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Remittances are a crucial part of economic expansion, especially in Central Asia. Nevertheless, it is not possible to ignore its environmental damage. This paper is a pioneer in investigating the association among CO2 emissions, remittances, energy consumption and economic development in Central Asian countries (Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan) spanning the period of 1995–2022. As a methodology, the FMOLS estimator is applied to check linear impact and long-run association as well. Panel threshold regression model and 2SLS method are applied to examine potential non-linear relations among the studied variables. Hausman–Taylor and Amacurdy estimators are employed to control the endogeneity issue among the variables of interest. The results suggest the existence of a long-run relationship among the studied variables. Precisely, applying the FMOLS method, remittances negatively impact CO2 emissions in the long run. The relationship between CO2 emissions and remittances is distorted when the endogeneity issue is considered with the Panel threshold regression model, 2SLS method, and Hausman–Taylor and Amacurdy estimators. This distortion validates the linear impact of remittances on CO2 emissions in CA. The Dumitrescu–Hurlin causality test shows that all independent variables have a causal effect on the dependent variable, validating the effect of the studied variables. Consequently, decision-makers should facilitate remittances towards more environmentally friendly and sustainable solutions to prevent the detrimental effects of remittance inflows on carbon emissions in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative is a cross-regional cooperation framework linking China and the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe. The proposal of the "One Belt, One Road" construction conforms to the trend of the world and China's development, and expresses China's determination to deeply integrate into the world political and economic system. Central Asia is an important part of China's major neighboring diplomacy. The joint construction of the "Belt and Road" in Central Asia is an important decision for China to maximize the common interests with the Central Asian region on the basis of a profound grasp of the new international political and economic situation and new trends. The independence of Central Asian countries is relatively short. Under the influence of many international and domestic factors, the geopolitical risks and challenges in the region are relatively severe, which will bring difficulties and obstacles to the advancement of the "Belt and Road" initiative in Central Asia. Therefore, it is of great research value and theoretical significance to effectively predict and control the geopolitical risks of the Belt and Road construction in Central Asia. This paper analyzes the background and reasons of taking Central Asia as the research area, and comprehensively analyzes the geopolitical significance of Central Asia to the construction of the "Belt and Road", including from an objective point of view, the geopolitics of the "Belt and Road" in Central Asia benefits, and the consensus of Central Asian countries on the construction of the "Belt and Road" on the subjective level. This paper systematically analyzes the geopolitical risks and their factors in Central Asia under the construction of the "Belt and Road", mainly from four aspects: bilateral, major power game, multilateral relations, and regional security. influencing factors. It provides ideas for avoiding the geopolitical risks faced in the implementation of the "Belt and Road" construction in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of financial development in economic globalization using balanced panel data from 1984 to 2016. The empirical analysis considers Europe and Central Asia (ECA) and South Asia (SA) as the top and the bottom globalized emerging economies, respectively. Financial development promotes economic globalization in the top globalized developing regions in the long run. The growth in financial institutions also improves economic globalization in the ECA. The opposite finding is reported in the SA economies. The findings suggest that 'financial development-led economic globalization should not be overlooked by the policymakers of the top globalized developing regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses EU-Central Asia trade and EU economic assistance to Central Asia. Despite being Central Asia's largest trade partner, the EU's economic impact in Central Asia has been small. Some individual EU companies have had a high profile in individual countries or in energy projects, but overall EU companies have lagged the higher profile of Russian companies and the increasing Chinese economic presence. The EU became more active in designing a strategy towards Central Asia after 2007, but funding remained limited and the impact small. In the 2010s the European External Action Service negotiated an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Kazakhstan, suggesting that for the EU Kazakhstan has a special status within Central Asia and a one-size-fits-all strategy was inappropriate. The paper analyses the emergence of Eurasian rail services and their significance for EU-Central Asian economic relations. The paper concludes with a discussion of prospects for EU-Central Asian relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to empirically assess the impact of remittances on the economic performance of the 16 Asian developing countries, taking account of their institutional qualities. Design/methodology/approach: A panel of 16 Asian developing countries (Central Asia, South Asia, and ASEAN) over the period of 2002–2016 is employed in the analysis. To assess the impact of remittances on economic performance in consideration of institutional quality, OLS estimates as well as GMM are used. Findings: The effect