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In this paper we link between two scholarly traditions that share the goal of understanding how people accomplish the achievement of living together: linguistic-politeness and diplomacy. We look at a specific speech event—presidential introductory conversations during credential ceremonies, in which the interlocutors are simultaneously talking on behalf of themselves and the states they represent. On the basis of 23 introductory conversations at Israel's presidential residence. We aim to understand how good relations are cultivated in diplomatic conversations and the resources and strategies hosting presidents and foreign ambassadors employ to establish amicable interpersonal and interstate relations. The infusion of elite discourse, institutional discourse, and initial interactions brought forth in our study a gamut of bonding strategies applied in the process of rapport management between state representatives. The president and ambassadors did their best to avoid sensitive issues and managed the attending audience as a resource for enhancing interpersonal relations, advancing the interaction, and solving problems at both the interstate and interpersonal levels. In the Conclusion we underline the importance of analyzing actual conversations between individuals who simultaneously embody themselves and their states in order to understand how relationships between large social entities are managed. • The paper links between two related scholarly traditions: politeness and diplomacy. • It asks how amicable interpersonal and interstate relations are cultivated in diplomatic conversations. • We analyze 23 introductory conversations between Israel's president and foreign ambassadors. • A variety of strategies are applied for bonding between state representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper explores how China's assistance to countries in the Western Balkans during the pandemic boosted their reputation in the region, through the case studies of Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania. The COVID-19 crisis has tested EU's reputation of solidarity and partnership to the Western Balkans, with Balkan political leaders accusing the bloc of selfishness due to its decision in 2020 to restrict exports of medical equipment to candidate states and the perceived neglect of the region during the vaccine distribution in early 2021. Simultaniously, China sent planes containing tonnes of medical supplies, respirators, medical personnel, and later vaccines, that would be received with great pomp and live media coverage, in a powerful public diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy offensive. This paper argues that this helped improve public opinion and reshape narratives on China in the Western Balkans. Still, attitudes vary between states, with Serbians having the most favourable views on China as a foreign partner. On the other hand, while public perceptions on China have seen a positive shift in Macedonia and Albania, this has not translated in a change in their pro-EU stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the way the European Union (EU) needs to adapt its economic diplomacy toolbox to tackle current challenges pertaining to the Russian war on Ukraine. It investigates the way in which the EU has developed its economic diplomacy in Ukraine, focusing on the scope of this diplomacy and its efficacy in responding to Russia's assertiveness and, ultimately, to Russia's aggression. The research identifies those initiatives that may be part of the priority toolkit used for sustaining the EU's strategic goals in Ukraine and beyond, considering the evolving global economic environment. The paper concludes with a comprehensive listing of the EU's challenges and opportunities for further developing its economic diplomacy, including as a solution or a response to the Ukrainian reconstruction needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women in diplomacy serve the national interests of security and prosperity where the hard power essence of foreign policy objectives has prevailed, i.e., in post-conflict reconstruction, in transitions from conflict to stability and in the fields of soft power promotion including cultural transitions, and civil society and business partnerships. Borrowing from Feminist diplomacy theories, this paper will first offer an outlook on the role of women represented in international affairs and diplomacy, and the setting of the foreign policy agenda in Türkiye over the past two decades. In recent decades, the number of women diplomats serving in Türkiye's foreign missions around the world has increased remarkably. This paper will examine the patterns of this 'gender turn' in diplomacy, measuring the perceptions of women in diplomacy. It will also examine the prospects for more inclusive diplomacy with greater participation and active involvement of women in foreign services, the challenges to female leadership roles in international affairs and the prospects for the success of women's leadership for a change of state in international affairs. In-depth interviews were carried out with a sample of 16 female diplomats who serve at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or at other diplomatic missions at varying levels of hierarchy. By presenting and analyzing these interviews, this paper will explore the extent to which women in diplomacy have a transformative power in the male-dominated, power-centric foreign policy of a state, and thus if there is truly a gender turn occurring in Turkish diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is focused on the information activities of the ‘Istanbul Platform’ - an illegal residence of the Ukrainian special services of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in exile during 1929-35. The basis of this institution’s activities was the presentation of Ukrainians in the international arena as a nation seeking to regain its statehood; outlining and substantiating their spiritual, geopolitical and economic interests, as well as countering anti-Ukrainian propaganda and discrediting the Ukrainian political emigration, launched by Soviet Russia in the interwar period. In writing the research paper, the author used the principles of objectivity, specific historical approach, integrity, comprehensiveness, systematicity, as well as historical and typological, problematic and chronological, and historical and comparative methods, which helped to consider the topic comprehensively. Without a proper technical base, funding and other necessary support, being all the time under the ‘watchful eye’ of the Soviet special services, members of the ‘Istanbul Platform’ faithfully carried out information activities not only in Turkey but also in the Middle East. Despite the loss of the Ukrainian nation’s statehood, they