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In information environments characterized by institutional distrust, fragmentation and the widespread dissemination of conspiracies and disinformation, citizens perceive misinformation as a salient and threatening issue. Especially amidst disruptive events and crises, news users are likely to believe that information is inaccurate or deceptive. Using an original 19‐country comparative survey study across diverse regions in the world (N = 19,037), we find that news users are likely to regard information on the Russian war in Ukraine as false. They are more likely to attribute false information to deliberative deception than to a lack of access to the war area or inaccurate expert knowledge. Russian sources are substantially more likely to be blamed for falsehoods than Ukrainian or Western sources – but these attribution biases depend on a country's position on the war. Our findings reveal that people mostly believe that falsehoods are intended to deceive them, and selectively associate misinformation with the opposed camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current prevalence of conspiracy theories on the internet is a significant issue, tackled by many computational approaches. However, these approaches fail to recognize the relevance of distinguishing between texts which contain a conspiracy theory and texts which are simply critical and oppose mainstream narratives. Furthermore, little attention is usually paid to the role of inter‐group conflict in oppositional narratives. We contribute by proposing a novel topic‐agnostic annotation scheme that differentiates between conspiracies and critical texts, and that defines span‐level categories of inter‐group conflict. We also contribute with the multilingual XAI‐DisInfodemics corpus (English and Spanish), which contains a high‐quality annotation of Telegram messages related to COVID‐19 (5000 messages per language). We also demonstrate the feasibility of an NLP‐based automatization by performing a range of experiments that yield strong baseline solutions. Finally, we perform an analysis which demonstrates that the promotion of intergroup conflict and the presence of violence and anger are key aspects to distinguish between the two types of oppositional narratives, that is, conspiracy versus critical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the construction, communication, and reception of crisis narratives on TikTok, specifically focusing on videos discussing the purported origins of COVID-19 via the hashtag #covidorigin. Employing a content analysis approach, this research examines patterns in content types and their relationship with public engagement metrics such as views, likes, comments, and shares. This study observed that popular TikTok videos discussing the origin of COVID-19 majorly incorporated at least one of the following: a first-hand narrative (a story in the first-person), a secondhand narrative (an account someone heard from other people), and/or an informational report (e.g., legislative documents, news reports, and book summaries). Additionally, while U.S. intelligence agencies have yet to reach a consensus on COVID-19’s origin, this research detected a surge in #covidorigin videos following a 2023 interview in which FBI Director Wray stated that COVID-19 likely originated from a laboratory incident in China. Overall, this study suggests the influential role public leaders and media sources have in disseminating COVID-19 information and the importance of coherent crisis narratives in shaping public understanding. It also considers the effects of content types and communication formats in terms of how the public engages with speculative claims online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the varied and unexpected responses among slave owners in North Carolina after Nat Turner's Insurrection in Virginia in 1831. It argues that their response was not political and economic as was the case in the famous debates carried out in the Virginia legislature at the same time. Instead, North Carolina slave owners engaged in a wide-ranging public and private debate over the morality of slavery that had its roots in a statewide discussion of abolition that began in 1829. The 1831–1832 debate in North Carolina debate focused on how slavery had failed in the recent slave conspiracies turned up in North Carolina, and how slavery could be made to function and survive by creating a stable and just society rooted in both inequality and morality. That, North Carolina slave owners hoped, would bring an end to the continuous war between white enslavers and enslaved African Americans that had been publicly exposed by Turner's revolt and subsequent conspiracies discovered in North Carolina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes a Finnish anti-vax rap song “Tuku Tuku” (released in 2022) by likeminded white rappers and shows how the song constructs conspiracy theories by comparing preventative COVID measures, especially vaccines, to oppression, slavery, and genocide. Close reading of the song provides a deep dive into conspiratorial rhetoric within the context of two recent developments: a global pandemic and right-wing populism. The article argues that the song constructs a form of counterknowledge that relies on