of remittances on economic growth is statistically significant. In addition, they also impact economic growth when they interact with institutional or financial development variables. For the long-run growth process of Central Asian, South Asian, and ASEAN countries, a sound and smooth institutional framework appears to be indispensable. Also, it was found that more fragile economies tend to achieve bigger growth than less fragile economies, as this kind of growth is triggered by more remittances flowing into fragile economies. However, the impact of remittances on growth does not depend on the level of ICT. FDI and financial development have positive impact on growth. Research limitations/implications: There are limitations to this research as well. Due to the unavailability of data, several countries had to be removed from this study. The cost of sending money might be an important variable for this study. However, the data on this variable from reliable sources are almost impossible to gather. Therefore, this variable is also not included in this research. The savings from remittances when intermediated through formal financial channels will, in fact, produce a positive allocation and distribution of resources that may eventually become an important source of growth. However, one precondition for larger and greater growth is that remittances need to be well and properly utilized by the financial sector. Therefore, quality institutions should be formed first, which can facilitate investment activities and make the flow of remittances more convenient. Originality/value: This paper exclusively considers the case of Asian developing countries (Central Asia, South Asia, and ASEAN) to assess the impact of remittances on the economic performance of these countries, with special consideration of the interaction effects of remittances and institutional quality in these emerging Asian economies. The previous studies on the effect of remittances on growth do not conform to one concrete conclusion. This study is undertaken in a bid to get the best possible result on the impact of remittances on the growth of the selected countries, majority of which attract substantial chunk of remittances into their economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digitalization and new technologies are now firmly on the agendas of governments worldwide. New technological trends have not only become catalysts for economic development, but are also reshaping how the public sector works and implements its policies. Amid technological transformations, the countries of Central Asia are searching for new ways to adapt to these changes. This paper aims to assess these attempts by exploring the digitalization policies of the five Central Asian countries. By using qualitative methods and expert interviews, the article identifies key limitations and potential areas of development for the Central Asian states regarding digitalization and artificial intelligence. By providing valuable insights, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the digitalization challenges faced by developing countries. Through the analysis of local expert opinions, the article seeks to contribute valuable insights to the distinct approaches adopted by these countries, thus enriching the understanding of the region’s trajectory in the digital era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over time, China has emerged as one of the leading economic partners in Central Asia. After the disintegration of the USSR, China spread its influence and replenished the power vacuum left. The five Central Asian states embraced a partnership with the Belt and Road Initiative. Economic and connectivity opportunities were prioritized. However, these states faced socio-economic and political challenges during the pandemic due to weak internal structures. In the post-Covid era, China's presence in the region has once again spurred due to their dependence on Beijing. The paper will examine the Chinese footprint in Central Asia through border and trade relations, Xinjiang politics, and BRI policy. Second, implications of the economic, geopolitical, and social order after the pandemic. Third, how Central Asia is rebuilding itself from the domestic crisis, dependency theory will be used to investigate the multifaceted relations. The attempt is to answer if the Chinese presence brings sustainable development or increases dependence. The study shall conclude that Chinese presence requires a redefinition of the 'status quo, sovereignty, and development? beyond economic interaction and cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Central Asia, archaeology has become a renewed focus of attention in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The infrastructure projects associated with the BRI could have a marked impact on the preservation of archaeological heritage, local understanding and use of cultural heritage. With reference to a case study centred on Kazakhstan, the paper examines the complications posed by the BRI in achieving the balance between economic development and tangible heritage preservation. While analysing weaknesses of the current legal cultural framework, it suggests that the archaeological custodianship, both local and international, should be encouraged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been 30 years since Central Asian '‐stan' countries, namely, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, declared their independence in 1991. The Republics have chosen various transition paths from centrally planned to the market‐based economic system. The research found that Central Asian leaders' protectionist policy, on top of the landlocked geographical environment, made trade costly, rendering these countries further isolated. Consequently, economic development slows down, unemployment increases and poverty rate extremes. Eventually, the isolated region (relatively, excluding Kazakhstan) is imprisoned in