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This article explores the official duties of the hazarapat (hazarapatiš) at the court of the Achaemenid kings and defines the relationship between the terms chiliarch (χιλíαρχος) and isangeleus (εἰσαγγελεύς), both used for this Persian title, in the evolution of the ancient written tradition. Ancient Greek authors, up to Ctesias of Cnidus, discussed the chiliarch only in the military context. In later periods, it was increasingly perceived as both the Persian king’s bodyguard and the isangeleus at court ceremonies, thus implying broad political powers. In reality, the chiliarch never combined these two duties. He remained the commander of his military unit, which consisted of a thousand of men, and apparently checked the reliability of royal visitors before audiences. The isangeleus, another royal courtier, was responsible for informing the king about the intentions of visitors, as well as for guiding their adherence to Persian etiquette and customs.

This article serves as a continuation of our exploration into "Achaemenid Phoenicia," following our previous work on "Persian influence on Phoenician architecture. In this research, we delve into additional available evidence concerning Achaemenid Phoenicia, along with pertinent historical sources. Our primary objective is to provide a more holistic view of Persian influence on Phoenicia. The next step is to offer possible corrections or complements to the results of previous paper, which focused on the presence and dominance of the Achaemenids in the region, the non-uniformity of Persian elements in the architecture of Phoenician city-states, and the absence of a connection between the importance of a city-state and the extent of Persian influence on it. By studying additional evidence, we surmise that Persian influences were popular among the upper class and, to some extent, the middle class of society. When it comes to royal art, the evidence from Sidon indicates a notable influence, whereas that from Tyre suggests a certain conservatism, despite the significance of the city-state. However, other movable findings discovered in the territory of Tyre reveal Persian influence, indicating the lack of conservatism among the elites of Tyre in contrast to their local royal court. Regarding the entry of Persian elements into Phoenicia, the available evidence suggests that the presence of Persian officials in Phoenicia, as well as Phoenicians who visited centers such as Susa and Persepolis, could have been two major factors in this cultural penetration. Overall, our findings support and enhance those of our previous study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The administrative/economic organization of Persepolis is an example of a large and complex economic organization of the ancient world that has different sections and parts (including production, industrial, civil, service, agriculture, etc.). In terms of geographical area, this organization also covered the vast land of Persia and parts of Khuzestan. Its center and management center were in Persepolis/Kur River and specifically in Parsa. The organization's driving force can be attributed to its vast manpower, consisting of skilled craftsmen, specialized workers, secretaries, and scribes, among others, who were employed in various departments. Another notable aspect of Persepolis' economy, as documented in written sources, is the extensive volume of goods and exchange. A significant and somewhat ambiguous aspect of the royal economy in Persepolis is the role and function of money, both in the form of coins and uncoined currency. This article aims to assess and analyze this issue by utilizing archaeological findings, including the tablets found in Persepolis. The research approach employed is historical, with data gathered from library sources. As indicated by the Persepolis Fortifications and Treasury Tablets, surplus goods were exchanged at the conclusion of each year in storage facilities, with wages for laborers being paid either partially or fully in cash. The records suggest that the purpose of these cash transactions was to utilize a form of uncoined silver currency in varying weights and quantities. This monetary practice appears to have originated prior to the rule of Darius I and expanded during his reign, particularly during the era of the Treasury Tablets (492-458 BC). The recipients of cash payments primarily consisted of artisans, laborers, warehouse workers, and farmers. In addition to uncoined money, while there is evidence of coinage in Persepolis, it does not appear to have had a significant economic impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presence of the Achaemenid Persians and the archaeological materials that they left in their territories have always been regarded as important topics. Phoenicia was one of their prized dominions. Considering the historical importance of the pioneering universal empire of the Achaemenids as well as the significance of the Phoenician civilization, the study of their interactions would be invaluable. After a historicalgeographical introduction and an overview of the role and status of Phoenicia in the history of the Achaemenid Empire, the present research has focused on Phoenician architecture. The questions addressed in this study are: To what extent can Persian influence be observed in the architectural findings recovered from Achaemenid Phoenicia? To what extent did each Phoenician city-state adopt Achaemenid architectural elements? The study of available sources and reports indicated that the Persian influence on Phoenician architecture, despite its insignificance, demonstrates the presence and dominance of the Achaemenid style. Furthermore, the extent of Persian influence on different city-states was not equal, and did not depend on the prominence of a city-state. It even seems that there was no special requirement for the application of Achaemenid elements. It should be noted that architectural findings only constitute a part of the available material. Obviously, in order to achieve a more comprehensive result regarding the research topic, other data from Achaemenid Phoenicia should also be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the economic system of the Achaemenid Empire in southern Phoenicia through the study of transport wine amphorae, as well as other ceramic vessels, to show that local trade was primarily conducted in an open, free economic system, with minimum intervention of the empire. Furthermore, structures previously unearthed along the coast and defined as fortresses used to monitor trade, are reconsidered in light