white ignorance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the varieties of civilian praetorianism or the different ways in which civilians enable and support military coups. It specifically argues that by shaping their access to different sets of resources, civilians' proximity to the political establishment and their level of social capital influence their method of support. Civilians linked to the political establishment wield resources better suited for enabling praetorianism through tactics like initiating or plotting coup conspiracies with military officers. Conversely, civilians with high levels of social capital hold resources valuable for consolidating praetorianism through tactics like providing post-coup support and neutralizing anti-coup opposition. Qualitative evidence from three coup episodes in Sudan demonstrates the argument's plausibility. By explaining the important variation in civilian capabilities and resources, this study advances research on civilian coup involvement, which—although understudied—is critical to understanding coup politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This study tested the motivational power of inoculation to foster resistance to conspiracy propaganda (9/11 Truth Movement), comparing inoculation effects across United States and Finnish study participants. Method: We used a 2 inoculation (treatment vs. control) x 2 national culture (American vs. Finnish) independent groups design (N = 319), while examining the effects of motivational threat and thinking modes--analytic vs. intuitive--on the inoculation process. To test the effectiveness of the inoculation strategy, we used an excerpt from a conspiracy film Loose Change as a counterattitudinal attack message. Results: Our results indicated that inoculation was effective at motivating resistance regardless of national culture. Inoculation effects emerged mostly as a direct effect on resistance and two indirect effects wherein motivational threat mediated the relationship between inoculation and resistance as well as inoculation and analytic mode of message processing. Although we found that an increase in analytic mode of processing facilitated resistance and intuitive processing increased conspiracy-theory endorsement, the indirect effects between inoculation and resistance via message processing modes were not significant. Finally, the data revealed national culture differences in analytic mode and cultural-context differences mostly pertaining to the relationships between thinking styles, media literacy, and modes of thinking. Discussion: These results offer important theoretical implications for inoculation scholarship and suggest viable practical solutions for efforts to mitigate misinformation and conspiratorial beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the police protagonists in David Peace's Tokyo Trilogy and the historical mediations they perform in the worlds of the novels. It argues that these mediations are generated by the way Peace subverts the conventional narrative structure of historical detective fiction: rather than moving toward resolution—solving a crime—the object of detection is continually displaced to conspiracies with historical and political implications, thereby constituting different temporalities that do not move forward but rather repeat, circulate, or are perpetually delayed. Underlying these repetitions, transmissions, and premonitions are historical‐political legacies of Japanese empire, war, and American anti‐communist conspiracies, which open toward a critical‐conspiratorial understanding of postwar Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A second-order conspiracy (SOC) is a conspiracy that aims to create (and typically also disseminate) a conspiracy theory. Second-order conspiracy theories (SOCT) are theories that explain the occurrence of a given conspiracy theory by appeal to a conspiracy. In this paper I argue that SOC and SOCT are useful and coherent concepts, while also having numerous philosophically interesting upshots (in terms of epistemology, explanation, and prediction). Secondly, I appeal to the nature of two specific kinds of second-order conspiracies to make the case for what has been called ‘local generalism’ (Stamatiadis-Bréhier 2023a). Specifically, I focus on so-called ‘denial industries’ to argue that the structure of these second-order conspiracies allows us to infer non-accidental generalisations about the domain of conspiracy theories. Even though it is true that there is nothing epistemically problematic with the general class of conspiracy theories, there are specific subsets of conspiracy theories that warrant immediate strong suspicion (cf. Dentith 2022). By looking at the intricate mechanisms by which these denial industries operate, we can infer that the conspiracy theories that are produced by them are epistemically unwarranted. I conclude by making some exploratory remarks about what the metaphysics of second-order conspiracies would look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In conspiracy theory philosophy the primary debate has been epistemic, but the concern is now also shifting to the ethical and political implications of taking conspiracy theories seriously. This shift is epitomized in the work of Quassim Cassam, whose focus has moved