sought to explain to European, Middle Eastern and even Far Eastern politicians the significance, role and benefits of restoring an independent and self-sufficient Ukraine on the world map and its importance for global geopolitics and economics. The untimely death of the official representative of the UPR government in exile in Istanbul, Ecumenical Patriarch PhotiusII, the superiority of Soviet Russia, the lethargy and indecision of world politicians to engage in open confrontation with Moscow, and preparations for World WarII led to the collapse of the ‘Istanbul Platform’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the nuances of summit diplomacy in regional formats within Central Europe, with a particular emphasis on the Visegrád Group (V4), the Bucharest Nine (B9), and the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) from 2015 to 2023. Though each format functions differently, all rely on summit diplomacy to achieve their objectives. The article aims to explore the reasons why informal regional formats are frequently implemented in this region. The study conducts a thorough review of existing literature. It systematically analyses past instances of the selected formats, considering variables such as meeting frequency, location, and the level of representation. Based on the adopted definition of summit diplomacy, this article classifies the meetings of the highest level during the specified period as personal meetings between political leaders from at least two countries with official, state roles, such as presidents, prime ministers, or ministers. These leaders hold significant power to shape their country’s foreign policy and influence the legal and political order through summit decisions, while engaging with counterparts from other nations. The paper also highlights the variations between the above-mentioned formats in Central Europe, including the differences in meeting frequency, level of representation, and the number of participating states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper considers the concept of science diplomacy in the context of Eurasian history with a particular focus on the period of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. The Mongol Empire held sway over much of Eurasia and thus participated in diplomatic activity within and outside of Mongol domains. Scientists and intellectuals routinely headed diplomatic embassies sent and received by the Mongol Empire. Diplomats were valued for their knowledge and skills and served as interlocutors and translators for the Mongol Khans. These scientist-diplomats were key figures in the court and were essential in facilitating exchanges, building connections and fostering relations. As polyglots and polymaths they were able to operate in a multi-cultural environment. They were part of the complex framework of the Mongol Empire that brought to bear a kind of Eurasian development model that relied on expertise, knowledge and resources that could be utilised across the empire. Set within this context, the paper describes the creation of a politico-science complex in Mongol Eurasia with a special emphasis on the relationship between the Mongol Khans and their partners, chief among them were scientists and intellectuals. The Mongol Empire as an empire built upon exchanges summarises how scientific exchanges were both a product of and a driver for diplomatic relations in this period. Thus, the historical connection between diplomacy and science in Eurasia is a necessary component in understanding the modern notion of science diplomacy beyond a European context and applied more globally both in terms of time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a baseline and definition for informal disaster diplomacy in order to fill in an identified gap in the existing research. The process adopted is a review of the concept of informality, the application of informality to diplomacy, and the application of informality to disasters and disaster science. The two applications of informality are then combined to outline an informal disaster diplomacy as a conceptual contribution to studies where processes of conflict, peace, and disasters interact. Adding informality into disaster diplomacy provides originality and significance as it has not hitherto been fully examined in this context. This exploration results in insights into disaster, peace, and conflict research through two main contributions. First, the paper recognises that informal disaster diplomacy has frequently been present in disaster diplomacy analyses, but has rarely been explicitly presented, accepted, described, theorised, or analysed. Second, by explaining the presence of and contributions from informality, the discussion assists in re-balancing much of disaster diplomacy research with depth from conflict research, peace research, international relations, and political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting the inception of the 2010s, Ethiopia's relations with Egypt have been experiencing one of the deepest crises in the relationship of the two countries' history. Ethiopia, one of the upper riparian states of the Nile River not only theoretically challenged the exclusive veto power of Egypt over the Nile River but also practically start constructing one of Africa's largest hydropower dams on the Blue Nile since 2011. The challenging behavior of Ethiopia over the Nile River worried the long-standing regional hegemon, Egypt. Against this background, this paper aims to forward a new insight into how and why Ethiopia challenged the long-standing superior-subordinate Egypt-led order over the Nile River. Moreover, in its discussion, the paper tries to address key drives, challenges, and prospects of Ethiopia-Egypt water diplomacy. The paper also illustrates how and why the Ethio-Egypt water diplomacy strain becomes a cross-cut on the two nation's foreign policy matters. The paper has also attempted to understand how the superior-subordinate power duality approach works over the Nile River against the new balancer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains South Korea's foreign policy preferences and degree of influence in negotiations between Washington and Pyongyang. It analyzes six administrations in South Korea in the post-Cold War era and shows that domestic politics determines the country's policy preferences toward North Korea. South Korea can either obstruct or facilitate U.S. negotiation with North Korea based on these policy preferences. It also shows that South Korea's diplomatic influence on the North Korean issue is maximized when it functions as a mediator between Washington and Pyongyang and maintains access to both parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurovision Song Contest has long served as a platform for cultural diplomacy among its participants. This paper examines