of their plan, function and date. It was found that the Persian regime focused on taxation and periodic inspection, attesting that the imported Greek wine transported in amphorae flowed freely into the beakers and goblets of the population of southern Phoenicia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I rapporti tra il regno di Macedonia e l'impero achemenide rappresentano un tema molto dibattuto negli studi storici. Normalmente si è propensi a ritenere che il primo sia stato influenzato dal secondo sotto vari aspetti (sociale, militare, ideologico). Se questi rapporti ebbero certamente una grande spinta dopo la spedizione asiatica di Alessandro Magno, ben più difficile è capire la portata del modello achemenide sulla Macedonia prima di allora. Il presente contributo vuole analizzare questo tema dal punto di vista delle strutture militari, segnatamente dei reparti d'élites: partendo dal fondamentale contributo di Dietmar Kienast, si passeranno al vaglio le fonti antiche sugli eserciti persiano e macedone prima di Alessandro Magno per valutare la loro eventuale compatibilità in termini sociali, ossia la corrispondenza di reparti militari d'élite a gruppi sociali definibili come ‹aristocratici›. Se quest'ultimo scenario si rivela effettivamente applicabile al mondo persiano, il contesto macedone tra VI e IV sec. a.C. appare meno articolato e, soprattutto, mancante di strutture aristocratiche istituzionalizzate anche a livello militare. Si tenterà infine di mostrare come molte delle somiglianze tra esercito macedone e persiano siano realmente suggerite dalle fonti antiche post-alessandrine, le quali tuttavia proiettano sulla Macedonia tardo-arcaica e classica alcune delle caratteristiche proprie dell'impero che sarà conquistato da Alessandro Magno. Summary: The relations between the Kingdom of Macedon and the Achaemenid Empire represent a much-debated topic in Ancient World Studies. It is normally assumed that the former was influenced by the latter in several aspects (socially, military, and ideologically). If it is sure that these relations strongly increased after Alexander the Great's campaign in Asia, it is far more difficult to evaluate the relevance of the Achaemenid influence over Macedonia before that time. This article aims to analyse this same topic from the perspective of military institutions, namely the elite military divisions: starting from the fundamental reflections of Dietmar Kienast, ancient sources about the Macedonian and the Persian armies will be discussed to assess if they were socially compatible or not – i.e. if elite military divisions corresponded to social groups that can be defined as ‹aristocratic›. This scenario appears to be truthful for the Persian world, whereas the Macedonian context between the 6th and the 4th century B.C. seems to be far less articulate and, most of all, lacking an institutionalization of aristocratic structures in the army. Finally, this article will attempt to show how many of the similarities between the Macedonian and the Persian armies are already suggested by the Alexandrian sources, which nevertheless tend to apply some features of the Achaemenid Empire to the Late Archaic and Classical Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to compare some images of beardless attendants in monumental reliefs from the Achaemenid (c. 550-330 BCE) and Neo-Assyrian (c. 911-612 BCE) empires, which we consider relevant sources for the study of court eunuchs and cultural conceptions about castrati. We argue that such comparisons are possible since eunuchism was a long-standing institution in the Ancient Near East, as shown by several analogies with the Assyrian evidence. We also argue that scholars have downplayed the importance of court eunuchs due to gender/sex assumptions based on Western and modern perspectives that consider eunuchism incompatible with high-ranking social standing. With these theoretical considerations in mind, we finally sketch some possible analytical proposals to explore the images of beardless attendants in Persia and Assyria.

The paper aims to analyze the circumstances of cultural transfer between the Southern Levant and Greece in the Achaemenid period in order to assess the plausibility of Greek influences on the Hebrew Bible. First, the article addresses the theoretical question of possible "contact zones" between Greek and Levantine cultures. Second, it presents evidence of Greek presence in the Ancient Near East in that epoch. Third, it tries to estimate the possible extent of Greek influence in the Southern Levant. The next question to discuss is the presence of Levantines in Mainland Greece and the meaning of this phenomenon for understanding the situation in Yehud. Finally, the paper deals with the question of the mobility of the inhabitants of Yehud. In conclusion, the authors wonder whether the collected data allow for the creation of a coherent model of intercultural exchange between Greece and Yehud, as postulated by some scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Review article of Elephantine Revisited: New Insights into the Judean Community and Its Neighbors and Elephantine in Context: Studies on the History, Religion and Literature of the Judeans in Persian Period Egypt. The article reviews two recently published volumes on Elephantine in the Persian period. It presents their content, describes advances in studies and suggests how we can go further in research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article aims at providing a brief overview of the historiographic writings on Achaemenid taxation, showing how the thesis of overtaxation influenced our understanding of Neh. 5 and Persian Yehud in the 5th century BCE. It describes how it was once widely accepted that overtaxation led to social and economic instability in many peripheral areas of the Achaemenid Empire, including Yehud. According to traditional scholarship, the narrative of Neh. 5 described how the local governor acted to mitigate this crisis by granting temporary tax and debt relief to small farmers. The author then moves to discuss how recent scholars questioned that long-established view, highlighting the biblical source’s rhetorical nature and the logical inconsistencies of the economic explanations used to describe this putative crisis. Finally, this article faces the question of a supposed economic calamity arising in Yehud under Persian hegemony and provides some clues to reevaluate the biblical narrative, particularly in light of recent studies concerning the Persian Empire’s economy and taxation. It supports to some extent the reading of Neh. 5 in an Achaemenid historical context.

