Search

It becomes clear in Llewellyn-Smith's detailed account that Venizelos always had in mind the wider picture of Greece's position in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. As Llewellyn-Smith notes in the introduction (2-3), his special interest in Venizelos dates back to the late 1960s, when he wrote his widely cited study of Greece's military campaign and debacle in Asia Minor (1919-1922) ([1]). Sir Michael Llewellyn-Smith, a former British Ambassador in Athens, examines Venizelos's early years in Cretan politics, his entry onto the center stage of Greek politics, and his gradual development into a renowned statesman. [Extracted from the article]

This article investigates clerical child sexual abuse in the first decades of the French Third Republic. Thanks in large part to the difficulty of accessing relevant archival records, we know very little about this crime or how it was investigated by judicial officials. This study addresses this gap by drawing on a rich and untapped collection of correspondence between local prosecutors and the Ministry of Justice in Paris. The files reveal the process for investigating and prosecuting abusive priests, as well as the reverberations within local communities. Though generated by the state rather than the church, they offer an insight as well into the response of ecclesiastical authorities. Finally, they shed light on the relationship between clerical crime and the culture wars pitting French republicans against Catholics, a conflict that was reaching a peak of intensity in this period. What emerges from this study is an appreciation of the personal toll and political impact of clerical sexual abuse, as well as a new perspective on the recent scandals which have engulfed the Catholic church in a range of nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has pointed out the negative aspects of political dynasties. But can political dynasties help prevent autocratic reversals? We argue that political dynasties differ according to their ideological origin and that those whose founder was a defender of democratic ideals, for simplicity labeled "pro-democratic dynasties," show stronger support for democracy. We analyze the vote by the French parliament on 10 July 1940 of an enabling act that granted full power to Marshall Philippe Pétain, thereby ending the Third French Republic and aligning France with Nazi Germany. Using data collected from the biographies of parliamentarians and information on their voting behavior, we find that members of a pro-democratic dynasty were 9.6 to 15.1 percentage points more likely to oppose the act than other parliamentarians. We report evidence that socialization inside and outside parliament shaped the vote of parliamentarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1885 Louis Pasteur successfully treated two boys from different parts of rural France, Joseph Meister and Jean-Baptiste Jupille, with his experimental rabies vaccine. Arguing that the boys played an important role in shaping images of Pasteur and his vaccine in French culture, this article reconstructs their long relationships with the scientist and then traces their evolving cultural representations during the Third Republic up to 1940. Meister, a young child from Alsace who sought salvation in Paris, was particularly assimilable to nationalist narratives that Pasteur himself encouraged. Jupille, in fighting with a rabid dog to save young children from attack, could provide an exemplar of the selfless yet virile male adolescent whom late nineteenth-century authorities sought to produce. Both boys' stories produced associations that reflected favorably on Pasteur and the Pastorians, yet each also held an independent appeal at particular moments in modern French history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: right to the city; urban appropriation; capitalism; identity; class struggle EN right to the city urban appropriation capitalism identity class struggle 697 702 6 04/12/22 20220501 NES 220501 Kohn, Margaret (2016). As a serious critique from the Left, rights within the liberal state are contradictory in that they seem to give to the people but reinforce a state's mechanism of domination. Kohn provides an excellent summary for this essay on struggle and appropriation in light its evaluation of "the public", of democracy and deliberation, and the strengths but also the shortcoming of rights' claims. "Lefebvre argued that the power to make urban spaces, which he viewed as the control points of modern capitalism", writes Herod, "must be wrested from capital and the state and located instead in the hands of the working-class people" (Herod, p. 197). [Extracted from the article]

In interwar Paris, a community of Sephardi immigrants originally from the Ottoman Empire raised a monument paying tribute to Ottoman Jews who fought for France during World War I. Its construction, which spanned over a decade, underscored the evolution of Ottoman Sephardi immigrant collective identity, goals, and anxieties in France between the close of World War I and the eve of World War II. When the memorial was first proposed in 1919, it was seen as a means of emphasizing the Ottoman Sephardi immigrant sphere as separate from that of French Jewry and other Jewish immigrant groups in the country. However, when it was finally erected in June 1935, at a time of heightened xenophobia and antisemitism within France's borders, the monument had taken on new significance. No longer a statement of Sephardi difference, it became a message of Jewish unity, patriotism, and belonging to the French Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1905, Jacques Parlier, a former artillery captain in the French army, published the first of two Méthode(s) de cartographie, cartes à main levée et de mémoire tracés rapides to teach French students how to draw maps. Parlier had become convinced of the centrality of geographical knowledge to French national security and interests. His manuals brought geographical and cartographical literacy to a generation of students in France. This paper examines those manuals, specifically in terms of how they were designed to present the cartographic craft to school-aged children, a new market for