a low‐income trap and framed into a vicious circle. As a solution for tackling high‐trade costs in the region, this paper utilises the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Computational General Equilibrium (CGE) modelling to simulate the impacts of implementing policy‐targeted scenarios. The study presents that tariff reduction/elimination and trade facilitation policies could flourish the region by bringing significant economic welfare and robust GDP growth. The trade facilitation scenarios impact the region's economy much more positively than do tariff liberalisation scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between governance and economic development. Specifically, it empirically investigates what "good enough" governance means in post-Soviet Eurasia with an emphasis on Central Asia. The subject is crucial for international donors in terms of optimizing interventions to effect change. The findings shed some light not only on which governance dimensions are critical to secure economic growth but also on how much good governance is needed to yield developmental dividends. In this respect, the analyses confirm Grindle's hypothesis that not all governance dimensions affect economic performance. The evidence supports a more radical version of Grindle's argument, namely that political stability is the most crucial component in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores India's policy and strategy engagements in Central Asian Republics with the aim of fostering close proximity in the field of economic development, security and political cooperation. It focuses in particular on actions, ways, directions, vision, achievements, methods, which play an important on the bilateral and multilateral cooperation between them. Because the geopolitical competition already has begun for the natural resources and energybetween the major powers (Russia, USA and China) and regional powers (Turkey, Iran, India and Pakistan)in the postcold war period which is known as „New Great Game? in Central Asia. In this dynamic geopolitical environment, India's policy with the regionshould reflect on the economic development, geopolitical engagement including strategic interaction, advantage, political support, mutual cooperation. Whereas India's engagement with Central Asia can provide an opportunity to be a part of a multilateral cooperative system particular, in security and trade ties. In this context, India should strive close to Russia, South Korea and Japan which emphasis close proximity, continue to engage in a resurgence policy to maintain geopolitical space with the proper diplomatic channel. Thus, this article has been divided into two parts, the first part of the paper has examined a comprehensive analysis and used level of analysis for explaining the foreign policy between India and Central Asian Republics. And another part has discussed the policy and strategy engagements of India with the Central Asian region in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the moderating role of governance quality on the finance-renewable energy-growth nexus in five major regions in the world, including 123 countries from 1990 to 2017. In a disaggregated approach, we used several financial variables denoting financial depth, financial efficiency, financial inclusion, and financial stability, which represent the different components of financial development. In an aggregated approach, we constructed composite indexes of governance quality and financial development following the principal component analysis (PCA). Next, we applied the two-stage least squares, difference-GMM, and system-GMM methods, as well as the Granger non-causality test in (Dumitrescu and Hurlin Econ Model 29(4):1450–1460, 2012). First, the results show that financial development and improved governance quality are complementary drivers of economic growth in all regions, except in America and Europe and Central Asia in most cases. Similarly, renewable energy consumption and enhanced governance quality are interrelated factors in strengthening economic growth in the Asia Pacific, MENA, and SSA regions, as opposed to the Americas and Europe and Central Asia. Second, there is bidirectional causality between financial development and economic growth in all areas, while the two-way causality between renewable energy consumption and growth is only confirmed in America and SSA regions, respectively. This study reveals the threshold effect of governance quality on the renewable energy-finance-growth nexus across regions. Therefore, policymakers should improve the level of governance quality and the efficiency of financial systems and renewable energy consumption to promote sustainable development in the different regions, especially in the Asia Pacific, MENA, and SSA zones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's geographical location is ideal for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) Project, and it formally recognizes as an iconic model of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) plan. This corridor is laid at the cross intersection of three regions of economic growth include: China, Central Asian Republics and South Asia. It plays a vital role of inter-connectivity between these three regions, where three billions of inhabitants live, which is roughly half of the world population. The central argument of the paper is sternly conceptual and based on the subsequent arguments: foremost, the foundation of CPEC project is a green signal for the regional connectivity, mutual cooperation, economic growth and stability of the entire region of South and Central Asia. Secondly, the topographical position of Pakistan has an incredible potential for corridor development and manipulation process. Thirdly, due to the iconic model of belt and road initiative plan, the CPEC corridor has broad potential for regional economic growth because of shared boundaries and cross intersection position with