• Multianalytical approach is used to study of fourteen Achaemenian copper-based artefacts from the Persepolis World Heritage Site (550–330 BCE). • The chemical analysis shows application of Cu-Sn, Cu-Sn-Pb and Cu-Zn to produce metal artefacts. • Achaemenian copper-based artefacts are manufactured with a range of shaping methods from casting to working-annealing. Achaemenid metalworking is an interesting example of art and craftsmanship in the ancient Near East. Although relevant studies have been made during the last few decades, these have not included copper-base metallurgical technology. In this paper fourteen copper-base artefacts from early excavations of the Persepolis World Heritage Site have been investigated in detail. These artefacts include ten arrowheads, two broken pins, thin metal strips (or parts of a bracelet) and part of a rod. Samples were analysed using inductively coupled plasma-optical emission spectroscopy; scanning electron microscopy + energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy; and metallography. The results showed that most of the artefacts were made of tin bronze and leaded tin bronze. However, the bracelet was brass. The arrowheads were made by casting, and some were then annealed. The pins, bracelet and rod were secondary products obtained by cycles of cold-working and annealing. Of particular interest are the use of leaded tin bronze to cast the arrowheads and a brass to make the thin bracelet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enki/Ea, the God of wisdom and deep had a prominent role in incantations and healing rituals. He was the creature of apkallus (the seven sages). These seven sages were distributing the wisdom and power of Enki/Ea among people. Oannes (Adapa) was one of the apkallus who was a hybrid of gish-man with the Enki/Ea ‘s power in healing and wisdom. Hence, the Mesopotamian priests who imitated Oannes and resorted to him, dressed in the bodies of fish hanging from their back, complete with caudal and dorsal fines, presented over the patients’ beds for healing rituals. Sometimes, induction of emesis, enema, and fumigation were also used by them. The presence of the fish-man hybrid of Oannes (Adapa), as one of the seven sages in the carving of Kourosh’s palace in Pasargad indicates a powerful influence of the Mesopotamian medicine on Achaemenid Empire.

The present contribution aims to sketch a sociology of power of the relations between the Achaemenid administration in Bactria and the representatives of the territorial communities Cat different levels of the social ladder). To this end. a crucial document from the recently edited corpus of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Bactria - ADAB Al - will be investigated. This shall be done in the light of both comparative evidence from another corpus of Central Asian origin (the Bactrian Documents from Northern Afghanistaii) and more recent theoretical reflection on the st/·tiEra/-al limits of imperial power in the ancient world in the face of both environmental Lind socio-political factors. It shall be shown how the presence of the Achaemenid imperial structure in Central Asia encouraged - to the point of endangering its very own stability - the exacerbation of social tensions inherent in local power dynamics, which at the same time proved instrumental in imposing the imperial governing apparatus successfully. The consequences of this phenomenon, crucial as it was to the pei-petuation and expansion of the Empire in a territory such as ancient Afganistan, would become evident at the time of Alexander's invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The proposed study aims to investigate the character of settlement transformation in ancient Bactria (upper Amu Darya basin) during the period following the conquest of Alexander the Great. This transformation is addressed by the comparison of settlement development in the two regions of Bactria, its north -western part in present -day Uzbekistan and the so -called Eastern Bactria in present -day Afghanistan, based on archaeological evidence. Attention is devoted mainly to the quantitative analysis of settlement sites attributed by previous researchers to the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods on the one hand, and the evaluation of settlement hierarchy and spatial distribution changes on the other. The conducted analysis illustrates a massive settlement abandonment posterior to the fall of the Persian Empire. However, the results of the study suggest that the Hellenistic eastern Bactria, commonly associated with a high level of involvement of the new elites coming from outside, also exhibited many traits of structural continuity with the preceding period represented by a general settlement dispersal and reutilization of both, previous fortified centres and irrigation networks. On the other hand, interest in fortification and the settling of new areas at higher altitudes are clearly characteristic of the Hellenistic Bactria as a whole.