this discipline. Parlier's strategy involved simplifying continents and countries to appear as geometrical forms and going on to focus on their physical attributes, such as rivers, mountains and coasts, thus encouraging teachers to lecture less and students to draw more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belle Époque quest for a modern beauty (an 'art nouveau') extended into France's system of free primary schooling, established in the 1880s by the Third Republic to educate the popular masses. Design reformers' belief in the underlying unity of the fine and applied arts, and their growing emphasis on the importance of individual initiative and creativity to the latter, suggested that integrating the right form of artistic education into public education, especially primary schools, would serve both economic and democratic ends. The quasi-official Société Nationale de l'Art à l'École (National Society for Art in School) was founded in 1907 to support this goal. An examination of its efforts nevertheless reveals that its distinction of didactic and aesthetic aims, as well as the parameters it imposed upon content and style, blunted their democratic, emancipatory potential in ways that echoed the broader limitations of the French expansion of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the end of the Third Republic, only tiny numbers of West African students managed to study at France's universities. Barriers to higher education began to fall after World War II, especially after African populations collectively gained citizenship. Higher education became a high-stakes policy area, as French officials and West African students and politicians vied to influence the parameters and possibilities of the postwar order. Amid escalating concerns about West African student migrations to the metropole, French officials eventually opened an Institute of Higher Studies in Dakar. However, this inchoate institution ended up highlighting the fundamental ambiguities of overseas citizenship. As West African students turned increasingly to anti-colonial activism, French authorities finally committed to establishing a full university in Dakar. Paradoxically, the construction and consolidation of this French university took place during the period of active decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nineteenth-century American expansion has been shown as a type of Anglo-American "settler revolution," but the United States was also connected with France in France's ideas for the imperial development of Algeria. The two countries alike were ambitious empires, their leaders committed to expansion as a means of political and economic regeneration. More than this, the French empire "borrowed" images from its republican cousin to help incorporate Algeria. Writers during the July Monarchy saw American Indians' decline as a forerunner to white settlement's consequences in North Africa, although they rationalized how Algerians might be treated more benevolently. Napoléon III vowed to prevent an American analogue by setting aside Arab tribal land. Liberal reformers during the early Third Republic, however, called for assimilation of Algerians through land privatization, hailing the U.S. Homestead Act for how it could facilitate egalitarian, private land ownership, and thus help establish what Michel Chevalier had earlier imagined as the French "West." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at contributing to the social history of the Solidarity movement by tracing the collective biography of its elected representatives. It will focus on the life trajectories of the 900 delegates to the First National Congress of Delegates. The convention, held in Autumn 1981, is commonly perceived as a focal moment in the history of Solidarity and plays a crucial role in almost every academic narrative on the anti-communist opposition. Often seen as a first genuine Polish parliament since pre-war times, its main task was to forge the political and economic programme thus furthering the revolution. The projected research will draw on genuine methodology, combining prosopographical and oral history approach. The research will address mainly the following issues: what social strata the elites came from, what was their cultural and educational background, what motives/causes/expectations drove them to engage with Solidarity, to what generations did they belong, how did they embrace the character of political transformation of 1989, and to what extent and how did they get involved in the political, economic, and social life of post-communist Poland. In general, the paper seeks to shed a new light on our understanding of Solidarity's social roots—for instead examining to what extent the contesting, revolutionary elites were a product of the Stalinist social advancement. It also tries to depict the level of continuity between the elites of 1981 and post-1989—thus testing the common theories whether the Third Republic is (or is not) rooted in the legacy of Solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a comprehensive geographic information system of Third Republic France: the TRF-GIS. It provides annual nomenclatures and shapefiles of administrative constituencies of metropolitan France from 1870 to 1940, encompassing general administrative constituencies (départements, arrondissements, cantons) as well as the most significant special administrative constituencies: military, judicial and penitentiary, electoral, academic, labor inspection, and ecclesiastical constituencies. It further proposes annual nomenclatures at the contemporaneous commune level that map each municipality into its corresponding administrative framework along with its population count. The 901 nomenclatures, 830 shapefiles, and complete reproduction material of the TRF-GIS are available at . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ferguson's Accounting for Taste reveals a gap in our understanding: How did French culinary discourse move beyond the bourgeois sphere in which it emerged in the nineteenth century? Picking up on her comparison of the Proustian synthesis of regional and national culinary culture in the Recherche to the project of national identity creation in the Third Republic's best-selling textbook, Le Tour de la France par deux enfants, this essay argues that the culinary model Ferguson describes was in fact widely disseminated through mass primary education under the Third Republic. Examining an overlooked corpus of primary school readers and textbooks, I show that food and cooking provided object lessons imparting practical and scientific knowledge to enlighten the masses, and textbooks canonized regional specialties as part of a new national geographic consciousness. At the same time, I underscore the limits of this consensual image of a national culinary culture, which collided with the class habits and horizons of the urban and rural masses attending l'école républicaine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exodus provoked by the Civil War (1936–1939) is, due to its magnitude, the principal field of study on Spanish exile. Nevertheless, during the Spanish Republic in peacetime (1931–1936), different exiles took place which have not raised as much interest within the historiography. This is the case of those that had to flee Spain after being involved in the October Revolution of 1934. They were anonymous activists, the middle ranks, and also well-known leaders of the working-class movement, many of whom would play an important role during the time of the Popular Front, the Civil War and exile. In order to carry out this study, the archives of the five French départements bordering Spain, the Archives Nationales and the Archives de la Préfecture de Police in Paris were consulted. That facilitated identifying two hundred and seventy-five refugees, as well as understanding important aspects of their route towards exile, how they crossed the border, what their the journey was and the vicissitudes they experienced in French territory and what the conduct of the French authorities was. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A comparative spatial history using GIS, this article examines the similar and differing effects of railway expansion on the growth of postal communications in Great Britain and France from 1830 to the eve of the Great War. It argues that the modern Postal Age in Great Britain and France began in the 1830s. In Britain in 1839, the Parliament obligated private railway companies to convey the Royal Mail throughout the kingdom at reasonable rates. Thereafter, the expansion of postal services and railway networks went hand in hand. Over the years, thousands of new post offices were established and were closer to rail stations than before. As the years wore on the geography of postal communication expanded greatly and by 1914 the majority of rural districts became part of the system of regular, daily mail. In France, a country four or five times larger than England and Wales with a relatively vast rural population, the task of modernizing postal service was a greater challenge. The inauguration of a "rural service" in 1829 employed some 5,000 men as postal carriers to deliver and collect mail throughout the countryside. Thereafter, their numbers grew as new post offices were established to serve villages and small towns with mail deliveries every other day. In the 1880s, under the Third Republic, the state greatly expanded the postal service, deeming it a national mission. It was then that the growing rail network came to shape the national geography of postal service. Hence, at the turn of the century the patterns British and French postal expansions converged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Third Republic introduced more guarantees of civil liberties than any previous French regime, yet citizens remained unable to challenge police violence and illegality in court—even though the Penal Code provided a legal basis for prosecuting police misconduct. This article reveals how police managers and the judiciary in Paris collaborated to avoid bringing charges against police personnel. It also highlights the significant role played by French civil liberties activists and organizations, most notably the League of Human Rights, in pushing for more transparency and accountability in policing. While historians of policing have noted the discrepancies between high-minded republican ideals and limitations on citizens' rights and liberties, they see this as stemming from incomplete republicanization and justify police impunity as necessary for the defense of the Republic and its values. This article argues instead that the continued absence of police accountability to the law was rooted in republican values and priorities themselves. Moreover, the failure to prosecute police placed the French Third Republic increasingly at odds with developments in Britain and Prussia. Finally, it provides the basis for further comparative research into how different political regimes, past and present, respond to citizens' complaints about police abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Thomas Luckmann, a pioneer of the "linguistic turn" in sociology, regarded Émile Durkheim as a source for the sociology of language, he had lifeworldly community–building in mind. However, the French sociologist himself understood language in the context of civil society–building. To Durkheim, language was a "social thing in the highest degree" that enabled general ideas and intermediated them to people. Abstract human ideals like the civil religion since the French Revolution could be shared through (a common) language. Thus, Durkheim took the exclusive use of French in the Third Republic's laic public education for granted, ignoring the patois in the country: This "child of the Enlightenment" considered French to be a universal language of Gesellschaft and, beyond ethno-communal elements, to work as a basis for the organic solidarity of French national civil society where the social division of labor was progressing. Durkheim's theory was predicated on civil-linguistic, not ethnolinguistic, nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I thank I Ethnicities i and the contributors to this discussion for taking the time to read and comment on I Whiteshift i (Kaufmann, 2018). If I had to characterise the political leaning of my critics, I would describe Johnston as realist/empirical but relatively apolitical, Ford as liberal-left and Holmwood as radical-left. Ford claims that antipathy to African-Americans was inherent in southern white identity prior to the Civil Rights era and that anti-Catholicism pervaded the Scots Protestant identity of the 1930s. Setting this up as a white-versus-minority issue, or conflating white privilege - which is real - with active white domination, is both misleading and counterproductive. [Extracted from the article]