China, CARs and South Asia. Finally, with the copious fruitful opportunities, this project facades somber challenges internally and outwardly. Hence, this study uses a positive-sum logic to analyze central argument and also discusses the policy inputs that may be prolific for regional growth and reforms of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, from the perspective of economic exchange between Japan and Central Asia (Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan), the current situation and challenge, as well as future prospects, will be described through the work of promoting trade and investment. One of the characteristics of economic exchange between Japan and Central Asia is that the forms and fields of business developed by the target countries differ significantly, and one is that the public and private sectors are working together unexpectedly. One can point out that neither Japan nor the target countries can be decisively important economic partners, and as a result, exchanges remain at a low level. The lack of information is at the top of the challenge in developing economic exchanges between Japan and Central Asia. Also the difficulty of logistics, the vulnerable foreign exchange circumstances and the compliance problem are major bottleneck for commercial activities for Japanese companies. Although rosy expectations for future economic exchanges are forbidden, there are several directions for efforts that can contribute to building win-win relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The famous 'Eurasian Heartland' roughly including the present-day Russia, the three South Caucasian and the five Central Asian states viz. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kirghizstan and Tajikistan has been a highly contested region in world politics due to geo-political, cultural and economic reasons. In the post-Cold War era it became the center of euphoric expectations for the regional as well as world powers - expectations that ranged from energy to geo-strategic balances and imbalances, and to the Fukuyama brand of 'triumph of liberal democracy' in the region. Shattering of those dreams reduced the region's profile in international politics. However, recently it has again emerged with a potential of politico-economic development. From the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (2015) to the continuing political and economic instability in the region, all in the backdrop of rise of China as an emerging world power, the rising Russian profile in Central Asia is again being discussed in policy-making circles. In this context, this paper offers an overview of the Eurasian concept(s) with particular reference to the Russo-Central Asian politics and policies that are likely to cause a profound impact on regional and international dynamics in the future. It's chief argument is that due to Moscow's growing interest, the historical Eurasian Heartland is likely to play a more decisive role in the coming decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies in the innovation literature show that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) enhances innovations in recipient countries through spill-over effects. In this paper we extend the existing literature by incorporating the corruption index in the estimation procedure. Using a cross-country analysis from the Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region, covering 57 countries over the period of 1995-2010, we find no evidence of FDI spill-over effects on innovations, when corruption is endogenously modelled in the regression. Interestingly, we find that corruption and expenditure on education sector are positively related to the number of patents applications, suggesting anti-corruption programs encourage innovations that promote economic growth. Our study shed light on the national innovations and anti-corruption programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study traces the patterns of changing paradigm of the geopolitical nature of the region. Central Asia historically remained pivotal in hegemonic battles of great powers and now china's enhanced regional involvement through BRI and SCO is changing traditional regional paradigm. Historical and descriptive methodology with comparative analysis of qualitative data obtained from secondary sources is used to analyze geopolitical developments for predictions. Decade long journey of BRI has helped Asian GDP substantial growth as a sign of economic development and SCO nexus of Central Asian states under Chinese patronage has shown enhanced cooperation with accelerated connectivity. Geopolitical environment is tilted in favor of Chinese regional hegemony particularly in central Asian region only if china is able to maintain regional security. Global and regional stakeholders ranging from states, business, IGOs, and NGOs should reap the benefits of BRI materialization by venturing business deals with ongoing projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Economic Research & Business Administration is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite China's claims that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an economic co-operation initiative that will foster economic growth and industrial development for recipient countries, to create trade and investment opportunities, and promote peace in the world, the perception of the BRI throughout the world is becoming negative. In response to international criticisms of BRI implementation, in 2019, China's President Xi Jinping pledged to deliver a readjusted BRI 2.0 that would generate benefits for all participating countries, not China alone. Moreover, due to the pressure from recipient countries, Chinese authorities and companies have been applying several readjustment measures in their BRI activities. Central Asia is a priority region for China's foreign policy under the BRI. BRI implementation has helped to expand China's economic interests