Introduction Establishing security is one of the most important issues in any society, so that if a government fails to establish the security of its citizens, all activities will be disrupted and life will be impossible. After establishing the Achaemenid Empire in 559 BC, Cyrus the Great used his military genius to form the world's first great empire and conquer large parts of Asia. His successor, Cambyses, followed his father's footsteps and succeeded in adding Egypt and Libya to the Achaemenid Empire. Cyrus and Cambyses spent most of their time in war and had little opportunity to carry out internal reforms. Darius the Great (522-486 BC) was the first emperor to carry out extensive administrative, political, economic and security reforms in ancient times in a way that his actions lasted until the end of the Achaemenid dynasty. Later, the governments that came to power in Iran adopted his actions, and even today in many parts of the world, Darius's reforms in the field of security can be observed. Methodology The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library based with the use of valid sources and references. The necessity of the present research is that security is very necessary for every society and country and is like oxygen for human breathing. Studying the history and actions taken by civilized societies of the past regarding the creation of security, helps us to have more and better security in today's world. The importance of the present study is that the analytical method investigates the reason for the security reforms and innovations in the time of Darius the Great and the impact of these reforms on the Achaemenid era. Discussion After Cyrus took control of Persia, he tried to conquer various lands in Asia. For this reason, during his reign of about 29 years (559-530 BC), he was able to conquer most of Asia. After the death of Cambyses and the revolt of Gaumatus the Magi, the entire Achaemenid realm was in turmoil until finally Darius in 522 BC took power. At this time to create more security in the vast Achaemenid territory, reforms such as: the division of the empire into twenty states of satrapies, the creation of an advanced information system called the ears and eyes of the king and the creation of the Great Royal Road by Darius the Great. Darius, after suppressing the early revolts of his rule, came to the conclusion that the empire created by Cyrus the Great was not well-structured needing fundamental changes and innovations in various fields. These reforms created security in the realm. Achaemenid and prolonged dynasty. Conclusion Domination over the vast territory of the Achaemenid Empire, which included the continents of Asia, Africa and Europe, in addition to military and combat capabilities, required an advanced and new security system. After Darius the Great ascended to the throne in 522 BC, revolts spread throughout the whole country. After succeeding in the suppression the revolts, he decided that reforms were needed to save the empire from possible future revolts. At this time, in order to control the vast territory more and better, the Achaemenid land was divided into several states or sub-Saharan lands. At the head of each satrapy or province was a mayor or governor. khshathrapāvan (the governor) was obliged to carry out all the affairs of the province under his command, but his main duty, in addition to the accomplishment of affairs of the province under his control, was to obey the great king. In order that the governors do not revolt, Darius appointed a man as his secretary, who was obliged to report everything to the center. In addition, the military garrison of each province was not under the control of Khashtreh Pawon, but directly under the Shah’s. At this time, especially after the reforms made by Darius the Great, a very advanced information system was created. People named "The King's Eyes and Ears" were chosen from the relatives and trusted individuals of the Shah, whose task was to roam throughout the vast Achaemenid realm and report the slightest matter to the Shah. For better managing his vast territory and establishing the security of the people, Darius built roads known as the "Royal Road". After Darius the Great ascended to the throne in 522 BC, large revolts broke out in It took place throughout the Achaemenid Empire that Darius, with the help of his loyal allies, was able to suppress the revolts. After the revolts subsided, Darius came to the conclusion that the empire did not have a strong administrative and security structure. Moreover, Cyrus and Cambyses spent less time in conquests and battlefields and had little opportunity to reform the administrative, economic, political and security fields. Therefore, Darius tried to make new reforms and strengthen the imperial structure. In fact, Darius does not abandon Cyrus policy, as scholars believe, but strengthens the same policy. Therefore, the reason for the early revolts of Darius's rule and his new reforms was not the weakness of Cyrus' liberal policy, but the liberal policy of Cyrus the Great was the strength of his rule, so that Darius the Great and his successors tried to continue this policy until the end of the Achaemenid period. The advanced administrative and security system created by Darius led to the establishment of lasting security in the Achaemenid Empire, so that according to ancient texts, the world entered a phase of peace and tranquility. In addition, the new system made the imperial structure strong and stable and as a consequence, the Achaemenid dynasty lasted about 150 years after Darius. The reforms continued by Darius' successors and its traces are visible even up to this day. The roots of today's world security system could be traced back to the time of Darius the Achaemenid.

The Achaemenid Empire was one of the largest empires in ancient history, stretching from the east side of the Indus River and from the west and southwest to the Mediterranean Sea and the Nile River in northern Africa, from the north to the Aral Sea and from the south. It stretched to the southern shores of the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf. This vastness of land and the diversity of culture and population necessitated a regular and secure communication network. The Achaemenid kings took many measures to develop communication routes. The best evidence for this is the archaeological evidence left by them along these routes. The existence of evidence such as the remains of roads, ravines, bridges, dams, castles, printing presses, fire temples, etc., is evidence of the existence of busy roads in this era. In this research, we have tried to study the important position of communication network and its role in the development of trade and commerce in the Achaemenid period with the help of texts, maps and images, as well as descriptive-analytical method. In the end, we have come to the conclusion that the communication routes of the Achaemenid Empire, especially the royal road as the vital arteries of this land, have connected all the capitals and important centers of the empire, and the political, economic and military life of these centers depends on security. These have been the ways.

