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Territory is a distinctive feature of modern international politics, but there is little consensus over what about it is distinctively modern. Recent scholarship in historical international relations (IR) takes modern territoriality to be defined by the practice of creating and enforcing borders. Scholarship therefore dismisses the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, once thought to be the origin of the sovereign territorial state, because it did not change border practices. However, this approach ignores legal history. I argue that territory is a legal concept, and a history of modern territoriality must explain under what conditions rulers expressed their authority as territorial in nature. This article explains why the legal evolution of territorial rights (landeshoheit, iure territorii) in early modern Europe was distinctive of the Holy Roman Empire (HRE). While national monarchies asserted their "sovereignty" as non-territorial in order to capture overseas empires, the HRE developed a legal doctrine of territorially circumscribed jurisdiction within the imperial hierarchy. The Peace of Westphalia was a culminating event in which diverse privileges were recast as a single territorial right. Territorial autonomy was not only consistent with the hierarchy of the HRE but was fundamental to preserving it. This article has two contributions. First, it adds to recent scholarship on modern territoriality by explaining how legal history furnished the preconditions for ruling territory. Second, it places Westphalia and the empire's legal history within the recent turn toward empire in historical IR. An important source for the development of international law was the internal constitution of the HRE. This prompts us to reconsider the notion that international law assumes a world of sovereign territorial states. On the contrary, early international law concerned territorial states nested within imperial hierarchy, not the anarchy of sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jean Bodin defines sovereignty as the perpetual and absolute power of the Commonwealth - that is to say - a legislative power that knows neither conditions, nor constraints, nor obligations. Nevertheless, he also affirms that all sovereigns are subject to the laws of God and nature and to several human laws common to all peoples. So how can a power define as absolute can have limits? This is the contradiction pointed out by several interpreters of his political thought. My purpose is to show the imprecision of these opinions and to propose an interpretation that makes consistent the idea that the sovereign can be both above the civil law and subject to boundaries that limit his power to legislate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of recent developments in Quebec politics, this article takes a critical look at two controversial elements surrounding the legitimacy of the 1995 referendum on Quebec sovereignty, namely (1) the rejection of ballots on polling day and (2) the effect of the rally for Canadian unity held on October 27, 1995. This analysis mobilizes aggregated historical data from Élections Québec as well as individual-level survey data collected by Canadian Facts Limited in October 1995 (n = 930). The results reveal no attitudinal predictors of ballot rejection across Quebec ridings. Analyses suggest, however, the existence of a statistically significant impact of the love-in rally which may have boosted the NO option a few days before the vote, particularly outside of Montreal. This research aims to contribute to the public debate on the transparency of democratic processes in referendums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As shown by Bélanger and Nadeau (2009), Québec's traditional identity-based axis appears less and less predominant on the political scene. This situation created a need for a different strategy in the various sovereigntist parties. In this context, how has the Bloc Québécois tried to reposition itself? To explore this question, we collected over 7,500 press releases issued by the party between 2002 and 2021. Using automated content analysis methods and a Latent Semantic Scaling approach developed by Watanabe (2020), we illustrate and discuss the prevalence of the sovereigntist issue throughout this period, as well as the party's tone on this issue. The results indicate that elections and election results play a crucial role in the Bloc Québécois' communications on the topic of sovereignty. More generally, we observe significant fluctuations in the attention paid to this issue, and significant variations in the framing of this issue around elections. This research note sheds new methodological light on the theories surrounding the political realignment underway in Quebec and the salience of the sovereignty divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Cet article porte sur les défis du post-colonialisme et enjeux de l’édification de l’Etat Nation en Afrique : perspectives pour la confirmation de souveraineté. C’est une étude importante pour les Etats ex-colonies dépouillés de leurs cultures et traditions par les colons. Le continent africain subit et subira encore les affres occidentales sur son territoire aussi longtemps que les colonisateurs auront la main mise sur son sol, les dirigeants africains ne sont que de grands arbres qui cachent la forêt dans la mesure où leur pouvoir ne sert que les intérêts des grandes puissances au lieu de ceux de leurs compatriotes.

