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The article focuses on recent political developments across Europe and Asia, including leadership shifts in Ireland and the United Kingdom, and France's historic amendment enshrining abortion rights. It also highlights former Philippine's President Ferdinand Marcos' defiance of the International Criminal Court regarding the investigation into human rights abuses during his predecessor Rodrigo Duterte's anti-narcotics campaign.

The article offers information on the cultural destructions by the Islamic extremist militants in Timbuktu, Mali. It has been found that the city was under the control of Ansar Dine, an al-Qaida-allied militant extremist entity, whose mission is to destroy the historic sites of Mali. It reports on the consideration for cultural destruction of shrines and mosques as war crimes by Fatou Bensouda, a chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.

The International Criminal Court (ICC), established in 2002, has to-date initiated investigations exclusively in Sub-Saharan Africa. The ICC Prosecutor has opened cases against 16 individuals for alleged crimes in northern Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, and the Darfur region of Sudan. In addition, the Prosecutor is investigating postelection violence in Kenya and analyzing situations-a preliminary step toward initiating a full investigation-in Guinea and several other African countries, as well as several countries outside of Africa. Congressional interest in the work of the ICC in Africa has arisen from concern over gross human rights violations on the African continent and beyond. On March 4, 2009, ICC judges issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Hassan al- Bashir for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The case against Bashir represents the first attempt by the ICC to pursue a sitting head of state. The prosecution has drawn praise from human rights advocates as a step toward ending impunity for serious human rights abuses in Africa. However, it has also raised concerns that ICC actions could endanger peace processes in Darfur and southern Sudan. Additional fears that the ICC could imperil international humanitarian operations were heightened when the Sudanese government responded to the warrant by expelling international relief agencies. Unlike the four other African countries under ICC investigation, Sudan is not a party to the ICC; instead, the ICC was granted jurisdiction over Darfur through a United Nations Security Council resolution in March 2005. The United States, as a member of the Security Council, may influence the ICC's actions. Obama Administration officials have expressed support for the prosecution of perpetrators of atrocities in Darfur and have suggested that Bashir should face the accusations against him. Legislation before the 111th Congress references the ICC warrant against Bashir and, more broadly, U.S. government support for ICC prosecutions. Four suspects in other ICC investigations are currently in ICC custody, pending trial. Three are alleged leaders of militias in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the fourth is a former Congolese rebel leader, transitional vice president, and senator who is accused of overseeing war crimes in neighboring Central African Republic. Additionally, a Darfur rebel leader summoned by ICC judges voluntarily appeared before the Court in May 2009. This report provides background on ICC investigations in Africa and gives an overview of cases currently before the Court. The report also examines issues raised in Africa by the ICC's actions, including the ICC's possible role in deterring future abuses, and the potential impact of international prosecutions on African peace processes. Further background on U.S. policy toward the ICC can be found in CRS Report RL31437, International Criminal Court: Overview and Selected Legal Issues, by Jennifer K. Elsea, and CRS Report R41116, The International Criminal Court (ICC): Jurisdiction, Extradition, and U.S. Policy, by Emily C. Barbour and Matthew C. Weed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents report titled "International Criminal Court Cases in Africa: Status and Policy Issues" by the U.S. Congressional Research Service as of September 12, 2008. Topics discussed include overview of the policies of International Criminal Court in Sub-Saharan Africa, the U.S. position on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1593 and other international courts and tribunals such as World War II Nuremberg, Germany and Japanese Tokyo tribunals.