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In less than twelve years (334–323 BC) Alexander the Great built a vast empire stretching from Macedon in the West to Ancient India in the East. Alexander united the then known world and its different populations under a single political institution, but he did not create deep intercultural connections among the Macedonians, the Greeks, the Egyptians, and the many populations of the Achaemenid Empire, nor did he establish a long-lasting universal administrative system for all provinces. Scholarship has often excused Alexander’s lack of interest in renovating the political fabric of the Persian Empire as the inevitable consequence of the shortness of his rule; it has interpreted his actions as those of a brutish conqueror when he rejected or took down Achaemenid institutions, or as those of the ‘last of the Achaemenids’ – after Pierre Briant’s expression – when he adopted Oriental etiquette. The aim of this paper is to assess the nature of Alexander’s statesmanship, specifically with regard to his impact on the local populations of the Iranian Plateau and Central Asia. Undeniably, Alexander was more a conqueror and a general rather than a political leader; however, his politico-administrative choices, which combined conservation and transformation, show acute political awareness and a strong instinct for adaptation in line with the different ethnic and cultural backgrounds of the empire. This is especially noteworthy if we consider his fourth-century BC context. In fact, from the ancient Greek sources it appears that Alexander fostered some intercultural exchanges, but also wanted to keep ethnic identities and their role in the empire distinct. The paper also seeks to challenge ancient and modern scholarship’s ‘Hellenocentric’ view and to investigate how local societies in Iranian Plateau and Central Asia actually responded to Alexander’s leadership.

Persia was the early name for the territory that is currently recognized as Iran. Iran's proud history starts with the Achaemenid Empire, which began in the 6th century BCE (c. 550). The Iranians provided numerous innovative ideas in breakthroughs and technologies that are often taken for granted today or whose origins are mostly unknown from the Achaemenid Empire's early days. To recognize the history of computing systems in Iran, we must pay attention to everything that can perform computing. Because of Iran's historical position in the ancient ages, studying the history of computing in this country is an exciting subject. The history of computing in Iran started very far from the digital systems of the 20th millennium. The Achaemenid Empire can be mentioned as the first recorded sign of using computing systems in Persia. The history of computing in Iran started with the invention of mathematical theories and methods for performing simple calculations. This paper also attempts to shed light on Persia's computing heritage elements, dating back to 550 BC. We look at both the ancient and current periods of computing. In the ancient section, we will go through the history of computing in the Achaemenid Empire, followed by a description of the tools used for calculations. Additionally, the transition to the Internet era, the formation of a computer-related educational system, the evolution of data networks, the growth of the software and hardware industry, cloud computing, and the Internet of Things (IoT) are all discussed in the modern section. We highlighted the findings in each period that involve vital sparks of computing evolution, such as the gradual growth of computing in Persia from its early stages to the present. The findings indicate that the development of computing and related technologies has been rapidly accelerating recently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The palace ceremonial "proskynesis" (gr. – προσκύνησις) – which consisted of a kiss and a bow – was considered and interpreted. A comparison of ancient Eastern traditions at the royal court of Assyrian and Achaemenid rulers is highlighted. The author tries to reconstruct the essence and meaning of proskynesis in the lives of kings and ordinary people. The work uses ancient greek written sources and the eastern source heritage, which is represented by reliefs and obelisks from Assyria and the Achaemenid Empire. The pertinence of the topic is an attempt to interpret part of the palace ceremony – proskynesis, and to highlight the royal cult of the ancient Eastern traditions at the court of Achaemenid empire. The purpose of the project is to determine some points in the ceremonial proskynesis, as a reflection of the sacred status of the ruler or as an element of court etiquette. The tradition of the sacralization of royal power was inherent in virtually all the ancient eastern people, but the concrete forms of this sacralization in different states could differ significantly from one another and not always included the "adorable" of the monarch. This ritual from the Persians borrowed from different countries was meant to mean the king's majesty. With his adoration, the ritual had nothing in common. Kings were considered to be the favorites of the gods, their pious choirs and priests. The range of postures to which proskynesis was applied is diverse, and therefore we have to make out the idea which gesture proskynesis can be consist off and we have to interpret this in several different ways, depending on its context, with possibilities ranging between "sending a kiss forward", kneeling down, prostrating oneself, or just a bow. And at all we need to determine is the proskynesis equal to prostration?