away from the epistemic faults of the theories and theorists to the political function of conspiracy theories. This function, he argues, is to ‘express and promote an ideology’, specifically, racist, antisemitic, and extremist ideology. In this essay, I will challenge two of Cassam’s assumptions. First, I will disagree with his claim that racist conspiracy theories ought to be treated dismissively as a class. This is due in part to the difficulties in defining racist conspiracy theories and due in part to what I call the Conspiracy Theory Location Problem, which is the challenge of identifying what constitutes ‘the theory’. In response, I suggest we need to be even more particularistic about ‘instances’ of a theory. Second, I disagree that the only function of conspiracy theories is to promote racist ideology. Instead, I argue that there exists a class of antiracist conspiracy theories that resist white supremacy by uncovering racist conspiracies and challenging racist institutions, systems, and ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Generalists’ hold that conspiracy theories, as a class, have epistemic defects. Well confirmed theories that invoke conspiracies, such as the theory that the Nixon administration conspired to orchestrate the break in at the Democratic National Committee offices in the Watergate complex, on 17 June 1972, – the ‘Watergate theory’ – raise a problem for generalists as it’s hard to understand how such theories can have epistemic defects. The Watergate theory is often not considered a mere conspiracy theory, because it enjoys ‘official theory’ status and in folk usage that means it is not a conspiracy theory. However, most people concede that the Watergate theory was a conspiracy theory before obtaining official status. So, appealing to folk usage does not make the problem go away. Recently however, several generalist scholars including, Cassam, Mandik, Thalman and Butter, have argued that theories invoking conspiracies that enjoy official status were never conspiracy theories. I’ll consider their reasoning and show where they go wrong. I’ll work with the examples of the Watergate theory and the ‘false flag’ theory of the Mountain Meadows massacre of 1857, which has it that this massacre of over 100 people was led by white Utahn Mormons disguised as Native Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Actors in grand corruption schemes often conspire and deliberately create sophisticated networks to extract huge amounts of public resources from government systems. They hide such conspiracies behind hybrid formal/informal arrangements. Using a mixed methods approach, this study investigates the corruption scheme initiated by former Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo and the Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht Group. We argue that separating the networks of the client (Odebrecht) and the agent (Toledo) sides provides analytical leverage for studying complex corrupt arrangements. We found that the organizational forms designed by corrupt actors on either side were essential to ensuring the secret and safe operation of the network. Introducing the concept of organizational form into corruption research helps better understand the nature of these networks. We also found that different parts of the networks are shaped by different types of corruption. The article concludes with implications for practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to an argument that I will call the argument from loose lips , we can safely reject certain notorious conspiracy theories because they posit conspiracies that would be nearly impossible to keep secret. I distinguish between three versions of this argument: the epistemic argument, the alethic argument, and the statistical argument. I, then, discuss several limitations of the argument from loose lips. The first limitation is that only the statistical argument can be applied to new conspiracy theories. The second limitation is that no version of the argument suffices to rule out the existence of small initial conspiracies that have no need to add further conspirators. The third limitation is that no version of the argument is dialectically efficacious in the context of arguing with the relevant conspiracy theorists because nothing is said to address the alleged evidence that they cite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On one hand, Islamic banking and finance is an aspiration to radically transform banks and the financial system to conform with interpretations of Islamic ethics and morals. On the other hand, such high aspirations patently conflict with the existing global, US$3.6 trillion market dominated by profit‐oriented private banks. These aspirations also potentially conflict with the technical details of how financial products are constructed to be "Shariah compliant." How do Islamic financial practitioners reconcile their vision of the Islamic good society with the products and processes observed at work? One such theological tool and cultural concept is to interpret Islamic financial products as relying on hiyal, a legal stratagem used to provide remedies and alleviate predicaments, to provide an escape from the unlawful to the lawful. This essay summarizes how thinkers in Malaysia are developing the concept of