how Russia and Ukraine have approached cultural diplomacy in and around the Eurovision Song Contest in the wake of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Following an outline of pertinent events from 2014 to 2022, including the Song Contest and the respective countries' selected entries as well as the public discourse surrounding them, two distinct types of cultural diplomacy—culturalist versus neo-propagandist—are employed in a congruence analysis. The findings show that Russia employed a largely neo-propagandist approach to cultural diplomacy characterized by their projected image of peacefulness, innocence, and strength to alter their situational image. Ukraine has employed a mostly culturalist approach mainly focused on mutual recognition and the representation of national culture. The conscious instrumentalization of the platform to counter misconstrued perceptions of Ukraine shaped by the Kremlin's rhetoric also adds neo-propagandist elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contributes to understanding how innovations in teaching International Relations are critical for building competencies to students. Modern diplomacy challenges require a bunch of competencies that have to be developed even before joining the diplomatic service. The paper explores the interactions between real policy, diplomacy and international relations and students' capabilities, and to what extent the knowledge is transferable through a role-play game developed by the author to simulate a part of the activities of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The data were collected between 2016 and 2021, using a voluntary, anonymous questionnaire from 68 respondents and focus group discussions. The paper is a continuation to our previous study and confirms that the role play simulation helped students acquire or enhance skills related to diplomatic practices, and that they are using those skills in their professional life. These findings can enrich the best practices for effective learning and competencies development. Data shows that experiential learning is able to form or to enhance a series of competencies specific to the field of International Relations and Diplomacy. The transfer of knowledge is effective in terms of professional and social competencies. Implications are discussed for enhancing the learning process in International Relations and Diplomacy master programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia is using the Black Sea as a diplomatic tool in its foreign policy to achieve its maritime and foreign policy objectives, which are also linked with the country's strategic culture. This research investigates the significance of the Black Sea in Russia's Maritime Strategy for achieving its foreign policy objectives by using the balance of interest theory. This research employs two conceptual schemas. Firstly, with the help of maritime diplomacy, it analyses a tool to achieve foreign policy objectives in the waters. Secondly, the research uses the concept of strategic culture, which helps explore the diplomatic importance of the Black Sea in Russian foreign policy through the perspective of history and attitudes of decision-makers. This research highlights the case of the Black Sea for Russian maritime strategy, which also has a great economic significance for the region and world. It also highlights the importance of the Black Sea in the Russian maritime doctrine (2022) and links between maritime strategic culture and foreign policy objectives. It concludes that Russia is successfully pursuing its cooperative, coercive, and persuasive maritime diplomacy in the Black Sea region by providing humanitarian assistance, blocking Ukrainian access, and operating a stronghold at Sevastopol port as its naval base. In conclusion, this paper argues that strategic culture plays a vital role in employing the three diplomatic dimensions for achieving maritime objectives in the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and diplomats have significant differences in professional skills, activity time and work content, but they should work together. With the deepening impact of science and technology (S&T) on socio-economic development and international relations, S&T has become a crucial component of national strategies, particularly for diplomacy. There is a need for scientific evidence and advice, meaning that mastering more knowledge and skills in S&T would be helpful in negotiations. This paper analyses the ideas of S&T diplomacy, including a review of its 40-year history in China, its definition (with detailed connotations) and its characteristics. The paper focuses on the significant role of people-to-people communication in S&T, which may inform future work. Five suggestions are given to strengthen the strategic planning of S&T diplomacy: (1) A more clarified, strategic goal of future-oriented S&T diplomacy is required; (2) It is important to build a theoretical system for China to describe S&T diplomacy; (3) The creation of a global S&T cooperation map that adapts to the new type of international relations would be valuable; (4) Fairness and justice shall be maintained, while a reform of the global S&T governance system is promoted; (5) It is a must to adhere to bottom-line thinking and strengthen risk prediction and emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The BRICS were created at the beginning of the 21st century to reorganize the international world order to represent their weight in international politics, economics, and geopolitics. Although they are entirely different, the BRICS saw a strategic space to reach these goals in the African continent. Thus, these countries started to broaden their presence in the African continent. As a result, BRICs started their relations with Africa differently, but they acted in similar sectors. The fellow paper pursues to analyze the Brazilian, Russian, Indian and Chinese (called here as BRICs) insertion in Southern Africa, highlighting the main convergence sectors and divergences between them. The methodology will be based on historical analyses, connecting their historical insertion in Southern Africa in a broad perspective of foreign policy objectives in the 21 st century. In the first session, we will approach the economic presence of BRIC in Southern Africa in 21 st century. Latter, we will abstract each one’s foreign policy for the region (highlighting the main economic sectors and diplomatic presence). Moreover, it will be possible to compare their presences, highlighting the convergence and divergence between them. The Chinese and Indian weight in Africa’s economy is more perceptive than Brazilian’s and Russian’s. Nonetheless, all BRICs have been widening their trade and diplomatic relations with Southern Africa in the 21st century due to their perspective of the importance of Africa in