European Union's leaders. It is suggested that China's spatially blind approach to using soft power to promote BRI in Europe may be partly to blame for its limited success so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper examines the relationship between supply chain network structures and firm financial performance and the moderating role of international relations. In this study, which is grounded in social capital theory and applies the perspective of systemic risk, the authors theorize the effects of supply chain network structures on firm performance. Design/methodology/approach: The authors extracted data from two Chinese databases and constructed a supply chain network of the firms concerned based on nearly 4,300 supply chain relations between 2009 and 2018. The authors adopted the fixed effects model to investigate the relationship between supply chain network structures and firm financial performance. Findings: The econometrics results indicate that network structures, including the degree, centrality, clustering coefficients and structural holes, are significantly related to firm financial performance. A significant and negative relationship exists between international relations and firm financial performance. The authors also find that international relations strongly weaken the relationship between supply chain network structures and firm financial performance. Originality/value: This study, which collects secondary data from developing countries (e.g. China) and explores the impacts of supply chain network structures on firm stock performance, contributes to the existing literature and provides practical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been contributing to new approaches to global governance. The Health Silk Road (HSR), a significant component of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), was proposed by China in 2016. This paper claims that HSR is a new institution introduced alongside the existing WHO-led multilateral health system, and its relationship with the existing system can be described as layering. Having explored the new development of HSR during COVID-19, this paper further argues that while HSR has its unique strength in making contributions to global health governance and economic recovery, it faces a prominent issue of securitisation in the context of China-U.S. strategic competition, suspicion of the quality of medical products and sectoral fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some observers expected a drastic change in the Philippines' diplomacy toward China when Rodrigo Duterte said goodbye to the United States in 2016. However, after six years, the Philippines has remained an allied partner of the United States. The Philippines' defense establishment bolstered its maritime domain awareness capacity thanks to financial and technical support from the United States. Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) maintained the award from the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) favoring the Philippines over China. This paper sheds light on the Philippines' policymaking process by framing the politics of grand strategy in an emerging state. The grand strategy is an intellectual architecture to clarify the general direction of foreign policy shaped by multiple state actors who are not limited by the foreign affairs office. Neither asymmetrical power relations nor presidential power can dominate the direction of the Philippines' diplomacy. The president, the DFA, and the defense establishment have developed institutional foundations to craft particular policies. Once they designed the grand strategy in the 1990s, successive policymakers did not remove it but rather incrementally changed it, especially in the 2010s, when they faced a series of assertive actions from China. In an emerging state with limited state capacity, Filipino policymakers do not always coordinate well with each other but still maintain a certain level of autonomy to create particular policies. Against the dominant framework of the weak state, this paper argues that Filipino policymakers demonstrate the state's capacity to achieve their policy goals, even with limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid development of the social economy and science and technology has led to more frequent transnational movements of people, goods and vehicles. At the same time, various cross-border risks have significantly increased. The rapid global spread and continuous mutation of Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) have again exposed the international community's extreme vulnerability to major transnational public health emergencies. China started a "war against the epidemic" with tight quarantine regulations and border restrictions on people, vehicles and international goods. However, it also revealed the weaknesses in and incapacity for disease prevention and control at ports in terms of obstructed performance of the whole chain of public agencies, incompatible laws and regulations, lack of key technologies, and difficulties in international cooperation. Combined with persuasive data, this paper systematically illustrates how transnational infectious diseases lead humans to be "united by contagion". On this basis, this paper makes a targeted analysis of the deficiencies of port epidemic prevention and control in China's fight against COVID-19 and suggests corresponding countermeasures and reflections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By conducting discourse analysis on Chinese textual materials around 1962, this paper tries to inductively explore the national identities of Chinese people during the 1962 Sino-Indian border conflict. It finds that China perceived itself as a persistent and resilient nation in the ongoing fight against invasion and oppression. The predominant social discourse around 1962 showed a strong enmity and resistance toward the imperialism which was then imposed on India. These national identities