In this article we will review the classic(well-known/traditional) debate faced by Simiand and Seignobos in the first decade of the 20th century. Generally, the epistemological aspect of the dispute is considered the main matter at stake. The debate is usually remembered due to Simiand's critique on the implicit determinisms (political, individual, chronological idol) in the historians's method. Nevertheless, the purpose of this article is to suggest a change of look in understanding this intellectual dispute. Far from exhausting the discussion on normal scientific practices' confrontation, the dispute will be studied within the framework of a broader struggle in which two candidatures (sociology and history) strives for the hegemony of the human sciences of the French university. To that end, it is necessary to analyze which institutional spaces were respectively filled by the historical and by the sociological discipline within the framework of the republican higher education. Finally, we will reflect on the lack of symmetry that characterized the relationship between both disciplines, to conclude that such disparity may be the cause of the semi-failure of the Durkheimian attack against the historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the representation of French India at the French India pavilion during the 1931 Colonial Exposition in Paris, France. Topics considered include the French empire, collective memory, colonial historiography, colonial administration during the French Third Republic. It discusses the changing fortunes of Pondichéry, India, which began as an 18th century French colonial outpost, but was traded back and forth with the British as a result of ongoing hostilities between the countries. The biography of French commercial broker Ananda Ranga of the Compagnie des Indes (French East India Co.) is considered.

The secularization literature increasingly recognizes the role of historical state‐building processes and the manifest agency of sociopolitical actors in shaping public secularity. Based on archival data from the French Third Republic, this article offers three contributions to the historicizing agenda. First, to better capture the contingent and agency‐driven nature of secularization, it reoperationalizes the concepts of separation and regulation as contentious strategies of state‐building used toward religious authority. Second, it identifies and exemplifies four interrelated yet uneven spheres in which secularization is prompted through governmental action: politico‐institutional, socio‐pedagogical, symbolic‐ideological, and property‐distributional. Third, it suggests going beyond viewing secularizing agents as disconnected elites operating independently of grassroots movements. The French case shows that the Republicans' engagement with the pressures of various class forces had a significant impact on their secularizing policies. The analysis advances the study of the mechanisms whereby state‐building engenders and mediates secularization as a nonlinear and heterogeneous process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worldwide, subject-matter teachers are commonplace in post-elementary schools. Teachers' specialisation appears as a key characteristic of secondary schools as opposed to the polyvalence of primary school teachers. Historians have already studied the long process of teachers' specialisation, which started, in France as in Prussia (for example), at the beginning of the nineteenth century and developed alongside secondary school modernisation. Those works have usually focused on professional aspects: the structuration of professional groups thanks to the unification of training and recruiting processes, the organisation of teachers within subject-matter associations etc. However, they have not paid much attention to the resistance opposed by other forms of pedagogical organisation, as if polyvalence were were just a backward anomaly, a backward anomaly, doomed to disappear. This paper seeks to shed new light on this question using a comparison between the different forms of post-elementary schooling that existed at the same time in France between the last third of the nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth, when the slow growth of post-elementary schooling was mainly due to the success of subaltern institutions. In those institutions, dedicated to technical education, girls' secondary education, or upper-lower classes' education ("primaire supérieur", "secondaire special"), different kinds of polyvalence or bivalence were experienced in the classrooms. At the same time, specialisation was triumphing in classical secondary education. Why, how and to what extent did specialisation eventually impose itself in these different institutions? To address this question, two types of material are used. On the one hand, the question is studied on a national level, analysing both the legislation and the controversies it arouses in pedagogical and professional reviews. On the other hand, these views and theories are confronted with a prosopography of post-elementary school teachers in one department, Eure-et-Loir, which offers several forms of post-elementary institutions. This question is addressed focusing on literary disciplines (philosophy, French, Latin, Greek, modern languages and history and geography). By narrowing the scope, the intellectual and cultural stakes of the various pedagogical organisations that were implemented or advocated may more easily be grasped. The first part of the article examines the most common (though relatively untested) hypothesis: there was just one strategy for those who advocated the promotion of subaltern types of post-elementary schooling as part of a democratisation process, and this strategy was reproducing the model of