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The discipline of International Relations is premised upon the idea that a premodern world of empires and colonial domination was gradually replaced through the global spread of modern sovereign nation-states. Decades of decolonial scholarship and the growth of the literature on state formations have shown fundamental continuities in these 'transitions to modernity', which are often overlooked by the assumption that establishes the discipline. This paper questions the possibility of responding to contemporary global crises through a political framework rooted in colonial and absolutist legacies, indicating the necessity of thinking not only beyond, but against sovereignty. This is presented, first, through an engagement with the historical development of modern sovereignty and the role of the 'nation' in tying the legitimacy of political authority to a cultural or historical homogeneity. Second, by drawing upon the existing critiques of the nation within decolonial literature, outlining two different responses to its role in struggles for decolonial democratisation. While such a rejection of sovereignty is by no means a finished project, it is a necessary component of contemporary political action (and academic reflection) that aims to look for alternative ways of addressing the many crises of the present while abandoning the colonial legacies of our current political forms. Contre la souveraineté : les limites coloniales de la politique moderne [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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L’article ‘’ droit diplomatique et consulaire : droit de paix ou droit des guerres non militaires ?’’, pose la problématique de la construction de la puissance de la République Démocratique du Congo par des moyens autres que militaires, dans un environnement international en perpétuelle compétition de puissance. Il démontre, à cet effet, que l’utilisation des expressions ‘’ pays frère’’, ‘’pays ami’’, n’empêche nullement les puissances étrangères de rechercher leur puissance, si pas par des guerres militaires, mais toujours par des guerres non militaires, à travers la diplomatie et la coopération. Pour ce faire, les États s’appuient sur leurs populations, sur un certain nombre d’instruments juridiques nationaux et internationaux ainsi que sur certaines organisations tant nationales qu’internationales. En ce qui concerne la République démocratique du Congo, l’article démontre qu’en dépit d’un arsenal juridique et institutionnel impressionnant en sa possession, ce pays éprouve encore de difficulté à aligner des victoires significatives et durables sur ce terrain de guerres non militaires, dont le théâtre des opérations se déroule principalement sur la politique étrangère, à travers le Président de la République et le Ministère des Affaires étrangères (Ambassades, Consulats et Représentations permanentes), notamment ; pour la bonne et simple raison que l’idée de la protection des intérêts de la République et ceux de ses ressortissants, à l’intérieur de ses limites territoriales comme à l’étranger, n’est pas encore suffisamment enseignée. En effet, si pour remporter des victoires militaires, une armée a besoin des hommes et des femmes bien formés, bien entrainés, bien équipés et bien commandés ; la guerre non militaire diplomatique et consulaire a aussi besoin des femmes et des hommes bien formés, bien entraînés, bien équipés et bien commandés. C’est pourquoi, dans la construction de la puissance de la RDC, l’article insiste sur le volet formation spécifique en matière de promotion, de défense et protection des intérêts de la République et de ceux de ses ressortissants, à travers de guerres non militaires, car, contrairement aux guerres militaires où l’on obtient la ‘’paix’’ avec des mains souillées du sang et de la poussière, elles ont la particularité d’obtenir la ‘’paix’’ avec des mains propres. Aussi, propose-t-il la généralisation d’un enseignement qu’on intitulerait ‘’ droit diplomatique et consulaire général ou congolais’’, à toutes les facultés des Universités congolaises et à tous les départements des Instituts supérieurs congolais, à l’effet de se constituer une réserve de la République en la matière, comme sous d’autres cieux, où on donne une formation militaire obligatoire à tous les étudiants, car la négociation concerne tous les secteurs de la vie nationale, au regard des articles 3 et 5 respectifs de Conventions de Vienne sur les relations diplomatiques de 1961 et sur les relations consulaires de 1963.

Voltaire's writings advance an emblematic understanding of reason in the French Enlightenment, envisaged as a divine gift that makes it possible for humans to put anything into question – except reason itself. Through a reading of various philosophical and literary texts by Voltaire, this article problematizes the sovereignty of Voltairean reason – the totalitarian reason that is at once immune to the very critique it founds and, as such, injurious towards the Other, who is seen as necessarily lacking the capacity to think. Bringing Derrida to bear on Voltaire, the article builds on the former's view of reason as divisible and antinomic – that is, a reason constituted according to an aporia that admits both a teleological and conditional reason and a circular and unconditional one. As such, reason must then allow itself to be reasoned. The conclusion thus argues for a reconceptualization of reason that welcomes a critique of both sovereign judgement and teleological thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé Cette étude répond à la question qu’en est-il de la problématique de protection des droits de l’homme par les Etats ? Elle a cherché à appréhender la portée réelle de la notion de souveraineté étatique dans le processus relationnel qu’entretiennent les Etats membres de l’Organisation des Nations Unies. En réponse à ces préoccupations, la présente étude soutient que les Etats gagneraient en crédibilité s’ils appliquent de bonne foi, les traités et conventions auxquels ils souscrivent librement et créent de ce fait le droit international. En s’appuyant sur les institutions nationales pour les droits de l’homme, ils éviteraient de prêter le flanc aux enjeux géopolitiques et géostratégiques de l’interventionnisme des grandes puissances occidentales. Abstract This study answers the question, what about the problem of the protection of human rights by States? She sought to understand the real scope of the notion of state sovereignty in the relational process between the Member States of the United Nations. In response to these concerns, this study argues that States would gain credibility if they apply in good faith the treaties and conventions to which they freely subscribe and thereby create international law. By relying on national human rights institutions, they would avoid exposing themselves to the geopolitical and geostrategic stakes of the interventionism of the major Western powers.