have formed a natural response as maintaining a tough stance toward incursion and repression, and have contributed to China's resolution to defense its territory with resorting to military force, even though it might not be beneficial in terms of diplomatic relations and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explicitly stating that its aid giving is based on the principle of mutual benefit is a distinctive feature of China's foreign aid. How the mutual benefit principle is interpreted in China's aid policy and why it remains perhaps the most durable aid principle over time is worth investigating. By comprehensively reviewing Chinese policy briefs and reports, white papers, government documents and speeches, this article finds that while mutual benefit has been a basic principle, the Chinese government's statement and its role in the aid policy has continuously varied over the years. During Mao's period, the mutual benefit was introduced as a basic principle but its importance was limited due to the country's policy statement indicating more the beneficiaries' benefit. Then after the Reform and Opening policy in 1978, mutual benefit moved to the centre of China's aid policy statement. Following the turn of the new century, particularly after 2011, China's aid policy again pays more attention to recipient interest, and the importance of stressing mutual benefit decreased. The flexible use of mutual benefit is an important characteristic while it has remained a central element. Additionally, because self-interest is an integral part of mutual benefit, it fits with China's pragmatic thinking on foreign aid, legitimizes the goal of China pursuing economic interests, softens the tone of China pursuing its political interests and to some extent alleviates the domestic critics on China's aid relations. The main conclusion is that Chinese aid would benefit from more conceptual clarity with respect to mutual benefit and a more stable application over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This issue of the Oxford Review of Economic Policy explores the origins of the US-led liberal multilateral economic order in the post-war world and the threats which that order now faces, drawing on contributions from two different groups of people—academic international relations (IR) scholars and international economists. This introductory essay attempts to weave the various strands of this intellectual collaboration together. First, it provides a narrative history of how economic collaboration emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War. Second, it describes the nature of the global economic governance that emerged and provides a new formal framework for analysing it, making use of the idea of 'concerted unilateralism'. Third, it explores how contemporary challenges—a broadening of policy requirements, the rise of economic nationalism, and the rise of China as a new hegemon—mean that the global economic order is now in flux. And finally, it concludes with a general observation that runs through the paper: that IR scholars are inclined to analyse international economic regimes, economists to study particular policy proposals, and that these two perspectives can—and should—complement one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the discourse on foreign influence investigations in research, this study examines the impact of NIH-initiated investigations starting in 2018 on U.S. scientists' productivity, focusing on those collaborating with Chinese peers. Using publication data from 2010 to 2021, we analyze over 113,000 scientists and find that investigations coincide with reduced productivity for those with China collaborations compared to those with other international collaborators, especially when accounting for publication impact. The decline is particularly pronounced in fields that received greater preinvestigation NIH funding and engaged more in U.S.-China collaborations. Indications of scientist migration and broader scientific progress implications also emerge. We also offer insights into the underlying mechanisms via qualitative interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 13, 2023, the German Government has released the first national strategy related to approaching China in international relations, including from a geo-economic perspective. The text of the German strategy is of significant importance for other EU member states and the EU authorities, as it encloses aspects pertaining to the industrial policy and cyber-security, serving nonetheless as a use-case and / or a model for developing a coherent approach to China, including the perspective of economic diplomacy in the larger context of policy dialogues with China. From a diplomatic stance, China has anchored international relations in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, some of which being EU members -- in 2012, China forged partnerships via the "16+1" Cooperation, later extended after the Dubrovnik Summit to "17+1" by the adhesion of Greece. China looks to consolidate bilateral relations in Europe via a multi-level approach and sectorial-specific coordination (to include trade, energy, financial technologies, forestry, maritime services, etc) and the German strategy complements the projected EU-China comprehensive strategic partnership, rather than to be an alternative to it. In this context, the paper explores the implications of the German strategy towards China from the European viewpoint and analyses its value-added potential to supporting the wider angle of EU international relations towards China. The research hypothesis is that in the current international geopolitical context related to China, the German strategy enhances at the national level the guiding principles of EU approach to managing the relations with China and adds value to EU economic diplomacy instead of duplicating it. The research methodology is focused on a qualitative analysis of documented authentic scientific public resources and