international world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the highs and lows of Russian-South Korean collaboration in science and technology (S&T) during the first 10 years of diplomatic relations between the two countries (1988–1998). S&T collaboration served as a path to improve diplomacy in the absence of prior interaction and offered an opportunity for both countries to collaborate in their pursuit of technological advancement and economic growth. However, the history of this collaboration has been largely forgotten. The paper investigates the reasons for the decline of Russian-South Korean S&T collaboration and identifies potential obstacles to establishing a lasting and stable bilateral partnership in the field of science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the years of the Cold War, the opportunities for foreign scientific cooperation by Soviet scholars were limited. However, despite the impediments of the Soviet system, Central Asian science's cooperation with the outside world has continued. In virtue of being of Asian origin and Muslim and having profound knowledge and understanding of the language and civilizational processes of the East, Central Asian people had a special place in Soviet foreign policy. The Central Asians attracted the sympathy of the peoples of the East, which granted them access to their scientific and diplomatic connections. The paper examines how Central Asians used understanding of and ties to the East in diplomacy, for diplomacy, and with diplomacy. First, the paper unpacks the institutional and individual potential of Soviet Central Asian diplomacy and explains how it was used as a tool for Soviet strategy. The paper then examines Oriental studies as a knowledge basis that enabled improved and more in-depth Soviet diplomacy in the East given the pervasive and basic legacy of Oriental studies in studying the East. Further, Soviet involvement in UNESCO programmes in Asia provides insight into how Soviet policy used its soft power through international organisations. In conclusion, the author summarises how science diplomacy was used to further Soviet policy and evaluates the legacy of Soviet science diplomacy in light of recent developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some observers expected a drastic change in the Philippines' diplomacy toward China when Rodrigo Duterte said goodbye to the United States in 2016. However, after six years, the Philippines has remained an allied partner of the United States. The Philippines' defense establishment bolstered its maritime domain awareness capacity thanks to financial and technical support from the United States. Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) maintained the award from the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) favoring the Philippines over China. This paper sheds light on the Philippines' policymaking process by framing the politics of grand strategy in an emerging state. The grand strategy is an intellectual architecture to clarify the general direction of foreign policy shaped by multiple state actors who are not limited by the foreign affairs office. Neither asymmetrical power relations nor presidential power can dominate the direction of the Philippines' diplomacy. The president, the DFA, and the defense establishment have developed institutional foundations to craft particular policies. Once they designed the grand strategy in the 1990s, successive policymakers did not remove it but rather incrementally changed it, especially in the 2010s, when they faced a series of assertive actions from China. In an emerging state with limited state capacity, Filipino policymakers do not always coordinate well with each other but still maintain a certain level of autonomy to create particular policies. Against the dominant framework of the weak state, this paper argues that Filipino policymakers demonstrate the state's capacity to achieve their policy goals, even with limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to add to theoretical understanding of how cooperation in science and technology can contribute to achieving a nation-state's foreign policy goals, and to suggest an explanatory framework for existing practices involving Russian-South Korean cooperation in science and technology, specifically space cooperation. The basic approaches of this article are theoretical, methodological, and empirical. International cooperation is based on a realist-constructivist theoretical approach, a science diplomacy concept, and a constructed heuristic model that helps improve our understanding of the role and implications of international cooperation in inter-state relations. The heuristic model for cooperation includes a toolbox of conceptualisation, operationalisation, and effects. This model is designed to contrast, compare, and analyse examples of Russian-Korean space cooperation, and to explain its successes and failures. The proposed heuristic model will help the academic and policy-making community open up to a wider implementation of international cooperation in science and technology for inter-state relations, and can also be applied to other types of international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, an increasing number of EU countries have diversified their foreign policies. The new directions aimed to maintain the benefits of Western alliances but sought to attract non-Western partners. The paper argues that not only domestic factors triggered these strategic shifts, and the systemic emergence of multipolarity, which forced states to respond to the rise of new powers. The study aims to identify how selected countries (Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Cyprus) located in the EU's eastern flank have responded to the multipolar transition and what foreign policy acts they have adopted. Findings reveal that sample states did not follow the expected straightforward selection of foreign policy acts, starting with bandwagoning during the unipolar momentum, continuing with hedging when non-Western actors emerge, and ending with balancing in times of external security threats. On the contrary, they applied multiple strategies simultaneously. The paper labels this hybrid foreign policy as adaptive diplomacy which seeks to capture the needs of small states to constantly adapt, but also indicates that EU and NATO members can apply proactive diplomacy to navigate between great power interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how digital technologies are changing the field of diplomacy, discussing the evolution of diplomacy from traditional practices to a modern form where technology is essential. It covers various digital tools and their impact on foreign policy and diplomatic practices, emphasizing the role of technological advancements in modern international relations. The article