In February 2006, Ugandans voted in the first multi-party elections in almost 26 years. President Yoweri Museveni and his ruling National Revolutionary Movement (NRM) parliamentary candidates won a decisive victory over opposition candidate Kizza Besigye and the Forum for Democracy Coalition. Nevertheless, poll results showed a notable decline in support for President Museveni from previous elections. International election observers did not condemn the election results, nor did they fully endorse the electoral process. Critics charged the government with intimidating the opposition during the pre-election period, and Besigye spent much of the campaign period in jail. The election followed a controversial move by the Ugandan parliament in July 2005 to remove the constitutional two-term limit on the presidency. In the north, the government of Uganda fought the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), an armed rebel group backed by the government of Sudan. Through over 20 years of civil war, the brutal insurgency has created a humanitarian crisis that has displaced over 1.5 million and resulted in the abduction of over 20,000 children. In recent months, the government and the LRA have entered into peace negotiations mediated by the government of Southern Sudan. The negotiations have had some limited success in halting the fighting through a negotiated ceasefire, but observers suggest criminal indictments by the International Criminal Court (ICC) against the LRA's leadership may limit the rebels' willingness to reach a final settlement. This report will be updated as significant changes occur in Uganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One month after the International Criminal Court (ICC) officially came into existence on July 1, 2002, the President signed legislation that limits U.S. government support and assistance to the ICC; curtails certain military assistance to many countries that have ratified the Rome Statute establishing the ICC; regulates U.S. participation in United Nations (U.N.) peacekeeping missions commenced after July 1, 2003; and, most controversially among European allies, authorizes the President to use "all means necessary and appropriate to bring about the release" of certain U.S. and allied persons who may be detained or tried by the ICC. The provision withholding military assistance under the programs for Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and International Military Education and Training (IMET) from certain States Parties to the Rome Statute came into effect on July 1, 2003. The 109th Congress reauthorized the Nethercutt Amendment as part of the FY2006 Consolidated Appropriations Act (H.R. 3057/P.L. 109-102). Unless waived by the President, it bars Economic Support Funds (ESF) assistance to countries that have not agreed to protect U.S. citizens from being turned over to the ICC for prosecution. The ICC is the first permanent world court with nearly universal jurisdiction to try individuals accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and possibly aggression. While most U.S. allies support the ICC, the Bush Administration firmly opposes it and has renounced any U.S. obligations under the treaty. After the Bush Administration threatened to veto a United Nations Security Council resolution to extend the peacekeeping mission in Bosnia on the ground that it did not contain sufficient guarantees that U.S. participants would be immune to prosecution by the ICC, the Security Council adopted a resolution that would defer for one year any prosecution of participants in missions established or authorized by the U.N. whose home countries have not ratified the Rome Statute. That resolution was renewed through July 1, 2004, but was not subsequently renewed. In addition, the United States is pursuing bilateral "Article 98"agreements to preclude extradition by other countries of U.S. citizens to the ICC. The United States did not exercise its veto power at the Security Council to prevent the referral of a case against Sudan's leaders for the alleged genocide in Darfur. This report outlines the main objections the United States has raised with respect to the ICC and analyzes the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA), enacted to regulate the U.S. cooperation with the ICC. The report concludes with a discussion of the implications for the United States, as a non-ratifying country, as the ICC begins to take shape, as well as the Administration's efforts to win immunity from the ICC's jurisdiction for Americans. A description of the ICC's background and a more detailed analysis of the ICC organization, jurisdiction, and procedural rules may be found in CRS Report RL31437, "International Criminal Court: Overview and Selected Legal Issues," by Jennifer K. Elsea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A combination of intensified international pressure and deadlines associated with Euro-Atlantic integration processes has prompted a spate of transfers of persons indicted for war crimes to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague from late 2004 through early 2005. Full cooperation with The Hague tribunal has been established as a key prerequisite to further progress toward a shared long-term goal for the western Balkan countries: closer association with and eventual membership in the European Union (EU) and NATO. The Euro-integration efforts of Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro have stalled (to varying degrees) over ICTY cooperation, although recent substantial progress in turning over indicted persons has been achieved. Three top-ranking war crimes