and influence in Central Asia. However, China's push for the BRI implementation is China-centric, rather than a credible multilateral endeavour as claimed by the Chinese government. As shown in the case of Central Asia, the BRI involves a series of bilateral deals. There is no multilateral decision-making process involved in overseeing BRI or making investment decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much research undertaken over the years to better identify the factors leading to both firm and economic growth. These range from building an understanding of innovation, particularly of non-rivalous goods to better examining the increasing returns present in increasingly networked economies. In Central Asia, studies of firm and accompanying economic growth have been more on the quantitative side in examining aggregate factors such as industry productivity and the resulting impact on GDP. The current research seeks to review the economic growth literature and its links with innovation and human capital in the context of a Central Asian economy. Top down and particularly bottom up policy implications are also examined. An Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is also taken in interviewing Iranian researchers and experts from the areas of economics, entrepreneurship, science and technology, and public policy. They are interviewed to illustrate how innovative human capital can contribute to firm development and economic growth in a major Central Asian economy not normally associated with innovative human capital and new ventures. Potential implications for firm growth through innovation and enhanced human capital are identified and linked to the Central Asian context and its traditional, historical attention to individual development and the freedom to "have a go." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Applied Economics is the property of Singidunum University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

India has been making efforts to engage with Central Asia. This is driven by two primary motivations: First, India is eager to diversify its energy supplies as it has recognized that its economic progress is linked with Central Asian hydrocarbon resources; and second, India wants to contain the growth of radical Islamist forces which pose greatest threat to India's security. The strategic location of Central Asia makes it vulnerable to geopolitical manoeuvring involving the United States, Russia, China, Pakistan, and India, with conflicting and contrasting objectives. The Afghan Taliban's resurgence coupled with weakness of the Afghan government has also created fresh uncertainties, while the ISIS continues to demonstrate its growing power. The triangular relationship among India, Iran and Afghanistan, particularly involving the Chabahar port, has crucial implications for India's aims in Central Asia. The paper explores the interests that motivate India's recent efforts to step up its engagement with Central Asian countries, how the India-Afghanistan-Iran triangular relationship is aimed at serving those interests, and the attitude of other important regional players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both fertility and mortality rates are declining in the five Central Asian countries, so far resulting in an increasingly working-age population. The main question is whether these countries can benefit from this demographic transition while having different economic structures and diverse ethnicities. Our article shows the importance of demographic, economic, and human capital indicators and the influential role of governance indicators such as the Political Corruption Index and Egalitarian Democracy Index for economic growth. Based on the data from 1991 to 2018, the analysis has been conducted by employing fixed effect estimation with Driscoll-Kraay standard errors. The findings indicate that human capital with proper education and an appropriately absorbed labour force does have a more powerful effect on the demographic benefit. In addition, improving the quality of governance has a significant impact on economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many post-communist countries continue to search for their preferred genus of capitalism. During this process the Post-Socialist Developmental State (PSDS) became the dominant model of institutional arrangements and state policy in post-socialist East Asia. Upon embarking on a systemic transformation from socialism to capitalism, states such as China and Vietnam chose not to build a liberal model based on a free market and democracy. Instead, they chose to replicate the success stories of East Asia based on the historic concept of the developmental state. In their quest to build a post-communist capitalism, former Soviet republics of Central Asia, namely, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have also tried, to a varying degree, to instal their own version of PSDS, as they have maintained an authoritarian political system and despite the initial efforts at accelerating economic transformation, have maintained a gradual and incremental pace of reforms. In compliance with PSDS provisions, they have relied on state intervention and industrial policies and after post-socialist recession characteristic of many countries in transition, have finally managed to achieve an impressive developmental dynamics, almost commensurate with that of East Asian post-socialist developmental states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central Asia & the Caucasus (14046091) is the property of CA & CC Press AB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholars have long sought to understand when and why the Middle East fell behind Europe in its economic development. This article explores the importance of historical Muslim trade in explaining urban growth and decline in the run-up to the Industrial Revolution. The authors examine Eurasian urbanization patterns as a function