hiyal either to critique or to promote Islamic finance. As a contribution to anthropological and postcolonial theorizing, the essay concludes by exploring how the concept of hiyal can help us understand contrivances, conspiracies, cons, and stratagems. This theoretical tool kit can assist social scientists in exploring the gap between people's economic behaviors and their aspirations for what a good economy should look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Napolitano (The epistemology of fake news, Oxford University Press, 2021) argues that the Minimalist Account of conspiracy theories—i.e., which defines conspiracy theories as explanations, or theories, about conspiracies—should be rejected. Instead, she proposes to define conspiracy theories as a certain kind of belief—i.e., an evidentially self-insulated belief in a conspiracy. Napolitano argues that her account should be favored over the Minimalist Account based on two considerations: ordinary language intuitions and theoretical fruitfulness. I show how Napolitano's account fails its own purposes with respect to these two considerations and so should not be favored over the Minimalist Account. Furthermore, I propose that the Minimalist Account is the best conception of 'conspiracy theory' if we share Napolitano's goal of advancing the understanding of conspiracy theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the developed democracies, the public discourse of political corruption and conspiracy remains stubbornly pervasive, in spite of the fact that these countries are, comparatively, the cleanest in the world. Everyday talk about corruption expresses a politics of distrust and disaffection, corrodes deliberative responses to political conflict and – most alarmingly – can be mobilized by populist authoritarians who would replace democratic institutions with decisionism. The phenomenon that Rosenblum and Muirhead call 'the new conspiracism' – assertions of conspiracies without evidence or even claims that could be refuted – is deepening the discourse of corruption, particularly in the United States. These discourses are expressive rather than discursive: they cannot be refuted because they signal fears and discontents rather than positions within public arguments. Because democracies only work when they channel political conflict into credible speech, these developments corrode the life-blood of democracies. A key problem for democrats today is to diagnose this pathology, identify powers of speech and devise responses that might protect the common pool resource of promise and commitment in speech-based politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracism has become a topical issue in democracies around the world, eliciting debate in political theory and philosophy regarding its normative and practical implications, especially its potential negative effects on democratic systems. In this article, we analyse conspiracism through the lens of civility. The public virtue of civility plays a key role in democratic politics and in public life more generally, by helping to sustain democratic institutions and facilitating social interaction despite disagreement. If conspiracism undermines civility and contributes to incivility, as we argue in this article, that might have distinctively deleterious effects on democratic life. We begin by unpacking the concept of civility into three key dimensions: (a) civility as politeness, (b) moral civility and (c) justificatory civility. We then illustrate how conspiracism can contribute to incivility and harm democracy in each of the three dimensions but also how it can sometimes be harmless or even helpful for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrasts are eminent elements in drama. It gives the drama and emotional essence. The audience appreciate contrast that inside their own emotions. It highlights personality and reactions in relation to a situation or an event. It works as the tipping of scales audience to new and inexplicable affinity. Contradictions refer to the opposite ideas when it is being portrayed in the same context. It enables deeper expressions it connects differences and similarities. These are obvious in nature, situations, personalities, characteristics and all the elements of a drama. Highlighting the opposition, give a clear appearance of the existing elements within the drama. It enhances comprehension and help better identification of personal connectors. This research paper intends to focus on the conspiracies in the play "Julius Caesar". It draws to attention the contrasts in every aspect of the play. It highlights the contradictions present. This paper brings to a balance the unnoticed components within the fabric of the play. It gives scope to argument, it gives the drama a good flux and background, it has a strong impact on audience, points in the direction of the opposite giving it the glamour of paradoxical ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conspiracy theory (CT) suggests covert groups or powerful individuals secretly manipulate events. Not knowing about existing conspiracy theories could make one more likely to believe them, so this work aims to compile a list of CTs shaped as a tree that is as comprehensive as possible. We began with a manually curated 'tree' of CTs from