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How does industrial policy currently interact with Regional Economic Communities in Africa? This article examines the tension between Regional Economic Communities and state-level industrial policy in Africa through two main problems: (1) how state industrial policies undermine Regional Economic Communities through a crisis of implementation and (2) how Regional Economic Communities undermine industrial policies through crisis of coordination. In discussing these issues, using indicative examples from the regions, especially the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC), the article brings together industrial policy and regional economic integration in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined finance-growth nexus in the finance industry and the influencing factors of economic indicators which deliberate on the performance of the Solow Growth model to prove the actuality of financial development (FD) inside the economic growth (EG) model, based on the regional data from 1980 to 2017 in Africa. We applied the econometric method of GMM style panel vector autoregressive (PVAR) and panel quantile regression (PQR). With the optimal finance-growth outcome, the review shows that the economic indicators influence the finance-growth nexus. The quantile results show that high economic indicators help to strengthen the finance-growth nexus, whereas low economic indicators hinder it. The GMM style PVAR results present a mixed effect in terms of the connection and marginal significance, indicating that FD has a varied impact on economic growth. Last, the granger causality results show a two-way causal association amid finance-growth in Western, Central, Eastern, and Southern African economies and a unidirectional causal link of finance-growth in Northern Africa. The policy conclusion is that to gain the long-term economic benefits of FD, African countries should strive for low and steady economic stability. To attain the required economic stability, it may be important to use suitable fiscal and monetary policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss some issues related to what would be the "necessary university" for a country of the PALOP (Portuguese-speaking African countries) taking as example a Regional and Urban Economics course taught in an undergraduate programme in Economics. The main argument is that it is almost impossible and useless for the universities of these countries to train people with the same profile of an academic out of the so-called world-class universities. Because of this, the PALOP would look for alternative models. The first issue discussed is the definition of the profile expected for the graduates; secondly is what should be offered to them among the options from regional science; finally, what are the most appropriate methodologies and techniques for learning this subject. The text emphasizes the need for adopting teaching methodologies based on solution of problems such as the PBL (Problem Based Learning). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the structure and level of international cooperation among African states in the area of agriculture and rural development. It focuses on the African Union (AU) and its eight Regional Economic Communities. The international cooperation schemes between the World Bank, EU, FAO and African countries in agricultural policy are reviewed. The paper concludes that, despite numerous cross-border initiatives, governance of agricultural policies in the pan-African context remains fragmented. Policy-making and cooperation schemes need to be stepped up to address continent-wide challenges in the sector. There is an urgent need for the AU and the EU to intensify their cooperation in agricultural policies and development. The AU in collaboration with its regional bodies should establish a common agricultural policy for the continent. Such initiatives need to be Africa-driven and adapted to African needs. The EU should only provide technical know-how and institutional support if welcomed by African partners. Collective action towards rural areas via greater coordination of African agricultural policies and actions would help to develop the missing institutional framework needed for agricultural development in the continent. Fostering economic growth through agricultural development and reforms may also lead to a reduction of migration as witnessed by the EU in the sixties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-15thcentury, the space economy in Africa has assumed an imperial outlook under the influence of European mercantilism. It was the era that unfettered capitalism prevailed as economic orthodoxy for control of regional economies. At the inception of fettered capitalism in the mid-20thcentury, an imperial structure that served western interests under colonial rule was further entrenched in many African countries. At the turn of the 21stcentury, neoliberalism emerged as global economic orthodoxy, and free-trade relations implemented to manage Euro-American and Chinese mercantilism worldwide. This unleashed epistemological ideologies that ushered in urban productivity decline in the African space economy. As an entry point to address this urban development challenge in new regionalism, this article makes a case for neo-mercantilism as an alternative development ideology for Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the efforts of the organization International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to study the extent of implementation of policies discussed in the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa popularly known as the Kampala Convention. Topics include stocktaking of displaced and affected communities due to violence and armed conflict in Africa, support from the African Union (AU), and list of recommendations.

The last two decades have seen African countries adopt a new security approach through the activities of regional economic communities (RECs) and the African Union’s (AU) African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). This article argues that despite progress in conflict prevention and the promotion of peace, defence and security through the APSA and RECs, challenges do remain. In particular, factors such as financial costs involved, the inadequate funds available for peace and security missions, conflicting interests and lack of agreement, poor co- ordination and inadequate human and logistics capacity have constrained the ability of African countries to achieve their peace and security agenda. Thus, for peace and security efforts being undertaken by the AU and RECs to be effective, the actors involved should have not only the requisite capacity but also political will and commitment, and cooperation among members and with the international community should remain crucial to the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article evaluates the need for the harmonisation of public procurement regimes in regional economic communities, putting into perspective the importance of regional economic communities in the development of Africa.