Khorasan’s Iron Age differs significantly from the Iron Age elements found in western Iran. In terms of cultural aspects and life structures, this encompasses two distinct cultures known as Yaz and Dahistan in classic classifications. Such definitions, which Russian archaeologists introduced to archaeological literature, have been heavily criticized. This is because the 8th and 7th centuries BCE, 550-300 BCE, and 330-217 BCE, which corresponded with the Medes, Achaemenid, and Seleucid Empires, were overlooked. Accordingly, the primary goal of the research was to investigate the political positions of the aforementioned empires in the region during the Iron Age. However, data collected about the Achaemenid and Hellenistic eras, as well as documented sources, have frequently mentioned the Satraps of these two empires in northeast Iran. The majority of cultural material on this region has been introduced based on the first millennium BCE, but this study took a political sociology approach to present new suggestions in the chronology of Khorasan’s Iron Age. Having said that, social developments in Khorasan from the Late Bronze Age to the establishment of ruling dynasties have been overlooked. According to chronology, the pre-Median, Median, post-Median, Achaemenid, and Seleucid eras all fall within the Iron Age period, and it is suggested that they be included in the region’s political history

This paper argues for a historically grounded view of slavery in Achaemenid-period Babylonia by examining the life of one particular individual, Rībat son of Bēl-erība, an ardu of the Murašû family (whose archive spans c. 454–404 BCE). In contrast to other studies which focus on the terminology or legal aspects of slavery, we examine the lived experience of Rībat. We do this in two ways. First, we study all of Rībat's attested business ventures and demonstrate that, although Rībat occasionally acted under the direct orders of his masters, he more often pursued activities ancillary to those of the core Murašû business. Secondly, we use social network analysis of over 700 Murašû texts to demonstrate that, although Rībat was crucial in linking distinct individuals to the Murašû business, he lay outside his masters' group of core associates. We then compare Rībat's social position to that of other known Murašû subordinates to argue that Rībat's experience was representative of that of other Murašû subordinates. We conclude by arguing for more social-historical studies of Babylonian servitude in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enki/Ea, the God of wisdom and deep had a prominent role in incantations and healing rituals. He was the creature of apkallus (the seven sages). These seven sages were distributing the wisdom and power of Enki/Ea among people. Oannes (Adapa) was one of the apkallus who was a hybrid of gish-man with the Enki/Ea ‘s power in healing and wisdom. Hence, the Mesopotamian priests who imitated Oannes and resorted to him, dressed in the bodies of fish hanging from their back, complete with caudal and dorsal fines, presented over the patients’ beds for healing rituals. Sometimes, induction of emesis, enema, and fumigation were also used by them. The presence of the fish-man hybrid of Oannes (Adapa), as one of the seven sages in the carving of Kourosh’s palace in Pasargad indicates a powerful influence of the Mesopotamian medicine on Achaemenid Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to prove the presence of a deep (archaic) ideological foundation in the Roman-Persian political and legal complementarity of the times of late antiquity. Methods. The author uses the «panoramic approach», сomparative analysis of primary historical sources and the structural-functional method. Results. The author’s attention is devoted to the antique community in the legal content of imperial titles, the correlation of temporary and spatial understanding of the power of the Roman emperors and the power of the Persian Šâhanšâh’s. The main author’s thesis: 1) the provision on the Hellenization of Persia during the time of Khosrow Anushirvan; 2) the thesis on the principle of extraterritoriality of imperial power, formulated by the Romans in the era of dominatus and transfered from the Eastern Roman Empire into the Sassanian Eranshahr; 3) the author’s definition of the imperial form of government, based on the principle of «over-sovereignty» common to Iran and Byzantium. Discussion. Firstly, the spaces of Eranshahr and the Roman Empire were considered by ancient intellectuals as the «common heritage» of the Hellenistic Asian kingdom of Alexander the Great. Secondly, the roots and semantic content of the titles of the higher sovereigns of Persia and Rome (emperors) had common cultural and political origins and military-administrative premises. Thirdly, if at the initial stage of the interaction between the Persians and the Romans there was a strong influence of Persia on the everyday life of the population of the East Roman provinces, then in the 6th century the East Roman ethnocultural pattern «Christian Oecumene» became decisive in the Sassanian Mesopotamia.