academic papers and Wikipedia. Next, we examined 1769 CT-related articles from four fact-checking websites, focusing on their core content, and used a technique called Keyphrase Extraction to label the documents. This process yielded 769 identified conspiracies, each assigned a label and a family name. The second goal of this project was to detect whether an article is a conspiracy theory, so we built a binary classifier with our labeled dataset. This model uses a transformer-based machine learning technique and is pre-trained on a large corpus called RoBERTa, resulting in an F1 score of 87%. This model helps to identify potential conspiracy theories in new articles. We used a combination of clustering (HDBSCAN) and a dimension reduction technique (UMAP) to assign a label from the tree to these new articles detected as conspiracy theories. We then labeled these groups accordingly to help us match them to the tree. These can lead us to detect new conspiracy theories and expand the tree using computational methods. We successfully generated a tree of conspiracy theories and built a pipeline to detect and categorize conspiracy theories within any text corpora. This pipeline gives us valuable insights through any databases formatted as text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges older views that women's political power in the late Roman Republic was exercised mainly behind the scenes and had to be, because women could not have publicly acknowledged power. First, ancient historiography is used to recover a model of politics, according to which women's interventions gained urgency when made in public. Then, case studies explore how high-ranking women (matronae) used the annual rites for the Bona Dea to contribute to public life and intervene in politics. Later accounts of the Catilinarian conspiracy of 63 b.c.e. positively recalled actions of Cicero's wife Terentia and her peers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories present a relevant phenomenon in society and are studied within different disciplines. One of the aspects of analyzing conspiracy theories is understanding the pattern whereby social movements utilize the media to construct and spread those narratives. In that regard, social movements frame certain events as part of a conspiracy. By applying an international comparative approach, this study examines the media framing of events as a conspiracy theory in the USA and Egypt. The study focuses on political conspiracies targeting the local elite or political establishment as serving foreign enemies. Qualitative framing analysis is applied to analyze news segments (n = 140), 80 articles, and 60 videos from the Egyptian Islamist media and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) conservative media in the USA. The results show a huge similarity in the frames utilized by the media in both countries in constructing conspiracy theories. The Egyptian and American media constructed conspiracy narratives about claimed secret collusion between the elite leaders and foreign enemies. Whereas the Egyptian media morally framed the conspiracy as treason, the American media framed it as part of corruption. Moreover, the historical continuity in the Egyptian conspiracy theories was more obvious than in the theories in the USA. The empirical analysis shows that conspiracy theories are strategically used in the media to achieve certain political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Television's status as a medium that is firmly regulated and at times derided as a 'vast wasteland' suggests that it is not necessarily the place in which to find cultural critiques. Yet, such a viewpoint is ahistorical; whether operating on a public service or commercial model, both UK and US television share a significant history of series – both sitcoms and dramas – which offered both occasional and sustained criticisms of the products and results of a corporate culture that only grew stronger throughout the twentieth century. In this article, we not only introduce the Special Issue 'Corporate Crime and Conspiracy in Contemporary Television', but offer an overview of both UK and US television, from their earliest forays to contemporary shows, that have addressed corporations' bad behaviour across decades and genres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author examines the archival evidence showing that the practice of criminal trafficking of African American men was common and widespread in the U.S. during 1880-1915. Also cited are the practice of convict leasing that mislabel the victims of human trafficking and the alleged criminal conspiracy that implicated White participants in criminal activities like kidnapping, perjury, peonage, and false imprisonment.