of distance to Middle Eastern trade routes before and after 1500 CE – the turning point in European breakthroughs in seafaring, trade and exploration. The results suggest that proximity to historical Muslim trade routes was positively associated with urbanization in 1200 but not in 1800. These findings speak to why Middle Eastern and Central Asian cities – which had long benefited from their central location between Europe and Asia – declined as Europeans found alternative routes to the East and opened trade opportunities in the New World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: In the soft-power context, health is increasingly seen as an area that generates particular diplomatic benefits, because it is ostensibly non-political and can bring both immediate and long-term advantages to the donor and the recipient country equally. The endeavours of individual member states of the European Union (EU) and the input of the EU itself in Central Asia are examined to see the extent to which the initiatives in health-related areas form part of a wider diplomatic strategy and whether their effectiveness is related to the means by which the planned improved health outcomes are achieved. This article seeks to draw lessons from the European experience to increase understanding of the role of health in global diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative, launched by Xi Jinping in 2013 as the Central Asian component of the Eurasian Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is presented as a trade and infrastructural developmental initiative that benefits all to deliver stability. It consolidates Beijing’s existing economic investments and security-building measures, while launching new projects to link the regions of Central Asia and South Asia more closely with China and extend the arc of security westward and develop these as a transport corridor linking China to Europe. This article examines the interaction between China’s infrastructural investments and security dynamics in the Central Asian region, exploring why the BRI/SREB, presented by China as primarily as a developmental vision, is fraught with wide-ranging security implications. We examine the reception of China’s BRI/SREB in Central Asia focusing on the following three dimensions: (1) the lure of Chinese investments which makes SREB particularly attractive for Central Asian countries; (2) the securitization thrust of the Silk Road initiative which consolidates the power of the Central Asian regimes but also grants considerable role to China in managing security arrangements; (3) elite maneuvering between the lure of Chinese investments and appeasing popular anxieties about China’s growing influence. It points to the overall positive reception in the region to the aid and investment offered by China, while noting the variance in their responses based on the implications of SREB for their sovereignty and security and also concerns on whether the promised benefits of connectivity and development (a “win-win” scenario) will materialize. The article concludes by outlining the implications of China’s rising economic and security engagement in Central Asia and the close Sino-Russian partnership for European financial and security interests and highlights the areas of cooperation and complementarity between China and EU in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are times when entire populations of certain countries have had to readjust their lives and economic strategies as all of society is under transition. Post-Soviet Central Asia underwent this period after 1991. During times of transition, there are always people that tend to be able to make use of the new uncertainties, even at the risk of entering legal grey areas. Here new social groups emerge, ethnic origin becomes relevant and new kinship ties are made. These transformation periods are often short and provide limited opportunities for analysing the strategies of those pioneers that I call Kairos economists. They often act only in cooperation with residents of the border and with duty customs and security personnel. This article analyses this special economy with the help of case studies that have been observed during the transformation period from the Soviet to an independent Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Population (1634-2941) is the property of Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aim To use global databases to (1) provide a visualization of global geographical patterns of species invasions, origins and pathways and (2) depict the international uptake of legislative and policy responses to invasive alien species (IAS). Location Global. Methods Patterns of recorded species invasions and pathways of introduction were mapped and visualized using data from the Global Invasive Species Database (GISD) and the CABI Invasive Species Compendium (CABI ISC), along with associated legal instruments relevant to IAS compiled from the ECOLEX database. A novel indicator of the asymmetry between each country's 'ingress/egress' of IAS (kappa, K), was developed to further explore spatial patterns. Results Substantial variation in the spatial patterns of invasion was determined, with the Global North, some newly industrialized countries and small tropical islands being the main recipients of IAS and asymmetry (K) being highest in New World countries and small islands. Of the 1517 recorded IAS, 39% were introduced only intentionally and 26% only unintentionally, 22% both intentionally and unintentionally, while 13% had no information available. The dominant pathway for species invasions was horticulture and the nursery trade, with 31% of the species introduced outside of their natural geographical range. Large increases in legislation on IAS have occurred since the 1990s, particularly for those countries that have high numbers of species invasions. Main conclusions Clear global patterns in the distributions of IAS are determined, supporting