L’article 258 du décret du 30 juillet 1888 portant des conventions ou des obligations conventionnelles, impose à l’auteur de tout fait quelconque ayant causé dommage à autrui l’obligation de réparation. Dans le cadre du droit du dommage corporel, celui-ci ne peut véritablement donner lieu à réparation intégrale des préjudices qu’il engendre dans le chef de la victime qu’autant qu’il est préalablement évalué. L’évaluation consiste à établir aussi bien la preuve du dommage et des préjudices avec leur consolidation, que leur imputabilité au responsable de la réparation. Le juge du fond est donc souverain pour fixer les indemnités correspondantes aux préjudices réellement et distinctement subis, uniquement dans la mesure où il respecte dans sa décision à la fois le principe de réparation intégrale – ce dernier étant hors d’atteinte sans l’évaluation médicale préalable du dommage – et l’obligation de motivation : l’expertise médicale obligatoire, la réparation intégrale et la motivation de la décision d’indemnisation constituent ainsi le mécanisme dont se sert la Cour de Cassation pour censurer, positivement ou négativement, l’œuvre du juge du fond en matière du dommage corporel.

Throughout the 1880s and 1890s, two First Nations groups—the Chippewa of the Thames and the Six Nations of the Grand River—attempted to evict two other First Nations groups—the Munsee of the Thames and the Mississauga of the Credit—from the Thames and Grand River reserves in southern Ontario. These land disputes were successfully resolved by the turn of the twentieth century and no evictions did take place, but the 20 years of conflict are revealing of the complexities, contingencies, and evolutions of dispossession in Canada over the nineteenth century. This article presents a narrative of these attempted evictions and proposes the concept of "compound dispossession" as a means of grappling with these complexities. It is argued that compound dispossession not only captures the snowballing complications of historical dispossessions over time, but also captures the imbrication of multiple disparate trajectories of dispossession as the pressures of settler land hunger and encroachments on Indigenous sovereignty in the late nineteenth century bore down on four neighbouring First Nations groups simultaneously. Rather than interpreting these conflicts through a binary of assimilation/resistance, compound dispossession suggests the pervasiveness of dispossession as a discourse and the agency of dispossession as an adaptation to the unfolding settler-colonial paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This local history of the Wabigoon Basin surveys food security in the region over the longue durée: from the retreat of the glaciers until the imposition of the Indian Act and industrialization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Synthesizing local history and ethnohistory with recent archaeological and anthropological readings of landscapes managed by Indigenous peoples as anthropogenic spaces, we aim to critique traditional nineteenth-century historiography that saw Canadian landscapes (especially the Canadian Shield) as untouched wilderness before Euro-Canadian agriculture. Here, we use colonization in the 1890s not as a beginning point for history but, rather, as an end point for nine thousand years of Indigenous peoples' food sovereignty, unhindered by bureaucracy and third-party management. We also discuss the conceptual gap between the reality of Indigenous (specifically Ojibwe/Anishinaabeg) farming food production and farming in the Dryden-Wabigoon and Boundary Waters region, within their long history of innovation and adaptation versus Euro-Canadian fantasies of Indigenous stasis and unpopulated wilderness used to justify late-19th-century colonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Canadian Yearbook of International Law is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L'intérêt porté par le cardinal de Richelieu aux questions maritimes est bien connu des historiens. Ceux-ci, toutefois, l'ont généralement analysé sous un angle réaliste et rationnel, notamment en fonction de la nécessité de rattraper le retard pris face aux autres puissances européennes en ce domaine et du besoin de se protéger contre les ambitions espagnoles. Or, l'essor de la marine française s'explique également par l'importance de protéger l'honneur et la réputation du roi et du royaume, particulièrement contre la volonté du roi d'Angleterre de voir reconnue sa souveraineté sur les mers. The interest shown by Cardinal Richelieu in maritime questions is well known to historians. Scholars have generally analyzed it from a realistic and rational angle, especially in terms of the need to catch up with the other European powers in this area and the need to protect the kingdom against Spanish ambitions. However, the rise of the French navy may also be explained by the need to protect the king's and the kingdom's honor and reputation, particularly against the desire of the king of England to see his sovereignty over the seas recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, the relationship between Indigenous Nations and mining corporations is characterized by asymmetrical power dynamics. To address this situation, several Indigenous Nations who see mining as an opportunity to realize their financial autonomy have developed mechanisms to enhance their capacity to regulate how their traditional territories are exploited. Drawing on collaborative research conducted with the Cree of Eeyou Istchee, we show how these initiatives can allow Indigenous peoples to reconcile