Conspiracy beliefs and misinformation can impact health behaviors and initiatives. The current study used structural equation modeling to test integrated models comprised of the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) and Health Belief Model (HBM) within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic to determine how conspiracy beliefs may predict relevant behaviors. Based on a sample of 529 US and Canadian adults, two types of behaviors were assessed (i.e., vaccination status and subsequent booster willingness) using models based on two common COVID-19 conspiracy belief types (hoax and government). Overall, conspiracy beliefs predicted most factors of the TPB and HBM. Perceived susceptibility was a consistent mediator regardless of conspiracy type or outcome variable. Findings have implications for public health interventions and compliance with public health initiatives such as vaccination uptake. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically discusses the recent concept, stochastic terrorism – broadly, the idea that influential individuals may demonise target groups or individuals, inspiring unknown actors to take up terroristic violence against them. I collect together different strains of thought on the emerging concept, reflecting critically on what a suitable definition of the phenomenon would look like (or whether it would be needed), what the social urge to coin the concept may reveal about authoritarian power and violence, and what makes this form of political violence possible. I argue that present commentary fails to emphasise sufficiently the role of mistruth and deceit in such rhetoric, as well as its historical and mainstream precedents. Moreover, I understand the phenomenon to be specifically authoritarian in nature, which not only demonises but dehumanises its targets. In light of this, I suggest that given both the mainstreaming of racist conspiracy theory and the historical and continuing presence of centrally constructed "folk devils", the authoritarian problem which can manifest into stochastic violence is very much endemic to modern liberal democracies. With this framing of stochastic violence in mind, we ignore it simply as a buzzword at our peril: even if the theoretical issues I have highlighted continue to persist, even if we struggle to pin down the concept with desired clarity – it bears a phenomenological significance and reflects an ongoing political structure of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "American Exception: Empire and the Deep State" by Aaron Good. The book explores the politics of empire in the United States and addresses the uniformity of US policy across different administrations. Good argues that the pursuit of imperial hegemony has led to a decline in the rule of law and democracy domestically. He also discusses the tripartite theory of the state, which includes the public state, the security state, and the deep state. The article highlights the historical development of the national security state and its involvement in covert actions and criminal activities. It concludes by discussing the consequences of the politics of empire, including inequality, ecological destruction, and nuclear omnicide. [Extracted from the article]

This article attempts a critical conversation between Kafka's Der Prozess (posthumously published in 1925, translated into English as The Trial in 1937) and two novels from the Mediterranean Basin. The Turkish author Bilge Karasu's Gece (1985, translated into English as Night by Güneli Gün in 1994) responds to the national conflicts intensified by the military coup in Türkiye (Turkey) in the 1980s with its dark portrayal of political conspiracies and unhinged violence. Almost thirty years later, Aziz conveys a similar sense of social chaos and political disillusionment: her novel Al-Ṭābūr (2013, translated into English as The Queue by Elisabeth Jaquette in 2016) addresses the aftermath of the 2011 Egypt uprising. In addition to the social critique that shapes the dystopian allegories of the novels, Kayışcı Akkoyun examines the discursive conflicts and gaps through which Kafka, Karasu, and Aziz expose the constructed nature of oppressive structures and the arbitrariness of authority. She argues that the disjointed dystopian narratives of Kafka, Karasu, and Aziz not only portray the horrors witnessed at a particular place and time but also share a common utopian vision that extends to the future through the authors' imaginative struggle against totalizing forces of uneven modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Superdeterminism—where the Measurement Independence assumption in Bell's Theorem is violated—is frequently assumed to imply implausibly conspiratorial correlations between properties λ of particles being measured and measurement settings x and y. But it does not have to be so: a superdeterministic but non-conspiratorial locally causal model is developed where each pair of entangled particles has unique λ. The model is based on a specific but arbitrarily fine discretisation of complex Hilbert space, where λ defines the information, over and above the freely chosen nominal settings x and y, which fixes the exact measurement settings X and Y of a run of a Bell experiment. Pearlean interventions, needed to assess whether x and y are Bell-type free variables, are shown to be inconsistent with rational-number constraints on the discretised Hilbert states. These constraints limit the post-hoc freedom to vary x keeping λ and y fixed but disappear with any coarse-graining of λ , X, and Y, rendering so-called drug-trial conspiracies irrelevant. Points in the discretised space can be realised as ensembles of symbolically labelled deterministic trajectories on an 'all-at-once' fractal attractor. It is shown how quantum mechanics might be 'gloriously explained and derived' as the singular