also highlights the challenges and benefits of this shift and the potential for further advancements in the future. It discusses the use of digital tools and social media platforms by diplomatic actors for communication, public engagement, and crisis management. The integration of advanced technologies like artificial intelligence into foreign policy frameworks is also highlighted. The article acknowledges the evolving nature of diplomacy in the digital age and the need for a nuanced understanding and approach to international diplomacy. It discusses the impact of digital technology on diplomatic engagement, diplomacy issues, and diplomatic practice, highlighting the changes in diplomatic communications and the role of social media in public diplomacy. It also discusses the use of social media and emerging technologies in diplomacy, emphasizing the need for a balanced and strategic approach. The article explores the potential impact of the metaverse on diplomacy, acknowledging the challenges of cybersecurity and maintaining human interactions. It concludes by emphasizing the significant impact of digital tools and technologies on foreign policy and international relations, while also highlighting the challenges and the importance of maintaining core diplomatic values and practices. [Extracted from the article]

This paper reviews the literature on simulations-based teaching in the discipline of international relations and associated social science fields, tracing the development of frequently used simulations platforms over the last half-century. It then examines the application of the Council on Foreign Relations' Model Diplomacy program in three courses, International Crisis Simulations, Political Development, and Politics of Asia, at a small liberal arts college in the South from 2018 to 2019 and considers the effectiveness of simulations-based teaching in achieving desired learning outcomes, such as critical and analytical thinking, oral and written communication, and collaboration. Finally, the paper provides practical steps and suggestions for the integration of Model Diplomacy and other simulations into an array of Asian studies courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Taiwan is one of the leading democratic countries in Asia. The authorities in Taipei, under the leadership of President Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party have actively conveyed this message to the international community through their foreign policy since 2016. The objective of this paper is to examine the concept of “democracy diplomacy” in Taiwan, analyzing both scholarly discourse and observing Taiwan’s foreign policy. This strategic approach greatly bolsters Taiwan’s position among other nations that uphold democratic values, especially in the face of rivalries between major powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paradiplomacy literature focuses on federations. This paper is dedicated to selected unitary states. The aim was to identify the achievement of those states in terms of cooperation between central and local governments with respect to foreign policy. The principal research method was a semi-structured direct interview. In the light of the examined examples, the French model of paradiplomacy for a unitary state appears to be the best solution. It respects both the authority of the sub-state governments to engage in foreign cooperation and the constitutional prerogative of the government as the body responsible for pursuing foreign policy of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper critically examines the appropriateness or otherwise of the granting of asylum status to former Liberian President, Charles Taylor by the Nigerian government on August 11, 2003. The paper argues that the granting of asylum status to Taylor was consistent with Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy and traditional "big brother" role in Africa. The objective of the asylum was to end the 14-year-old-conflict and return peace and stability to Liberia. However, after the asylum was granted to Mr. Taylor, Nigeria came under serious international pressure from the United States (US) and its Western allies to release Taylor for trial at the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL). Using a desktop review, the findings showed that the asylum was an outcome of a multilateral agreement in which the United Nations (UN), African Union, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the US, and the United Kingdom (UK) played active roles. The paper also establishes that granting asylum to Taylor was within Nigeria's international obligation under Article 12(3) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights of 1981, for which Taylor qualified at the time of the asylum. Similarly, the Declaration of Territorial Asylum, 1967 gives asylum granting state the powers to evaluate the grounds for granting such asylum. Thus, Nigeria's asylum accorded to Taylor was the country's prerogative and consistent with international law even though he was indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the SCSL. Therefore, Nigeria's action in granting asylum to Mr Taylor neither violated any treaty to which Nigeria was a signatory at the time of granting the asylum nor amounted to a diplomatic blunder. Rather, Nigeria's willingness to grant asylum to Taylor which subsequently led to the successful resolution of the Liberian crisis was widely commended in global diplomatic circles. Apart from applying indigenous diplomacy in conflict resolution, Nigeria's rating as an effective regional power increased. To sustain the country's pedigree of diplomatic excellence in resolving the Liberian crisis, Nigeria should rally ECOWAS countries to deepen economic integration, achieve self-reliance and make the sub-region less vulnerable to manipulation by Western powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the establishment of "friendly and cooperative relations' in 1992, relations between South Korea and China have been continuously elevated almost every 5 years. The two countries have achieved great advancements in expanding civil exchanges, bringing economic relations closer, finding common ground in foreign policy and security and elevation of political relations. Despite the honeymoon period that the two countries experienced after they established diplomatic relations, however, conflict is now arising due to differences in opinion and interests in various fields such politics, economy, society, culture, diplomacy, and security. This paper will examine Sino-South Korean relations using the four factor model, which is based on four approaches, starting with economic relations, followed by perception and emotions, diplomacy and security and lastly, these factors" influence on domestic politics. Following this analysis, this paper will argue