synthesis of key aspects from a geopolitical and geo-economical wide angle of Sino-European relations. The conclusions draw on the fact that China acts as an international challenger, on a path to consolidate its international role and the EU and the German strategies towards China support the mitigation of exposures to economic dependencies by de-risking linkages rather than economic de-coupling from "a partner, a competitor and a systemic rival" at the same time, as designated by EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade analysis for open economies is strategically important. Even though Hungarian trade relations are oriented towards the EU, the direct and indirect influence of Asia, mainly China, needs special attention. The paper focuses on direct bilateral relations between Hungary and China. The global value chain perspective enables the research to detect inter- and intra-industry dependencies and unfold and compare the industry focuses and dynamics of backward and forward linkages between 2000 and 2018. We used a mixed methodology, combining input-output analysis with company case studies based on a wide range of literature both from Chinese and East-Central European researchers. The findings support the significance of global value chain relations, highlight the restructuring of Hungarian trade relations with China over the past twenty years, and indicate the strong concentration of relations in terms of the number of companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Anwar Ibrahim assumed office in November 2022, Malaysia's China policy, including its stance towards the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), was again thrust into the limelight. This paper analyses Malaysia's responses towards BRI since 2013 and argues that the "shift" is not to abandon its cooperation or adjust its overall foreign policy with China, but to cater for two sets of domestic considerations – the need for development and inter-elite competition, and eventual regime legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the Philippines form its foreign policy toward the People's Republic of China (PRC)? Existing work on the Philippine foreign policy toward China explains the country's stance solely through geopolitical or domestic factors. By examining the political calculus of, and the policy formulation by, the Benigno Aquino III (2010–2016), Rodrigo Duterte (2016–2022), and Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (2022-) administrations, I argue that a combination of domestic politics, geopolitical considerations, and economic realities have shaped the approach of the Philippines toward China. Rather than focus on one factor to explain the Philippines' foreign policy, I suggest that the combination and interaction of these three factors accounting for how various Philippine administrations have operated explains the Philippines' China policies. Furthermore, I nuance these three factors through the lens of political survival. I suggest that leaders stay in power by accumulating political power and staving off challengers. In the Philippines, I suggest that leaders capitalize on criticizing or deviating from the prior administration's China policies, which have resulted in economic or political effects that generate resentment from the population. As a result, Presidents often reverse or modify the policies set about by the previous administration, resulting in a new set of approaches toward China. Data on this paper was facilitated by years of fieldwork conducted in the Philippines between 2017 to 2020. I interviewed officials in the Aquino, Duterte, and Marcos administrations, Filipino oligarchs, political brokers, lawyers, political party representatives, and in-country observers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors have contributed to the evolution of bilateral relations between the smaller states in the Indo-Pacific region and China? How much agency do the smaller nations have vis-à-vis the superpower candidate? This paper introduces the pentagonal model, the analytical framework of a joint study organized by the JICA Ogata Sadako Research Institute for Peace and Development on these topics. The pentagonal model identifies five factor areas: domestic politics, economy, international relations (global), international relations (regional), and peace and security. Applying this common framework allows us to identify and compare the dynamics of the evolving relationships between China and the smaller states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine what factors played a determining role in creating new and dynamic bilateral relationships between the "sixteen" smaller European states and China, particularly the Republic of Serbia. Our research will notably examine the expressed capacity of the local actors in Serbia and their main drivers to accept and support China's initiatives. A new chapter in cooperation with the People's Republic of China (PRC) resulted from the one-sided PRC initiative. Vulnerable to the consequences of the global economic crises and neglected by Brussels, member states among the "sixteen" were attracted to China's promise of market access for their products and investment. The Balkan states, severely affected by the civil war in the 1990s and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, were in an even grimmer condition and even further from substantial developmental assistance from Brussels. The domestic economic and somewhat political drivers were the main ones that existed with all the local agents and their willingness to engage. In the case of Serbia, there were also powerful peace and security issues. Additional drivers come from international relations, and major power rivalries became increasingly apparent with the rise of project numbers and values and China's growing political clout over the included countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, China has rapidly increased its influence throughout the South