mining with ways of life seemingly at odds with extractive development. From local perspectives, the Eeyouch have managed to persuade the developers of the mine operating on their territory to meaningfully engage with Iiyiyiuituwin—the "Eeyou way of life," fundamentally anchored in respect for and reciprocity with the land. While numerous Indigenous Nations exercise their sovereignty by opposing extractive development, others realize it through building relationship with corporations in ways that sustain their enduring political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines representations of polar cruise tourism in the Northwest Passage as climate change extends the geographic range of open waters and increases the number of ice-free days in the Canadian Arctic. It connects current cruise promotion to earlier exploration histories and investigates the paradoxes that arise in the drive to bear witness to climate change while accelerating its impacts through carbon-intensive travel. It also examines some of the ways that Franklin expedition tourism in particular is being used to reinforce claims of Canadian sovereignty over Arctic resources. Overall, the promotion of this kind of maritime tourism highlights many of the key fault lines between visitor expectations and geophysical and cultural realities in a changing North, raising doubts about whether expanded development of such tourism can succeed in creating climate change ambassadors. The article concludes that the potential for developing cross-cultural environmental justice solidarities depends in significant measure on the tourism industry's greater inclusion of Inuit perspectives that understand the Arctic not merely as a place to travel through, but as a homeland of earth, sea, and the shifting ice between. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Louis XVI was executed by guillotine on 21 January 1793, he became the central figure in two competing narratives of national regeneration. For revolutionaries, his death established and baptized the new republic in the king's blood. For royalists, Louis became a Christ-like martyr whose sacrifice would eventually save France from the sin of the Revolution. This article argues that narratives of the execution of Louis XVI provided symmetrically opposite interpretations of the events of 1793. Blood figured importantly in the rhetoric of both groups in almost exactly the same kinds of ways and relied heavily in both cases on the traditions of the pre-revolutionary era. Ultimately, the article seeks to use the symbolic power of Louis's blood to trace important lines of continuity between the ancien régime, the Revolution, and the Bourbon Restoration. Paying attention to this continuity has two important effects. First, bringing the Revolution and the Restoration into conversation reveals the existence of a common emotional framework. In both cases, political culture operated in part along an interplay of vengeance and sacrifice, symbolized in the form of Louis's blood. This emotional framework reveals the ways in which Revolutionary narratives about Louis XVI were transpositions of royal mythologies, rather than rejections of them. The continuity of this framework in ultra-royalist attempts to re-establish the legitimacy of the Bourbon regime points to the hybridity of the monarchy after the Revolution and to how the trauma of Revolution was key in narratives of Bourbon authority. Second, exploring the symbolic value of Louis's blood points to the underlying tensions during this period produced from the coexistence, rather than the replacement, of spectacular, visual notions of sovereignty in the body of the king or of the people, with the emerging authority of legislative bodies and the written word of the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Asking about the value of life in the free-market society implies placing it within the biopolitical networks of coordination, production, and regulation of the processes of the species in the triangle of governance in which sovereignty, networks of experts, and capital interact. It is necessary to place the historical development of these elements in the configuration of forms of government through biopolitics without forgetting the place of bare life as an effect and a resistance to those systems of power. This article aims to analyze, from a biopolitical approach and with psychoanalytic concepts, the historical development of the relations between sovereignty and life to glimpse alternative possibilities of affirmation of life in the face of the current regime crisis of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Le secteur vitivinicole est coné à de nombreux défis qui ont un impact sur la compétitivité et la souveraineté, des obligations réglementaires à la demande des consommateurs. Cet article met en lumière les opportunités de la numérisation dans la résolution de ces problèmes. Nous mettons en avant la contribution des technologies numériques dans la conformité réglementaire, leur capacité à renforcer la transparence et à faciliter la traçabilité. Nous étudions également l'impact de la numérisation sur la demande des consommateurs et la manière dont elle peut améliorer l'accès aux marchés internationaux. Enfin, nous examinons comment la numérisation peut promouvoir la durabilité et la responsabilité sociale, et comment elle peut répondre aux défis et aux risques potentiels. Nous verrons enfin en conclusion que la numérisation peut être un outil puissant pour la compétitivité et la souveraineté, mais qu'elle doit être mise en œuvre au regard de ses risques inhérents.