Although the role of organized business in regional economic integration is well documented, extant scholarship portrays them as mere legitimizers and partners of regional policy. This neat categorization fails to capture the complicated, ‘multiscalarity’ of business and overall civil society's role in regional governance. Drawing insights from social constructivism and empirical evidence from fieldwork conducted in 2012 and 2013 on the interactions between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and region-wide business associations and advocacy networks since the early 1990s, this article shows that although African business groups are relatively new actors at the regional stage, their impact on regional governance is substantial. This is not only in terms of getting governments to adopt particular policies or the ability to hold the state accountable, as functional institutionalists might argue, but also in terms of the regional socialization effects, namely the willingness and ability to frame issues that influence the choices of political decision-makers. Business regional governance roles also straddle competing conventional roles, and sometimes counter the neoliberal vision of regional integration, even among those that owe their emergence to regional organizations. The study also challenges the pervasive view of business actors (especially in Africa) as simply profit-seekers by highlighting the ways business actors have deployed and acted on principled beliefs about regional identity collectively or individually to forge denser and relatively effective policy coalitions that signal unfolding changes in the direction of regional policy in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Studies of French Africa policy have traditionally focused on its neo-colonial basis and the often corrupt nature of the relations it engendered because of the connivances of semi-official and unofficial networks and covert practices that characterised it. These are often referred to in the literature as la Françafrique. In seeking to understand François Hollande's Africa policy this article moves away from a neo-colonial, Françafrique analytical framework and instead seeks to engage with the continuity versus change debate in French Africa policy through the lens of geopolitics. The three central themes of Hollande's Africa policy—security, partnership and trade—are analysed, focusing firstly on the French interventions in Africa, notably in Mali, since 2012, before discussing French engagement with African regional organisations, such as the Economic Community of West African States, and the increasing importance attached to economic and trade links. The article ends with a brief survey of some of the challenges facing French Africa policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the economy of Roman North Africa, particularly the province of Africa Proconsularis, in an attempt to illuminate how the area grew to become one of the most prosperous areas of the Roman Empire. Looking specifically at the institutional role played by competitive, ostentatious spending on public goods by elites in the region, I contend that this elite competition and the money this injected into the regional economy was a major factor in the development of market forces and monetisation throughout Roman Africa. Further, this perspective helps to explain also how the urban spaces and the agriculturally productive rural areas of Roman Africa were linked together, forming an active regional economy that operated alongside, and partly in competition with, the export-oriented economy focused on supplying the city Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global economic crisis of 2007/2008 that threatened the economic/financial fabrics of most countries has brought again the essence of strong institutional quality to the fore. This is particularly interesting as it impacted on trade outcomes in many countries including those in Africa. For instance, merchandize exports as a percentage of GDP for SSA reduced by 17.9% in 2007. Thus, this paper examines the effectiveness of RECs in Africa with respect to trade outcomes using some indicators, which was achieved using data from African Development Indicators, inter alia (1996-2008). Analyzing the data with descriptive and statistical techniques established, among others, that the respective indicators of trade outcomes, institutional quality were rather low and differed markedly across RECs in Africa. The study recommends that improvement of institutional quality in tandem with enhanced infrastructural facilities will play crucial roles in promoting trade outcomes in Africa's RECs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ahead of the 'African Conference of the Parties' (COP) scheduled to take place in Durban in November 2011, the ability to maintain an African common position will be paramount in providing a platform from which to pursue the continent's priorities on climate change. This article considers the role of international organisations in shaping the Africa Group's common position from COP15 in Copenhagen ahead of Durban. In addressing this role the analysis considers the position of the African Union and the regional economic communities, as well as the challenges facing the African Union from nested international organisation interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a sub-Saharan country, Mauritius has been branded a success story in terms of its sustained economic growth performance, with major improvements in the living standards of its population at large over the past few decades. This paper has the objectives of revisiting this success story, essentially by analyzing the numerous policies that have been adopted, to provide insights into Africa's policy options. The Mauritian case study demonstrates that no single dose of economic reforms may generate growth dividends to perpetuity, especially when the current economic environment differs from initial conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of African countries have ratified or acceded to the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, and many have received support through the Global Environment Facility and the UN Environment Programme for development of their National Biosafety Frameworks. This article examines the extent to which these frameworks are aligned with the goals of the Regional Economic and Regional Research Communities of which they are members. Many national approaches lack alignment with regional trade, economic, science and technology policies. The strict application of the precautionary principle and the imposition of costly administrative hurdles are likely to hinder intra-regional trade and technology development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideology of neo-liberalism is currently dominant at the elite level. This has profound implications for how development is viewed as best pursued. Currently, a process of regionalization projects, at both the macro- and micro-level, are reconfiguring parts of Africa as the continent's elites seek to promote economic integration as a means of latching onto what is perceived as the globalization juggernaut. However, such processes, and the case of the Maputo Development Corridor (MDC) is provided as a case study, cannot simply be defined as top-down projects to reconfigure spatial areas along neo-liberal lines: globalization and regionalization stimulates reactions involving the re-organization and re-territorialization of spaces in order to meet the challenges posed. Though existing regionalist projects, such as the MDC, reflect the impulses of a neo-liberal world, space for contesting alternatives exists and is nascent, with counter-reactions being continually generated, with diverse forms of regional connectivities being constructed. Analyses of the new regionalisms must be cognisant of such pregnancy within such ongoing processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on a study which analyzed the translation and distribution of television programs across Africa's linguistic distributions and the steps toward Pan-African exchange. Factors that led to the regional economic groupings in Africa; Details on African radio and television program exchange; Methodology; Results and analysis.

In the light of the recent conflicts in Somalia, Ethiopia, Liberia, not to mention old ones, Biafra, Angola, Shaba, Chad, Uganda, Sahara, Mauritania, there is need to strengthen the regional economic and political co-operation with a permanent diplomatic instrument in form of a military intervention force as a prerequisite for peace, stability, security and development. It should be remembered that when military intervention is largely handled by foreign or external powers, it is very likely to be unpopular with neighbouring states and others within the region, especially if such intervention is carried out to maintain in power a dictatorial regime or to uproot it for political and strategic reasons. With the New World Order and the gradual disappearance of pro-West and pro-East dictators in Africa, it is hoped that this type of intervention, often from the big world powers, will give way to more positive co-operation. From a legal viewpoint, it has been argued that military intervention, whether individual or collective, is illegal since it is contrary to the provisions of article 2, line 4 of the UN Charter concerning the use of force against the territorial integrity or the political independence and sovereignty of a state.