Asian region, using both its hard and soft power tactics. China has succeeded in eclipsing India's influence and emerged as an important player in the region. China is making inroads in South Asia by making huge investments and constructing roads, highways, railways, sea ports, bridges, power grids, dams, and public buildings. China is pursuing a foreign policy that aims to advance its strategic and economic interests while trying to imbalance India's predominant position and contain India within the boundaries of South Asia. This is to prevent the rise of a peer competitor that can challenge or hinder the rise of China as a sole Asian power. This paper argues that the geostrategic situation of South Asian countries is such that they pose threats to India's security by aligning with the extra-regional powers. Hence, China's expanding strategic and security ties with South Asian countries have wider implications for India's security due to the complex and sensitive nature of its relationship with China. The theoretical approach of Power Transition Theory has been utilized to analyze the Sino-India power rivalry and China's growing threat to India's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses the theory of collective memory in international politics to examine the connection between collective memory and foreign policy to investigate why the Belt and Road Initiative has witnessed slow progress in Thailand. Qualitative data were gathered from various sources, including books, newspapers, journals, policy documents, and textbooks. The study concludes that cooperation between states is essential for achieving shared objectives but is contingent upon establishing mutual trust. Collective memories that one country maintains concerning another country can influence mutual understanding and trust, becoming ingrained even if the situation responsible for the memories changes or no longer exists. In the case of Thailand and China, the Thai government's push for the high-speed rail project faced criticism and concerns due to the public's deep-seated fears and distrust of China, the result of historical events and past experiences. This paper's findings highlight the state's role in creating collective memory and otherness, recognizing that external variables such as major power activities play a significant role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of the World Heritage Convention (WHC) in 1972 was the response to a world asking for peace after the destruction caused by the two world conflicts, particularly to cultural heritage (CH). UNESCO World Heritage Sites (WHS) act as enablers in establishing strong and effective relationships among countries, people, culture and history, while influencing and attracting these elements to promote a positive national image and fostering mutual understanding, which is the main objective of cultural diplomacy (CD). This holds true also for China and this institutes the need to investigate on how UNESCO World Heritage acts as a strategic asset in Chinese CD. This paper will provide an empirical framework addressing the position of WHS embedded in the Chinese CD. Discussion on the growing Chinese involvement of WHS in cultural projects fostering international relations and considerations on the potential impact and future development of this phenomenon with regards to China and the WHC are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the establishment of "friendly and cooperative relations' in 1992, relations between South Korea and China have been continuously elevated almost every 5 years. The two countries have achieved great advancements in expanding civil exchanges, bringing economic relations closer, finding common ground in foreign policy and security and elevation of political relations. Despite the honeymoon period that the two countries experienced after they established diplomatic relations, however, conflict is now arising due to differences in opinion and interests in various fields such politics, economy, society, culture, diplomacy, and security. This paper will examine Sino-South Korean relations using the four factor model, which is based on four approaches, starting with economic relations, followed by perception and emotions, diplomacy and security and lastly, these factors" influence on domestic politics. Following this analysis, this paper will argue that despite their continuous but rocky developments, Sino-South Korean relations will sustainably maintain their development. Considering the synergy effect of bilateral relations, two countries are standing on the opportunity to build a New Type of Sino-South Korean relations which would allow for resolution of conflicts and misunderstandings through dialogue and communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an "imperialist" and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the diverse ways Chinese policymakers view the foreign policy process in China. Two approaches characterize conventional accounts of the foreign policy decision-making process. One of these, based on Graham Allison's rational, organizational, and bureaucratic politics models, focuses on intragovernmental aspects of foreign policy decision-making processes, while the other highlights extra-governmental domestic and foreign factors. However, these approaches have neglected the question of who leads foreign policy and how state, society, and grassroots interact through coalition. We interviewed Chinese scholars and foreign policy experts using Q statements to explore China's foreign policy response to South Korea's deployment of THAAD. Our findings offer new theoretical insights into China's foreign policy process by identifying state-driven, grassroots-based, and state-society coalition models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Japan's former prime minister Abe Shinzō, security cooperation with Southeast Asia was central to preventing the South China Sea from turning into a "Lake Beijing" - completely under