Les débats avant et après le referendum de 2016 ont été d’une intensité rarement vue dans l’histoire du Royaume-Uni. Le Brexit a soulevé de nombreuses questions essentielles non seulement pour les relations, passées et futures, entre la GrandeBretagne et ses voisins continentaux mais également pour la gouvernance du pays.Il peut donc être considéré comme la source d’une crise identitaire profonde pour les britanniques, une crise qui semble toujours loin d’être résolue. Le Brexit a fait ressortir un grand nombre de graves divisions et dissensions dans le pays : entre les deux camps, « remain » et « leave », entre les générations, entre anglais et écossais, les grandes villes et le reste du pays, ou entre classes sociales. Le modèle britannique de démocratie parlementaire est de plus en plus contesté par un populisme qui gagne du terrain. Le Brexit a généré de vifs conflits et clashes entre le « peuple », le parlement et le gouvernement. Le rôle des juges, habituellement éloignés des débats politiques, est devenu important. Pour certains il était même question d’un combat du « peuple contre le parlement », entre la primauté de l’expression populaire par voie de référendum ou par les représentants du peuple dans la Chambre des communes. D’autres le considère comme une vague croissante d’opinion contre les élites cosmopolites, contre les plus riches et les plus puissants. Tout cela a largement détérioré l’image d’un pays consensuel et modéré, respectueux de ses institutions. Une telle image semble de plus en plus éloignée de la situation du Royaume-Uni post-Brexit.

This article responds to recent calls to decolonise International Relations. Despite the urgency of this task, much of this work remains at the margins or worse, bound to colonial world views and commitments. Against this backdrop, we first argue that centring Indigeneity demands scholarship that unravels the current configurations of the field and moves away from merely adding Indigeneity as a category within neoliberal, colonial, Westernised frameworks. Second, we assert that Critical Indigenous Studies offers a theoretically generative framework to begin examining international issues in new ways. To illustrate, we re-read sovereignty debates in Québec (Canada) and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) through a critical Indigenous lens to disrupt the discourse and taken-for-granted understandings of self-determination struggles for secession in these two sites. Along with highlighting a path towards Indigenising the discipline, our work also reveals how distinct, yet intertwined colonialisms function across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most would agree that the recent emergence of the Donetsk and Lugansk Republics in Ukraine, and perhaps the Islamic State, will soon find their place in the already growing literature on contested states. Yet, despite the historical and present importance of these entities for the study of alternative forms of political authority, sovereignty, statehood, international legitimacy, as well as wars within and between states, there is very little agreement in the existing literature on what constitutes a contested state. After illustrating some of the theoretical and empirical shortcomings of the current conceptual approaches in the treatment of these entities, this article proposes and adopts an ontological approach to conceptualizing and studying contested states in international relations. I argue that the contested state's internal nature can be understood through four constitutive dimensions, which accentuate the phenomenon's distinct interaction with its environment when compared to other phenomena. The article also provides a way to resolve the discord that currently exists on what the theoretical concept of contested state ought to capture empirically, by introducing an explicit and systematic procedure when applying the concept to the empirical world. Cabe esperar que la gran mayoría coincida en que el surgimiento reciente de las repúblicas de Donetsk y Lugansk en Ucrania, y tal vez el Estado Islámico, encontrarán pronto un lugar en la literatura ya creciente sobre estados en disputa. No obstante, a pesar de la importancia histórica y actual de estas entidades para el estudio de formas alternativas de autoridad política, soberanía, estatidad, legitimación internacional, además de las guerras dentro y entre estados, el consenso en la literatura existente sobre qué constituye un estado en disputa es escaso. Tras ilustrar algunas de las limitaciones teóricas y empíricas de los abordajes conceptuales corrientes en el tratamiento de estas entidades, este artículo propone y adopta un abordaje ontológico en la conceptualización y el estudio de estados en disputa en el marco de las relaciones internacionales. Sostengo que la naturaleza interna de un estado en disputa puede comprenderse a través de cuatro dimensiones constitutivas, que acentúan la interacción distintiva de este fenómeno con su entorno cuando se lo compara con otros. Asimismo, este artículo proporciona una manera de resolver el desacuerdo que existe en la actualidad sobre qué debería abarcar en forma empírica el concepto teórico de estado en disputa al presentar un procedimiento explícito y sistemático en la aplicación del concepto al mundo empírico. Une grande majorité de personnes conviendront que l'émergence récente des républiques de Donetsk et de Lougansk en Ukraine, et éventuellement de l'État islamique, trouvera bientôt sa place dans la littérature déjà croissante portant sur les États contestés. Pourtant, malgré l'importance historique et actuelle de ces entités pour l'étude des formes alternatives d'autorité politique, de souveraineté, de statut d'État, de légitimité internationale, ainsi que des guerres intérieures et entre États, il y a très peu de consensus dans la littérature existante sur ce qui constitue un État contesté. Après avoir illustré