that despite their continuous but rocky developments, Sino-South Korean relations will sustainably maintain their development. Considering the synergy effect of bilateral relations, two countries are standing on the opportunity to build a New Type of Sino-South Korean relations which would allow for resolution of conflicts and misunderstandings through dialogue and communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to divert from the conventional understanding of diplomacy and foreign policy, which is conditioned by postmodern realities. These emerging realities, which transcend national borders, strongly consider science, technology, climate, environment, and security. Thus, the postmodern age, characterized by fragmentation, uncertainty and risk, requires a shift from conventional multilateral and/or bilateral diplomacy to cosmopolitan diplomacy and foreign policy. This paper will apply Ulrich Beck's theory of cosmopolitanism, reflexivity and risk on Türkiye's diplomatic relations with the Western Balkans countries. A brief analysis of Turkish relations with the Western Balkans countries shall expand to the common questions of climate, environment, digitalization, and security. What could be the role of involuntary enlightenment, enforced communication across different borders, political catharsis, enforced cosmopolitanism, global system of governance, international legalism, and digitalization in framing Türkiye's cosmopolitan diplomacy towards the Western Balkans? How the focus on environmental diplomacy, health diplomacy, migration diplomacy, reconciliation diplomacy, digital diplomacy, youth diplomacy and education diplomacy could encounter an exclusive Western Balkans focus on emancipatory politics, ethnonationalism, narratives and ideologies? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine Ahmed Tevfik Pasha's training as a Foreign Service officer and his experiences in embassy missions as well as his activities during the political and diplomatic developments of the era in line with the foreign policy objectives of the Ottoman government. Ahmed Tevfik Pasha (1845-1936), led the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as its Minister for more than thirteen years. He held the post for the longest term during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II and was one of the most influential figures in Ottoman diplomacy. Ahmed Tevfik Pasha's effectiveness in major foreign policy events, his role in decision-making and implementation processes, his communication with Abdulhamid II on diplomatic matters and his relationship with the Ottoman and foreign ambassadors of the time, reveal the characteristic details of Ottoman diplomacy during the era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article ambitions to be an essay on possible answers to the respective interrogation through metaphorical lens monitoring the traces and trajectories of meanderings in the realm of foreign policies and diplomatic actions as being undertaken on MENA's extensive geopolitical space, as well as internal evolutions in the Middle East's states. Practically, the compound of glosses structuring and giving substance to the present paper are aiming at introducing in the narratives on the region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) the expression cum metaphor meandering. Used in this dual hypostasis, we see meandering as rather capable to shed the necessary and intensive light on critical and relevant aspects with regard to the present journey of MENA amidst its ever numerous and diverse national, regional, and global challenges, as spread on a wide span, from internal challenges related, among other critical factors, to the reality that its inhabitants "Live in a Highly Authoritarian Region"1, to challenges originating outside but strongly impacting on MENA too, as the presentday Russia's war against the sovereign and independent Ukraine, or, equally currently, the less fortunate global geopolitical background nurtured by the weakening, up to annihilation, of the rules-based (liberal) international order. Mirroring the realities "on the ground" with regard to our subjectmatter, this essay is structured into rather numerous chapters, each with its own title and sub-title, as closer bearing witness to the meanderings in the MENA's realm of countries' internal trends, plus foreign policies and diplomacies. Undoubtedly, other interested fellow analysts could further finesse our present approach, which hopefully would remain known as a pioneering work2. Of course, one should also be aware of the magisterial verse wrote on Pioneers by Walt Whitman: "We take up the task eternal, and the burden and the lesson, Pioneers! O Pioneers!"3 Only that, in this case per se there is a fundamental stimulus to embarking on the proposed endeavouring, one related to the very essence and sourcing of meandering: "History does not follow a straight line, and we forget this at our peril."4 Particularly, "in my own experience, in the Middle East, history rarely moved in a straight line."5 Eventually, this entire hopefully inciting background was intended to make easier the start of our very narrative, letting also "the door" open to including, here and there, some iconoclastic assertions and assessments, if useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective/context: This paper aims to explore the links that some recent Argentine presidencies (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández) maintained with the Russian Federation. Methodology: It will initially dwell into the longstanding tradition of pacifism which characterizes Argentine foreign policy, and then proceed to register the strategy of its most recent federal administrations regarding their international outlooks and its ties with Russia. Its strategy regarding the war in Ukraine will be inscribed within that broader diplomatic framework and tradition. It will then introduce the concept ‘geopolitical vaccinationalism’ into this scenario, making connections between purely public health issues, originated after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and foreign policy postures and decisions that are not necessarily related to them. In this section, the strategies of some recent Argentine administrations regarding the purchase of COVID-19 vaccines to be administered to its population will also be covered. Finally, in the last section of the paper, the issue of the increased rate of pregnant Russian women coming to Argentina to give birth will also be tackled. Conclusions/originality: This situation, prompted by the Russian-Ukraine Conflict, increased the strains between Presidents Alberto Fernández and Vladimir Putin, while also presenting risks in regard to the international standing of Argentina and the seriousness with which its passport is being regarded by foreign governments.