Recently, a corpus of primary sources related to the Northeastern fringes of the Achaemenid Empire (courtly-style seals bearing narrative depictions of warfare between representatives of the King and Central Asians) has been used to support the hypothesis that, at least from Xerxes' reign, the people of the eastern satrapies provided a constant threat to the Empire in these crucial regions and, consequently, to its stability. Given its implications (e. g., in the light of evidence like the ADAB documents, from which a different picture emerges), such a statement deserves closer scrutiny. After having summarized the main arguments supporting it, the paper problematizes it, while arguing for a dialectical framework as the theoretical paradigm better suited to understand the relationships between Achaemenid power and the people(s) living at its Central Asian borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we will focus on the turbulent year 522 BC, when Darius the Great became the King of the Achaemenid Empire. His ascension to the throne was not a simple hereditary matter, as he had to depose the impostor King, false Bardiya, and face many rebellions across the Empire. Darius eventually prevailed, but he was not alone in the rebellion, as he received help from six other Persian noblemen. We will study three sources that describe these events: the Behistun inscription by Darius, Herodotus' Histories, and Ctesias' Persica. The core of the story does not change much, but each one of the sources brings new details to the narrative. Our main goal will be to compare the lists of the nobles who helped Darius and how their roles (or even the conspirators themselves) changed throughout the sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed study aims to investigate the character of settlement transformation in ancient Bactria (upper Amu Darya basin) during the period following the conquest of Alexander the Great. This transformation is addressed by the comparison of settlement development in the two regions of Bactria, its north-western part in present-day Uzbekistan and the so-called Eastern Bactria in present-day Afghanistan, based on archaeological evidence. Attention is devoted mainly to the quantitative analysis of settlement sites attributed by previous researchers to the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods on the one hand, and the evaluation of settlement hierarchy and spatial distribution changes on the other. The conducted analysis illustrates a massive settlement abandonment posterior to the fall of the Persian Empire. However, the results of the study suggest that the Hellenistic eastern Bactria, commonly associated with a high level of involvement of the new elites coming from outside, also exhibited many traits of structural continuity with the preceding period represented by a general settlement dispersal and reutilization of both, previous fortified centres and irrigation networks. On the other hand, interest in fortification and the settling of new areas at higher altitudes are clearly characteristic of the Hellenistic Bactria as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persia was the early name for the territory that is currently recognized as Iran. Iran’s proud history starts with the Achaemenid Empire, which began in the 6th century BCE (c. 550). The Iranians provided numerous innovative ideas in breakthroughs and technologies that are often taken for granted today or whose origins are mostly unknown from the Achaemenid Empire’s early days. To recognize the history of computing systems in Iran, we must pay attention to everything that can perform computing. Because of Iran’s historical position in the ancient ages, studying the history of computing in this country is an exciting subject. The history of computing in Iran started very far from the digital systems of the 20th millennium. The Achaemenid Empire can be mentioned as the first recorded sign of using computing systems in Persia. The history of computing in Iran started with the invention of mathematical theories and methods for performing simple calculations. This paper also attempts to shed light on Persia’s computing heritage elements, dating back to 550 BC. We look at both the ancient and current periods of computing. In the ancient section, we will go through the history of computing in the Achaemenid Empire, followed by a description of the tools used for calculations. Additionally, the transition to the Internet era, the formation of a computer-related educational system, the evolution of data networks, the growth of the software and hardware industry, cloud computing, and the Internet of Things (IoT) are all discussed in the modern section. We highlighted the findings in each period that involve vital sparks of computing evolution, such as the gradual growth of computing in Persia from its early stages to the present. The findings indicate that the development of computing and related technologies has been rapidly accelerating recently.

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• Multianalytical approach is used to study of Egyptian blue objects from Persepolis World Heritage Site (550-330 BCE). • The chemical composition and microstructure are totally similar to objects which analysed from earlier civilizations, especially from western Asia. • The Achaemenian Egyptian blue objects are different with other ancient objects in the used fluxes especially because of high K 2 O/Na 2 O proportion. • Copper ores or copper/tin bronze filings are potentially possible resources of copper for Egyptian blue production in Persian Empire. Among archaeological items on-display and stored at the site museum of the Persepolis World Heritage Site (WHS), some decorative objects made of a blue paste are of great interest. A multianalytical study was required to identify the technology of their production. Nine blue objects were analysed by different methods including inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (ICP-MS), X-ray diffraction (XRD), Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), and scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDS). It turns out that the objects are manufactured from the Egyptian blue. The comparative chemical studies added that the Persepolitan objects are partially different from those of other older civilizations of the west. This ancient artificial material has been in extensive use within ancient civilizations both as painting pigment and as paste to produce decorative objects. The very presence of the Egyptian blue objects in Persepolis heralds the influence of the Egyptian as well as the other Near Eastern civilizations on the art of the Persian Achaemenid Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In less than twelve years (334-323 BC) Alexander the Great built a vast empire stretching from Macedon in the West to Ancient India in the East. Alexander united the then known world and its different populations under a single political institution, but he did not create deep intercultural