suspects remain at large: wartime Bosnian Serb leaders Radovan Karadzic and Gen. Ratko Mladic, and former Croatian Gen. Ante Gotovina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One month after the International Criminal Court (ICC) officially came into existence on July 1, 2002, the President signed legislation that limits U.S. government support and assistance to the ICC, curtails military assistance to many countries that have ratified the Rome Statute establishing the ICC, and most controversially among European allies, authorizes the President to use "all means necessary and appropriate to bring about the release" of certain U.S. and allied persons who may be detained or tried by the ICC. While most U.S. allies support the ICC, the Bush Administration firmly opposes it and has renounced any U.S. obligations under the treaty. The Administration initially vetoed a United Nations resolution to extend the peacekeeping mission in Bosnia because it did not contain any guarantee that U.S. participants would be immune to prosecution by the ICC. Ultimately, the Security Council and the U.S. delegation were able to reach a compromise that defers for one year any prosecution of participants in U.N. established or authorized missions, whose home countries have not ratified the Rome Statute. While the compromise falls short of the Administration's original goal of ensuring permanent immunity for U.S. citizens from the ICC, it suggests that the role of the U.N. Security Council under the Rome Statute may prove effective in addressing some of the concerns U.S. opponents of the ICC have voiced. This report outlines the main objections the United States has raised with respect to the ICC and analyzes the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) enacted to regulate the U.S. cooperation with the ICC. The report concludes with a discussion of the implications for the United States, as a non-ratifying country, as the ICC comes into force, as well as the Administration's apparent strategy with regard to the ICC. This report is intended to serve as an update to the fifth and sixth parts of CRS Report RL31437, International Criminal Court: Overview and Selected Legal Issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On April 11, 2002, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court received its sixtieth ratification, meaning it will come into effect July 1, 2002, establishing the first global permanent international court with jurisdiction to prosecute individuals for "the most serious crimes of concern to the international community." The United Nations, many human rights organizations, and most democratic nations have expressed support for the new court. The Bush Administration firmly opposes it and has formally renounced the U.S. obligations under the treaty. At the same time, however, the Administration has stressed that the United States shares the goal of the ICC's supporters o?= promotion of the rule of law o?= and does not intend to take any action to undermine the ICC. The primary objection given by the United States in opposition to the treaty is the ICC's possible assertion of jurisdiction over U.S. soldiers charged with "war crimes" resulting from legitimate uses of force. The main issue faced by the current Congress is whether to adopt a policy aimed at preventing the ICC from becoming effective or whether to continue contributing to the development of the ICC in order to improve it. This report provides an historical background of the negotiations for the Rome Statute, outlines the structure of the ICC as contained in the final Statute, and describes the jurisdiction of the ICC. The report identifies the specific crimes enumerated in the Rome Statute as supplemented by the draft elements of crime. A discussion of procedural safeguards follows, including reference to the draft procedural rules. The report then discusses the implications for the United States as a non-ratifying country when the ICC comes into being, and outlines some legislation enacted and proposed to regulate U.S. relations with the ICC, including versions of the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) contained in H.R. 1646 and H.R. 4775, the American Servicemember and Citizen Protection Act, H.R. 4169, and the American Citizens' Protection and War Criminal Prosecution Act of 2001, S. 1296/H.R. 2699. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a review on the political condition in May 2011 in Libya from Economist Intelligence Unit Ltd. Luis Moreno-Ocampo, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), has announced on his plans to issue arrest warrant for Colonel Muammar Qadhafi and son Saif al-Islam Qaddafi. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has supported the rebels which is part of the rules of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973.

The article presents a country risk summary for Suriname. It has shown interest in ratifying the treaty for the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Its economy benefits from the global commodity boom and increased mining output. Bauxite, used in alumina production, is the pillar of its economy, accounting for more than 15% of the national gross domestic product and 70% of export earnings.

The article reports on the role being played by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Libya. An ICC team was sent to Libya to negotiate the release for four court employees arrested in June 2012. The ICC also sought to have Saif al-Islam Gadhafi and former Libyan chief Abdullah Senussi for them to be tried in The Hague, but the request was denied by Libya.