certaines des lacunes théoriques et empiriques des approches conceptuelles actuelles du traitement de ces entités, cet article propose et adopte une approche ontologique de la conceptualisation et de l'étude des États contestés dans les relations internationales. Je soutiens que la nature interne d'un État contesté peut être comprise au travers de quatre dimensions constitutives qui accentuent l'interaction distincte du phénomène avec son environnement lorsque nous le comparons à d'autres phénomènes. Cet article fournit également un moyen de résoudre la discorde qui règne actuellement sur ce que le concept théorique d'État contesté devrait englober empiriquement, en introduisant une procédure explicite et systématique lors de l'application du concept au monde empirique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How is a sovereign prerogative brought to market? We know much about how states shape markets and vice versa, but less about the dynamics when states not only set market rules, but are also the sole producer of the good. This article takes up the case of citizenship by investment—"golden passport" programs that offer citizenship in recognition of an investment in a country—to unpack the challenges that appear when states commodify sovereign prerogatives. In these cases, the state holds multiple roles that generate conflicts of interest and a concern for credibility. To address these concerns, states may adopt two strategies: institute a division of labor in issuing the product, and outsource elements of supervision to third-party actors. Empirically, the analysis shows how migration service providers retooled murky discretionary grants of citizenship in peripheral countries into formal citizenship by investment schemes. The conclusion addresses how these strategies apply in markets for other sovereign prerogatives, particularly government debt, and discusses the implications for citizenship and neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Were the ancient Coast Salish farmers? Conventional anthropological wisdom asserts that the ethnographically known communities of the Northwest Coast of North America were "complex hunter-fisher-gatherers" who lacked any form of concerted plant food cultivation and production. Despite decades of extensive ethnobotanical and paleoethnobotanical study throughout the Pacific Northwest demonstrating the contrary, this "classic anomaly" is still a cornerstone of anthropological and archaeological canons. The recent discovery of a spectacularly preserved wetland wapato (Indian potato, Sagittaria latifolia) garden, built 3,800 years ago in Katzie traditional territory near Vancouver, British Columbia, has helped recast this picture, alongside evidence for other forms of resource management practiced by Northwest Coast peoples. This article examines "origins of agriculture" stories from three distinctive perspectives: Coast Salish Katzie people who cultivated wapato for millennia; settlers who colonized the Fraser River Delta historically, bringing with them their own ideas about what constitutes farming; and archaeologists, who are challenged by these data to reevaluate their own understandings of these cultural constructs. These perspectives have critical bearing on the historical appropriation of lands and waterways by settler communities in British Columbia as well as contemporary questions of sovereignty and stewardship in this region and well beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article makes a case for Europe as a creolized space, or Europe Otherwise. It argues that, in order to account for both the transregional entanglements and the internal hierarchies that European colonialism and imperialism have produced since at least the sixteenth century, we need to unlearn received notions of Europe as an unmarked category; and that theoretical and empirical lessons from the Caribbean are central to relearning Europe differently. To conceive of Europe as a creolized space thus means to draw attention to the decisive shifts that its colonial possessions operate in both its historical legacies and its present borders when consistently taken into account. Such reconceptualization entails a simultaneous creolization of theory so as to reinscribe into sociological thought the experiences of peoples and regions racialized as non-European, non-Western, and non-White alongside the multiple entanglements between Europe and its colonies. Drawing on Caribbean perspectives on creolization, I first discuss how creolizing Europe contributes to countering the definition power of ahistorical and unmarked categories. Subsequently, I propose to rethink Europe as a political, cultural, economic, and discursive formation from its current colonial borders in South America and the Caribbean Sea. Finally, I argue that focusing on Europe's colonial possessions in the Caribbean today and their corresponding geographical referent, Caribbean Europe, is one way to effectively creolize established understandings of Europe's colonial history as a thing of the past, of a white Western European identity as the norm, and of the European Union as confined to continental Europe. Recent crises in the Caribbean – from the 2017 hurricanes to Brexit – are used as a magnifying glass in order to make Europe's ongoing colonial entanglements theoretically and politically visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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English Abstract: The article critically examines the conservation politics in a transboundary protected area (TBPA) in South Asia, the Sundarbans mangrove forests in Bangladesh and India. It explores the reasons why, despite collaborative measures by the two states, conservation has largely tended to conform to sovereignty practices, making it top-down and exclusionary. This makes the very demarcation of territory for protected areas an