As technology has advanced and our world has become increasingly interconnected, cyberspace has become a key battlefield in great-power competition. The Indo-Pacific has found itself vulnerable in this new reality – the paucity of institutions, heterogeneity in levels of development, and the region being the primary zone of US-China competition fueling these vulnerabilities. Cyberspace provides a multitude of security threats posed by states, non-state actors and state-sponsored actors. Despite this, cybersecurity takes a backseat to other security issues despite its critical importance. Using the concept of neo-middle power diplomacy, this paper examines why the limited cybersecurity cooperation among middle powers in the Indo-Pacific has taken the shape it has. This paper finds that the two most promising areas of cooperation for middle powers are through confidence building measures and capacity building measures. Through actively pursuing these two measures, middle powers can become more effective, capable, and autonomous stakeholders within the Indo-Pacific. Received: 03-17-2024 Revised: 05-03-2024

This paper aims to describe analytically Indonesia and Russia's bilateral relations, particularly concerning the defense cooperation between the two countries in the Southeast Asian region. Historically, at the beginning of the Cold War, the government of the Soviet Union (currently the Russian Federation) recognized and fully supported the independence of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945. The Soviet Union has never abandoned Indonesia in obtaining international recognition of its independence. The establishment of informal relations between both countries since the first years of the existence of the UN. Postnational reform in 1998, Indonesia has always put forward the concept of a defense strategy without having enemies from any country. A qualitative method and primary data were gathered through interviews with informants from several government institutions. Literature, journals, and related documents are utilized in supporting data analysis. In fact, for more than seventy years' diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established, and importantly, bilateral defense cooperation still needs to be further strengthened, apart from the current sustainable economic cooperation. It has so far been carried out through the procurement of the defense system equipment (alutsista), in line with efforts to increase the capacity and capability of the Indonesian armed forces. Russia recognizes Indonesia's leadership in Southeast Asia and fully supports Indonesia's role in maintaining peace and world order. This study revealed that Southeast Asia's regional stability is secured and has a good impact on international harmony. The role and contribution of defense cooperation between Indonesia and Russia in Southeast Asia need to be developed and empower further to boost mutual understanding and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Background: The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has shown a crystal-clear warning that nobody will be safe until everybody is safe against the pandemic. However, how everyone is safe when the pandemic's fat tail risks have broken every nerve of the global economy and healthcare facilities, including vaccine equity. Vaccine inequity has become one of the critical factors for millions of new infections and deaths during this pandemic. Against the backdrop of exponentially growing infected cases of COVID-19 along with vaccine in-equity, this paper will examine how multilateralism could play its role in mitigating vaccine equity through Global Health Diplomacy (GHD). Second, given the most affected developing countries' lack of participation in multilateralism, could GHD be left as an option in the worst-case scenario?. Methods: In this narrative review, a literature search was conducted in all the popular databases, such as Scopus, Web of Science, PubMed and Google search engines for the keywords in the context of developing countries and the findings are discussed in detail. Results: In this multilateral world, the global governance institutions in health have been monopolized by the global North, leading to COVID-19 vaccine inequities. GHD aids health protection and public health and improves international relations. Besides, GHD facilitates a broad range of stakeholders' commitment to collaborate in improving healthcare, achieving fair outcomes, achieving equity, and reducing poverty. Conclusion: Vaccine inequity is a major challenge of the present scenario, and GHD has been partly successful in being a panacea for many countries in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze how changing patterns about notions of "actor" and "order" in international relations inform the practices of diplomacy through the framework of complexity theory in an age of uncertainty. To this end, concepts in complexity theory--nonlinearity, network, emergence and co-evolution--are used as analysis tools to revisit actor and order. The main findings of the research suggest that changing global dynamics lead to the emergence of a complex adaptive international system encouraging scholars and practitioners to rethink actor and order. Four findings about the practice of diplomacy also emerge due to this new theoretical analysis: First, understandings of order in the international system have evolved to reflect a more regional-centered approach rather than a global one. Second, the diversification of actors and interactions in the international system directly change the nature of diplomacy, now conceived as a process that evolves in a networked-based relationship. Third, the dominant consequences of participating in a complex, adaptive system are interdependence and co-evolution between actors within diplomacy. Lastly, policymakers have increased their ability to navigate inherent uncertainties and expand the purview of diplomacy to include non-traditional diplomatic agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foreign policy of Romania throughout the first decades of the 20th century was neither unplanned nor spontaneous. It was pursued by the Kingdom’s leadership within the framework of the idea of establishing the “Greater Romania”. Generally, the policy of official Bucharest during the war period and the period of the formation of the Versailles system of international relations was concentrated on defending national interests and gaining the status of a regional leader in the Balkans. The purpose of the article is to analyse the political struggle around the “Bessarabia” issue at the Paris Peace Conference throughout December 1919 — March 1920. Indeed, exactly this time frame became decisive for the Romanian Kingdom in terms of the recognition by the international community of its sole priority to rule Bessarabia. Great amount of relevant information and materials enabled authors of the article to analyse a comparatively short-term period of proceedings of the Paris Conference as it clearly demonstrates the tense atmosphere of the process of creating a new geopolitical map of post-war Europe. As a whole, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod’s activities in solving the “Bessarabia” problem had positive outcomes for Romania. On March 12th, the National Assembly directed the decision on this issue to the government in Bucharest. Taking into account preliminary conclusions and “yearning” of Bessarabia population the Allies in general declared for the reunification of Bessarabia and Romania. At the same time, they demanded that official Bucharest guarantee legitimate interests of Bessarabia on the same conditions as for other parts of the Kingdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses the need for a comprehensive biography of Norman Kirk, the fourth Labour prime minister of New Zealand, emphasizing the lack of insights on Kirk's dynamics with key officials, Frank Corner and Bill Gilbert, in recently published biographies. It suggests that future biographers should delve into Kirk's extensive papers at Archives New Zealand and explores specific topics not covered in existing biographies, focusing on Kirk's global diplomacy and foreign policy.

This paper aims to highlight the contents of theAlgerian approach to resolving the current Libyan crisis, which is basically consistent with the principles of its foreign policy, by focusing on the principle of dialogue and emphasizing peaceful solutions, and rejecting all forms of foreign intervention. In this context, the Algerian diplomacy strives within the framework of the regional competition to find a solution to the Libyan conflict through dialogue between the Libyans parties. Thus, the Algerian approach and its perceptions of the solution to the Libyan crisis do not depart from the principles of theAlgerian foreign policy and the principles of its military doctrine. In fact, Algeria does not hide its fulfilment to these principles, which are mainly based on non-interference in the internal affairs of states, respect for the sovereignty and unity of states and the choices of peoples, and searching for peaceful and diplomatic options to resolve international crises instead of resorting to the use of force and military decisiveness. Since President Abdelmadjid Tebboune came to office, the Libyan issue has topped the priorities of the Algerian foreign policy. Hence, Algeria's diplomatic initiative to solve the Libyan crisis is based on its historically impartial diplomatic weight in the region, and the output of Algeria's network of relations with the various active powers in the Libyan arena which has been the establishment of a new equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The UN organization sustain that is universally recognized as a platform for reliable collaboration and with an important role of preventive diplomacy in maintaining peace and security in the world. This approach announces the importance of a new era of multilateralism, where the countries of the earth are working together to solve global problems, the international system is working quickly to protect everyone in the event of an emergency. The paper aims to present the report "Our Common Agenda" which sets out the vision for the future of global cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the outbreak of the novel coronavirus, the PRC experienced one of its worst internal and international crises, in economic terms but above all in terms of image and prestige. The COVID-19 pandemic, in fact, came at a critical juncture in both China's internal and international relations, given that in recent years the communist Government has become a target of criticism on various internal and international issues. At the same time, it represented a crucial challenge for the CCP, while preparing the celebrations for its 100th anniversary and the achievement of its first «centenary goal». Beyond the undeniable effects on the country's economy, undoubtedly the most relevant effects were recorded in terms of image and reputation, as has emerged in different global opinion polls. Despite the Chinese authorities' highly effective management of the health emergency crisis after a first period of inaction, Beijing's authoritarian rule has again been an object of consistent criticism from liberal Western democracies, both on the intrusive methods adopted to cope with the crisis and its aggressiveness in imposing its official narrative regarding events. After analysing the effects of COVID-19 on China's global image, the paper focuses on the importance of «image» for China and its quest for prestige and image-building throughout history, with special reference to the communist experience. In the last part, it reflects on the opportunity that vaccine diplomacy may represent for China to recover its reputation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Rafidain for Rights is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)