continuum limit of the discretisation of Hilbert space. It is argued that the real message behind Bell's Theorem has less to do with locality, realism, or freedom to choose, and more to do with the need to develop more explicitly holistic theories when attempting to synthesise quantum and gravitational physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the turn of the twentieth century, Jews were mostly blamed for small-scale and local conspiracies, but during and after the First World War global antisemitic theories started to emerge. In 1917, even before the Communist revolution, rumours spread around Russia that there was a close connection between the Bolshevist movement and Jews. Fear of Communism was prevalent in Finnish society, especially after the Civil War in the spring of 1918. This article focuses on one of the main manifestations of this fear, the development and spread of the Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy theory in the Finnish press after the Russian Revolution. The main sources for this article are Finnish newspapers and magazines published between 1917 and 1920. The goal is to describe how and whence the idea of a Jewish-Bolshevist conspiracy spread to Finland, and how new antisemitic ideas were connected to the millennia-old hatred of Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-government extremism in Germany may represent examples of the significant shift and growth of anti-government movements and anti-system activism in the past few years. Conspiracies and insurrections to overthrow a democratically elected government are certainly not new phenomena, but they are uncommon in consolidated Western democracies. The paper tries to convey the manifestations of delegitimization movements of sovereign citizens with an emphasis on the potential of political violence in the context of correlations of conspiracy theories and disinformation and radicalization group mobilization.Selected sovereign citizen movements are introduced based on their motivations, goals, and strategies of resistance to existing government structures.. The evaluation is done with the help of an analytical model of three dimensions of assessing the level of anti-government extremism of sovereign movements: 1. delegitimization of the democratic order, 2. offensive social action, 3. democratic norms within the sovereign movement. Expressions of coercion against public authorities, state institutions and courts in the Czech Republic copy the expressions of foreign sovereign citizen movements, including the terminology and form used. With the development of the anti-systemic scene in recent years, frustrations that have been embedded in society for a long time crystallized, among other things. Among them for example deep-rooted hostility is towards the division of Czechoslovakia among a certain part of the population. It appears a lot in the 40/50+ generation, which, by the way, is becoming the main driver of the antisystemic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to present and interpret chapter III, 6 of Niccolò Machiavelli's Discourses, which refers to conspiracies. This chapter is the longest section of the Discourses, which raises questions about the author's true intention. What is it that Machiavelli ultimately wants to achieve with this chapter? It is very difficult to discern whether his analysis advises the state's opponents on how to conspire against it, or whether it provides the state with a manual for preventing a potential conspiratorial movement. The conclusion of this research is that Machiavelli's advice on conspiracies is part of the Machiavellian methodology of sovereignty, which is fundamentally different from political philosophy in its classical form. Machiavelli's political methodology aims at subjective or historicist sovereignty in every way, while political philosophy aims at the improvement of its research object, that is, man and the city. However, Machiavellian political proposals such as the mixed constitution or the harmonious order of the state's institutions must also have the proper interpretative depth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last twenty years have seen a rapid development of religion and conspiracy theories amid the expansion of digital technologies. This study seeks to address the gap in the literature on conspiracies and digital religion by focusing on the perception of Orthobloggers as a new type of religious actor emerging online, towards Faith and conspiracy theories in the Romanian Ortho-sphere. The study uses Romania as a case due to its Orthodox majority, good internet infrastructure, constant flow of conspiracies online and its unique geopolitical features. The findings point tendency among Ortho-bloggers towards thinking and sharing conspiracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the extreme right in Germany has expanded, the phenomenon gaining momentum. The far-right groups and organisations in Germany were, are and will be dominated by an ideology that amalgamates religious or non-religious ideas but that defends German culture and spirituality according to its visions and objectives. Adherents of far-right ideology combine these ideas with conspiracy theories, and on such a background, some of them change their attitude towards society and