intensely political act with significant implications for social equity. The article examines the cultural politics of conservation since contestations to state power have often entailed the articulation of popular sovereignty in the Sundarbans. It argues that the social sustainability of conservation will critically hinge on how issues of resource access and governance are framed, negotiated, and addressed. Spanish Abstract: El artículo examina críticamente la política de conservación en el Área Protegida Transfronteriza (APT): los Sundarbans en Bangladesh e India. Explora por qué, a pesar de la colaboración bilateral, la conservación ha tendido en gran medida a ajustarse a prácticas de soberanía vertical y excluyente. La sola demarcación territorial de las APT, se convierte en un fuerte acto político con implicaciones signifi cativas en la equidad social. El artículo examina la política cultural de la conservación, ya que las protestas al poder del Estado a menudo tienen implicaciones en la articulación de la soberanía popular en los Sundarbans. Argumenta que la sostenibilidad social de la conservación dependerá fundamentalmente de cómo se enmarquen, negocien y aborden las cuestiones de acceso a los recursos y su gobernanza. English Abstract: The article critically examines the conservation politics in a transboundary protected area (TBPA) in South Asia, the Sundarbans mangrove forests in Bangladesh and India. It explores the reasons why, despite collaborative measures by the two states, conservation has largely tended to conform to sovereignty practices, making it top-down and exclusionary. This makes the very demarcation of territory for protected areas an intensely political act with significant implications for social equity. The article examines the cultural politics of conservation since contestations to state power have often entailed the articulation of popular sovereignty in the Sundarbans. It argues that the social sustainability of conservation will critically hinge on how issues of resource access and governance are framed, negotiated, and addressed. Spanish Abstract: El artículo examina críticamente la política de conservación en el Área Protegida Transfronteriza (APT): los Sundarbans en Bangladesh e India. Explora por qué, a pesar de la colaboración bilateral, la conservación ha tendido en gran medida a ajustarse a prácticas de soberanía vertical y excluyente. La sola demarcación territorial de las APT, se convierte en un fuerte acto político con implicaciones signifi cativas en la equidad social. El artículo examina la política cultural de la conservación, ya que las protestas al poder del Estado a menudo tienen implicaciones en la articulación de la soberanía popular en los Sundarbans. Argumenta que la sostenibilidad social de la conservación dependerá fundamentalmente de cómo se enmarquen, negocien y aborden las cuestiones de acceso a los recursos y su gobernanza. French Abstract: L'article analyse de manière critique la politique de conservation dans une aire protégée transfrontalière (APT) en Asie du sud, la forêt des mangroves des Sundarbans au Bangladesh et en Inde. Il explore les raisons pour lesquelles, malgré les instruments de coopération entre les deux États, la conservation a adopté des pratiques de souveraineté étatique qui l'ont rendue erticale et exclusive. La démarcation du territoire des aires protégées est un acte profondément politique qui a des implications en matière d´égalité sociale. L'article examine la politique de conservation à travers des actes contestaires vis-à-vis du pouvoir étatique qui ont souvent favorisé une articulation de la souveraineté populaire dans les Sundarbans. Il met en évidence que la durabilité sociale de la conservation dépend de l'encadrement, de la négociation et de la promotion des thèmes d'accès aux ressources et de la gouvernance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which historians of New France are engaging with Atlantic, imperial, and comparative frameworks, as well as theoretical literature to better understand big historical processes such as state and empire formation and sovereignty. It also shows how traditional categories separating political, economic, social, and religious phenomena are breaking down, allowing for a deeper understanding of the ways in which their interactions shaped French imperial expansion. Empire formation depended on both agents and institutions. Going beyond the traditionally narrow conceptions of each, the article examines the widening range of actors who are now considered agents of empire as well as the recent move beyond Church and state to consider other institutions, notably the understudied chartered company. The latter is particularly fruitful for rethinking the relationship among traditionally separate groups of actors and institutions. Resituating the Company of New France in Atlantic, imperial, and comparative frameworks highlights the complex intertwining of religious, political, economic, and social phenomena that was at the heart of French imperialism. The article closes with a brief discussion of the parallels to nineteenth-century railroad corporations and their relationship with the state to highlight the evolving dynamic between states and corporations in a broader chronology. Finally, a number of avenues are proposed for future research into that relationship, for which New France and the French empire are particularly rich sites of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depuis quelques années, on remarque plus d’études consacrées aux arts autochtones au Québec. Parmi celles-ci, on en retrouve peu sur les arts médiatiques et numériques ou alors, elles sont publiées surtout en anglais. Or, au Québec, peu de chercheurs se sont intéressés à l’usage et à l’appropriation des outils numériques, en français, notamment à travers les pratiques des femmes artistes autochtones. Dans cet article, je propose d’analyser