arguments emphasizing the role of colonial history, economic development and trade in driving the human-mediated movement of species. Dominant pathways for species invasions are similar across different regions. Policy responses towards IAS show an increasing desire from the international community to act on species invasions. Current patterns suggest that Africa and Central Asia are priority areas for future IAS research and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparing the influence of and relationship of Central Asia with the major regional bodies, the SCO is an advantageous organization for the economic development of Central Asia, since it is an opportune podium for doing business, especially with China, with a guarantee that Moscow nor Beijing will take a dominating stance against them. Due to a lack of armed forces among CSTO allies, Russia delivers the majority of the troops assigned under the banner of the CSTO. However, this also means that the Kremlin — in return for its security umbrella — demands a certain degree of political influence on the Central Asian member states of the CSTO. The less Central Asian countries are depending on Russia for political, economic/energy, or security reasons, the more they can pursue their national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the economic development of Central Asia in the 20th century including the role of population in the industrial economy, migration and education. It explores the connection of the Soviet thinking on foreign aid and the views of economists on the key issues of Central Asia's development. Also discussed is equality and industrialization in Tajikistan.

Regional and international organizations have got significant importance in world politics and these organizations are playing vital role in economic development and stability. Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is one of the regional international organizations which played a constructive role in the stability of the region (Central Asia& China) since its inception. According to many analyst and security expert on the region fear that the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan will create a security vacuum which will endanger the regional security. SCO in this regard can play a crucial role for stability and economic development due to various reasons such as, the organization has long experience in tackling terrorism in the region, it has nonintervention policy in the internal affair of other states and more importantly it has good relation with Afghanistan. The SCO afghan contact group, the status of observer state and all other interactions shows that the organization has keen interest in the stability and economic development of the country. In order avoid the 1990s situation in the country, it is necessary to strengthen the Afghan government ad need to avoid the intervention policy of regional states into the internal affairs. There is need of collective approach in order to secure regional stability and enhance economic development and SCO provide such platform. Through this platform, the regional states can solve their problems because regional problems need regional solutions. Descriptive analytical and qualitative research method is used in the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Asian Countries which are in transition movement are converting from a centrally planned economy to free markets. The mentioned transition from communism to capitalism causes the economies to remove trade barriers, to support private business and entrepreneurs. Azerbaijan has become one of the rapidly developing economies after gaining independence in 1991. The transformation of Azerbaijan has attracted the interest of investors and caused high economic growth in the last decade. The current condition in Azerbaijan draws the attention of the researcher to investigate the vision of companies in Azerbaijan. The objective of the research is to explore the main dynamics of the envisioned future of these companies. This study is structured as a qualitative research. The sample consists of 141 members of Azerbaijan Republic Chamber of Commerce and Industry as a case of Azerbaijan. The vision statements of the companies have been reached from their official websites and investigated with content analyzing method. According to the results of the research, only 27 of 141 companies have provided clearly-identified vision statements and these statements indicate modern managerial issues such as development/improvement, international/global, values, responsibility, quality, strategy, team-orientation, innovation-creativeness and competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is often mentioned as a threat to the Central Asian states. Potential spillovers of violence, extremism, terrorism and dangers related to the drug trade are seen as significant security issues for the region. This article takes a different approach. Taking a performative view of statehood, we see state identities as socially constituted, partly by involvement in regional and global processes. From research on border management, the Northern Distribution Network, and various forms of bilateral cooperation between Afghanistan and the Central Asian states, we argue that Afghanistan has become an arena where the Central Asian states can participate. How the Central Asian states bordering on Afghanistan are treated as relevant participants, regardless of actual state capacity or the effectiveness of their policies, serves to constitute and confirm their sovereignty and relevance to the international community, and ultimately their statehood. By emphasizing the important state effects of their performance, our perspective differs from accounts of Central Asian states as either ‘weak’ or ‘strong’, and the tendency to depict Central Asian engagement in regional initiatives as mere window-dressing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]