become violent. For example, right-wing extremists attacked the Parliament, the symbol of democracy, for the first time in Germany, namely on 29 August 2020, and later on 6 January 2021, protesters, including right-wing extremists, attacked the Congress of the United States of America. One of the organisations, such as the Reichsbürger Movement, which means Citizens of the Reich, who reject the current borders of Germany and want the return to those established in 1871, set up cells and planned activities recently catalogued as terrorists by German prosecutors, in December 2022 and May 2023. For the Citizens of the Reich, there is no Federal Republic of Germany because this country is part of a conspiracy and part of a satanic state system, and they recognise only Imperial Germany. According to the religious beliefs of some of them, the imperial constitution was received from God and must be respected, and they are in an apocalyptic battle between good and evil. The model invoked by some of them is that of Jesus Christ who changed society, erroneously invoking biblical precepts to bolster their claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses a selection of 43 memes featuring the 'QAnon shaman', the alter-ego of actor Jake Angeli and a high-profile participant in the January 2021 'Stop the Steal' rally in Washington D.C. Through a combination of Critical Discourse Analysis and Integrative Framing Analysis, the article asks: 'How do the QAnon shaman memes represent Angeli as a body of evidence about conspiracy movements such as QAnon, and what might be the ramifications of such representations for public understandings of those movements and their supporters?' The meme discourses under investigation represent Angeli as bizarre and laughable because of his bodily adornment and failure to overthrow the election results – the latter framed as a failure of masculinity. The article contends that these memes can help reinforce patriarchal white masculinity and distort understandings of why conspiracies attract followers. Relatedly, the piece seeks to identify how conspiracy actors are (further) marginalized and 'othered' in media discourses, why this othering is problematic, and how this othering might be mitigated in future media representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of Elizabeth Winkler's book, "Shakespeare Was a Woman and Other Heresies," which explores the controversy surrounding the authorship of Shakespeare's works. Winkler examines arguments and evidence from skeptics and orthodox experts, ultimately finding merit in the theory that Edward de Vere, the 17th Earl of Oxford, may have been the true author. The article also highlights Winkler's research on Mary Sidney Herbert, Countess of Pembroke, as a potential candidate for Shakespeare's authorship. Interviews with Shakespeare scholars reveal a lack of interest or knowledge in the authorship question, emphasizing the need for a broader consideration of alternative theories. [Extracted from the article]

This article studies resemblances between academic postmodernism and today's popular contestations of the authority of science by means of a qualitative content analysis of 657 critical online comments on a Belgian newspaper article about the COVID-19 crisis that features a prominent Belgian virologist. The comments portray scientists as (1) prophets who pretend their knowledge to be superior to competing understandings of the world; (2) puppets who figure in hidden schemes that cannot stand the light of day; and (3) pinheads who lack the intellectual competence to give solid scientifically informed advice. While the first two critiques do at first sight resemble academic postmodernism, they are in fact informed by the markedly modern understanding that objective and neutral scientific knowledge is as feasible as it is desirable. What we find, then, are not contestations of the authority of science per se, but indeed of practices deemed deviant aberrations of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delineates a particular orientation to combining professional legal training and anthropological scholarship that I call ethnographic lawyering. Ethnographic lawyering takes legal form as an object of anthropological analysis, loosely inspired by the Marxist jurist Evgeny Pashukanis's theorization of law as a social relation. If ethnographic method in anthropology entails theorizing from the concepts and experiences of interlocutors, then ethnographic lawyering analytically centers the subjectivities, logics, and relationalities that legal form both presupposes and animates. Ethnographic lawyering brings to light the contingent lives of legal form. To demonstrate this method, the article uses the example of conspiracy in early US court cases involving Al Qaeda, informed by the author's experiences as an attorney and anthropologist in litigation arising from the war on terror. An ethnographic lawyering approach illuminates how conspiracy's distinct forms in criminal law, the law of evidence, and tort law each bring far‐flung subjects, events, and actions together into reified entities even as they atomize and recombine social relations. This dynamic tension resembles the vertiginous nature of conspiracy theorizing in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]