le cas exemplaire de Caroline Monnet, d’origine mixte anishinabe et française, qui participe également à ma thèse de doctorat. À travers son récit, je présente comment elle a appris à connaître les diverses technologies et le sens qu’elle leur attribue dans sa pratique. Je propose une exploration des thématiques identifiées en entrevue et leur réinvestissement dans une oeuvre qui entremêle judicieusement plusieurs médias. Dans l’oeuvre photographique History shall speak for itself, présentée en 2018 au TIFF Bell Lightbox, au centre-ville de Toronto, Monnet pose un regard critique sur l’histoire du cinéma, de la photographie et des représentations des femmes autochtones. Forte de sa formation en vidéo et de son regard critique sur les documentaires ethnographiques passés, elle propose une oeuvre politique de résistance aux systèmes coloniaux concernant les représentations des femmes autochtones au Canada à travers une pratique et une stratégie anticoloniale. Monnet et son oeuvre de photographie numérique : 1) mettent en lumière la complexité des processus et des dynamiques de (ré)affirmation des artistes à l’ère du numérique ; et 2) explorent les méthodes de réappropriation de leurs représentations visuelles par l’adoption de stratégies de citations et de transmédiation. Le projet permet à l’artiste, et la communauté d’artistes à laquelle elle se joint, à la fois de (ré)occuper et de réclamer le territoire des représentations médiatiques, mais aussi de déconstruire les stéréotypes. Sa réflexion sur la puissance de l’autoreprésentation de la sororité d’artistes dans une grande institution des arts cinématographiques et médiatiques, à Toronto, questionne et renverse les rapports de pouvoir.

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Copyright of Cahiers de Sciences Politiques de l'UL is the property of Cahiers de Science Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article assesses the politics of post-mortem visual representation in media. Studying different representation of death in Turkey and Russia, it explores the intersection of visual images, death, and sovereignty. The existing studies have established that dead bodies are pushed to the private sphere and rendered invisible in media representation. The case studies suggest we should not only focus on the corporeal visibility of the dead body but also on the representation of identity markers, such as the person's face and associated symbols. On the other hand, some of the bodies are treated as objects; they are rendered invisible as nameless and faceless figures. Building on Agamben, this article suggests that post-mortem representation produces biologically dead subjects whose political lives are worthy of saving, those worth sacrificing, and the bare dead. Therefore, sovereignty resides not only in deciding the value of life but also of the dead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debate on the concept of state sovereignty may be conducted in light of various theories and by means of different philosophical traditions. The Protestant tradition is rarely located in such a context, particularly the Dutch Protestant tradition of the twentieth century, which strongly influenced the country and other countries of Protestant tradition in the wake of World War II. This work seeks to outline the Protestant debate on the concept of sovereignty based on the idea of “sphere sovereignty” developed by Herman Dooyeweerd, a proponent of this strain of Protestantism. To do so, it analyzes the contributions made by Dooyeweerd’s thoughts on the definition of sphere sovereignty for an understanding of state authority and its limits. A summary of his position and its context is first provided before an analysis is given of the concept of sphere sovereignty. Finally, such a context is located within the wider debate on sovereignty. The concluding argument is that Dooyeweerd’s reflections provided a concept of the rule of law opposing that of totalitarian visions, revealing his religious motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1953, the Canadian government relocated Inuit from northern Quebec and Baffin Island to the High Arctic. Some secondary accounts identify sovereignty worries as the government's key motive, arguing that for decades, Ottawa bureaucrats had seen Inuit resettlement on uninhabited islands as an effective way to bolster Canada's territorial claim. Others deny that sovereignty played any significant role. Writers in the latter group insist that a longstanding concern for Inuit welfare was the real reason for the 1953 move. This article offers a third explanation. It demonstrates that in the 1920s, civil servants opposed relocations, while the Hudson's Bay Company favoured them. In the 1930s, some relocations by the company were allowed, but during the next decade Ottawa again imposed restrictions. Then in 1949 the northern fur economy collapsed, and the need for government relief increased. Between 1949 and 1953, bureaucrats became preoccupied with the perceived need to ensure that in future Inuit would follow southern ideals of personal thrift, saving enough to carry them through hard times. The major aim of the resettlement was to place a test group in an isolated location where government representatives could control the use of their income and impose approved patterns of economic behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the notion of “constitution” and approaches it as the extension of a long process of “positivization” of law, at work since the Classical Age of Islam. The establishment of a secular justice, the development of kānūn, the will to endow the State with a constitution: all these points attest to the irreducibility of pre-modern and modern normativity to the idea of a transcendent divine Legislator, at the origin of all law and the organization of all political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]