connections among the Macedonians, the Greeks, the Egyptians, and the many populations of the Achaemenid Empire, nor did he establish a long-lasting universal administrative system for all provinces. Scholarship has often excused Alexander's lack of interest in renovating the political fabric of the Persian Empire as the inevitable consequence of the shortness of his rule; it has interpreted his actions as those of a brutish conqueror when he rejected or took down Achaemenid institutions, or as those of the 'last of the Achaemenids' - after Pierre Briant's expression - when he adopted Oriental etiquette. The aim of this paper is to assess the nature of Alexander's statesmanship, specifically with regard to his impact on the local populations of the Iranian Plateau and Central Asia. Undeniably, Alexander was more a conqueror and a general rather than a political leader; however, his politico-administrative choices, which combined conservation and transformation, show acute political awareness and a strong instinct for adaptation in line with the different ethnic and cultural backgrounds of the empire. This is especially noteworthy if we consider his fourth-century BC context. In fact, from the ancient Greek sources it appears that Alexander fostered some intercultural exchanges, but also wanted to keep ethnic identities and their role in the empire distinct. The paper also seeks to challenge ancient and modern scholarship's 'Hellenocentric' view and to investigate how local societies in Iranian Plateau and Central Asia actually responded to Alexander's leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the Karakalpak-Australian Expedition (KAE) carried out archaeological fieldwork at the royal Chorasmian seat of Akchakhan-kala unearthing a large corpus of wall paintings. This imagery was made during Stage 3 of the life of the site's main complex, beginning between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD and ending in the early 2nd century AD. Among the formal elements employed in this imagery, an unanticipated use of Achaemenid iconographic models is apparent. Most of these archetypes have already been introduced in recently published articles. However, the question regarding their source and ways of transmission was left open to further inquiry. This paper aims to refine the argument and to give way to further analysis and discussion in attempting a clarification of what has already been sustained. Eastern Iranian Chorasmia once was under the Achaemenid sway, and its very foundation as a polity was quite probably due to an intervention of the Persians. But the Akchakhan-kala's paintings were produced much later than the time of the Achaemenid Empire's demise. What we may therefore be witnessing is the persistence of Achaemenid iconography as an artistic legacy, the origins of which would be reasonable to track in a centre of the "Upper Satrapies". Despite the scarcity of available evidence on the very existence of an Achaemenid aulic art and heritage in the East, it is here argued that it might be possible to consider the new Chorasmian evidence as its "echo", although the chronology of the original transmission into the polity of such a legacy is still elusive. This paper will also introduce a further, and previously neglected, element issuing from the Akchakhan-kala's mural art and belonging to the set of Achaemenid visual "echoes": the motif of the stylized lion's heads with curled mane. Of clear Achaemenid ascendency, this motif decorates the shoulder area of the kandys worn by one of the colossal Avestan deities from the site's columned throne hall. This painted fabric decoration confirms the substantiality of the basic interpretation of the "Achaemenid echoes" coming from Chorasmia, allowing at the same time to development of some further assumptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An investigation of the three Achaemenid throne parts housed in The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, reported to be from Samaria, found that they were made of bronze but with ceramic material that adhered to their interior. The purpose of the study was to determine their provenance, provenience and manufacturing techniques. As museum pieces, this had to be done in a minimally destructive manner. The methods employed were pXRF, SEM-EDS and petrography. All three items were cast from a leaded high-tin copper alloy, using the lost wax technique. However, the artefacts were cast in two workshops, neither of which was in the Samaria region. In conjunction with their Achaemenid characteristics, it is likely that the thrones were manufactured as part of the Achaemenid imperial policy, thus, granting royal credence to the individual occupying the throne, perhaps the governor of a province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unity of the final form of Ezra-Nehemiah has long been the consensus position among scholars in the field. This article challenges that consensus by comparing and contrasting the use of embedded written documents in Ezra 7 and Nehemiah 10 through the theoretical lens of colonial mimicry. I argue that the Artaxerxes rescript in Ezra 7 strategically mimics imperial discourse by assuming that propagandistic Persian rhetoric to Babylon and Egypt should also naturally apply to Yehud despite its peripheral status. By contrast, Nehemiah 10 invokes indigenous Judean writing to challenge the legitimacy of imperial domination. The sharply differing political programs articulated by these two texts, combined with literary and manuscript evidence from antiquity, suggests that the canonical book of Ezra-Nehemiah is an outlier among ancient Judean texts in juxtaposing the figures of Ezra and Nehemiah.
 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The territories of the former kingdom of Judah were only sparsely settled during the Persian period, as exemplified by the extreme rarity of domestic structures unearthed in excavations. Viewed against this background, the large number of excavated forts and isolated administrative buildings from this period is remarkable, and they apparently outnumber the period's excavated dwellings. Not only is this an extremely unlikely situation, but various lines of evidence, pertaining to specific sites as well as to the phenomenon as a whole, render the possibility that all these structures were forts or administrative buildings extremely implausible. Consequently, this article re-examines the phenomenon within the social landscape of the region in particular, and of the Achaemenid empire in general, in an attempt to embed those unique buildings within the broader demographic and political reality of this time. Given the location of many of the sites and the finds unearthed in them, and in light of the demographic reality in the region and of the broader Achaemenid imperial policy, the article suggests that most of the so-called forts were estates, created in the process of the resettlement of this previously devastated region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]