Chinese control. This paper explains why Abe's security engagement in the region focused mainly on providing Capacity Building Assistance (CBA) to Southeast Asian coast guards agencies to counter China's maritime assertiveness. Answers are provided by looking at not only international but also domestic factors. Based on key variables of post-Cold War Japan's foreign policy, namely the US-Japan alliance, the dominance of economic tools, and normative and institutional constraints on the use of force, the analysis concludes that CBA was an ideal response to the complex demands and restrictions of Japan's security policy. In particular, the economic benefits of providing CBA are an important finding of the analysis and one that has not yet received much scholarly focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to comprehend China's foreign policy as the nation takes on the status of a great power. By adopting the Chinese concept of "face" as an analytical tool, my paper illustrates why face as a cultural expression of desire for collective "self-esteem" has been increasingly important to China's current foreign policy, and how the cultural mandate of face informs China's interactions with other nations in order to strive for national self-esteem. It reveals the motivational, cognitive, and behavioural logic behind China's decision to participate in global governance and partnership diplomacy, as well as its use of coercion. The article suggests that China as a great power is neither innately pacifist in maintaining the status quo nor hardwired with revisionist aims to overthrow the existing international order. Instead, its behavioural tendencies largely depend on how other parties can fulfil its desire for face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over two decades from 1949 until the resumption of the diplomatic relations between these two countries in 1972, West German companies never gave up on the Chinese market despite substantial difficulties caused by Cold War frictions. This paper exams the payment transactions and terms of credits for financing industrial projects between the PRC and West German companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cimexus is the property of Revista CIMEXUS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using qualitative methods, this article focuses on the relationship between the COVID-19 health crisis and China's foreign policy and foreign relations. My main argument is that since its outbreak in late 2019, the COVID-19 health crisis has deepened the tensions already existing between China and the United States, as well as China and the West in general. Other factors that appeared before the pandemic have also contributed to intensifying the Sino-US rivalry as well as Sino-European frictions. Nonetheless, Beijing's proactive mask and vaccine diplomacy, its strict lockdown policy as well as its more aggressive nationalist and anti-western narrative have fed rather than alleviated these tensions. While China's image in the Global South has remained largely positive, in the Global North, it has rapidly deteriorated. All in all, this paper demonstrates that the pandemic has been an aggravating factor contributing to the downward spiral of China's relations with the outside world as well as its own isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the outbreak of the novel coronavirus, the PRC experienced one of its worst internal and international crises, in economic terms but above all in terms of image and prestige. The COVID-19 pandemic, in fact, came at a critical juncture in both China's internal and international relations, given that in recent years the communist Government has become a target of criticism on various internal and international issues. At the same time, it represented a crucial challenge for the CCP, while preparing the celebrations for its 100th anniversary and the achievement of its first «centenary goal». Beyond the undeniable effects on the country's economy, undoubtedly the most relevant effects were recorded in terms of image and reputation, as has emerged in different global opinion polls. Despite the Chinese authorities' highly effective management of the health emergency crisis after a first period of inaction, Beijing's authoritarian rule has again been an object of consistent criticism from liberal Western democracies, both on the intrusive methods adopted to cope with the crisis and its aggressiveness in imposing its official narrative regarding events. After analysing the effects of COVID-19 on China's global image, the paper focuses on the importance of «image» for China and its quest for prestige and image-building throughout history, with special reference to the communist experience. In the last part, it reflects on the opportunity that vaccine diplomacy may represent for China to recover its reputation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Throughout a wide realm of discourses in contemporary China, from official propaganda projects to online discussions amongst netizens, rearticulations of Chinese national identity are ubiquitous and conspicuous. Rather than depict these phenomena as simply manifestations of nationalism fomented by authoritarian rhetoric as is often the case in Western media, this paper will offer a more nuanced interpretation through the Hegelian notions of recognition and disrespect insofar as they operate in the construction of identity, in this case, Chinese national identity. The social theory of the struggle for recognition and identity formation as articulated by contemporary recognition theorist Axel Honneth will be used as a framework to explore 1) recognition and disrespect in the construction of identity, 2) the possibility of utilizing such a framework within international relations, and 3) how the contemporary rearticulation(s) of Chinese national identity can be understood through the notions of recognition and disrespect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]