the elite institution, secondary classical education, including its pedagogical organisation, starting with subject-matter teachers. The chronology of the changes, the content of the debates, as well as a comparative inquiry into teachers' remuneration induces us to discard this hypothesis as insufficient if not irrelevant. For girls' secondary education, a trade-off may be observed between equalisation (of salaries, rights etc.) and pedagogical alignment. For the other institutions, there was no lack of advocates for the specificity of the pedagogy or of the institution; however, specialisation was usually considered a process that could ameliorate the quality of teaching in these institutions without renouncing its specificity. In fact, in the period under study, the louder advocates for less specialised teachers came from secondary classical education itself: the specialisation process as well as the fragmentation of the class schedule had pedagogic inconveniences, abundantly noticed and commented on by subject-matter teachers themselves. In the second part, these critics and the two main alternatives suggested by the teachers are examined. The first is linked with the Progressive Education movement ("Education nouvelle" in French). The École des Roches, a private institution, tested an original organisation that combined the tradition of the humanities with the modern characteristic of "Éducation nouvelle": there was only one teacher for history, geography, French, Latin and Greek. The teacher was thus enabled to practise a pedagogy of interest, as advocated by Ovide Decroly. The second alternative was advocated by some modern language teachers: if modern language teachers could teach French as well as a modern language, this pedagogic organisation could give strong unity to the until then defective "modern" curriculum (without Latin). The third part turns towards the effective organisation of post-elementary schools in Eure-et-Loir. To what extent were these alternative conceptions of pedagogical organisation implemented? The analysis of individual records of teachers suggests several results. First of all, in small institutions – be they classical secondary institutions like "collèges" or modern ones like "écoles primaires supérieures" – specialisation of services was a luxury that most teachers could not afford. Most of the time, they had to teach several subjects, even if they had been trained for just one. However, polyvalence was not used as an opportunity to make connections between the subjects. Class schedules rarely enabled teachers to use polyvalence as a way to teach several subjects to the same pupils. More often, polyvalence was used by the administration as an expedient that some teachers explicitly tried to escape, for example by asking for a move to a bigger institution. This mundane reality of small institutions invites us to pay renewed attention to teacher training and its regulation during the same period. At the end of the nineteenth century, teachers' specialisation had been inextricably linked with the modernisation of universities through the specialisation of the "licence de lettres" in 1880. When this model proved to be partially irrelevant for a significant proportion of post-elementary schools, how did universities react? Were universities fit for something other than training specialised teachers? The answer is yes. The curriculum organisation of the licence opened up several possibilities for training polyvalent teachers. This perspective was still looming at the end of the 1930s. The curricula of the different post-elementary settings analysed in this article shared the same characteristics: they worked as "serial codes" not as "integrated codes", to quote Basil Bernstein. Therefore the specialisation, bivalence or polyvalence of the teachers did not have much influence, in itself, on the degree of integration of the curriculum. From this perspective, specialisation could probably guarantee better teaching of the subject matters. However, polyvalent teachers were better suited to small schools than specialist ones. Considering demographic and geographic constraints, there was a clear trade-off between specialisation of teachers and separation of publics. In small cities, it was necessary either to mix the pupils to specialise the teachers, or to accept some kind of polyvalence to keep different types of students separated; the debate was still open during the 1930s. School massification, coeducation and the baby-boom era rapidly settled the matter for small cities after the Second World War, giving way to an effective specialisation of teachers. But the question remained open, until the end of the 1970s, for rural settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During its first decades the Third Republic's relationship with the Catholic Church soured. While the Republic notoriously recast itself as a secular regime through removing clerics from the classroom, laicization also drove the development of public welfare. By examining the case of ouvroirs, charitable ateliers run by female religious orders to train and employ young women, this article explores the consequences of new ideas about welfare for working-class girlhood. In the context of rising anticlericalism, the Republic mobilized labor law and sent labor inspectors to scrutinize the nuns' treatment of their charges. The Republic's efforts to regulate these spaces represent a transformation in its treatment of girlhood, a recognition that girls' care could not be left to the private sphere. Instead, not only was it the Republic's responsibility to protect these girls, but this protection had a larger, societal imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the bicentennial of the Battle of Boyacá on August 7, 1819. It recalls Simón Bolívar's strong cultural education, which is attempted from the exegesis of the books in his library found in Guayaquil. Particularly, his proximity to and study of Benjamin Constant's constitutional writings stand out. The results of this assessment are contradictory. Bolívar appears as a great strategist of his era on the battlefield, an example of which is the Battle of Boyacá (but not the only one). Yet, his constitutional models are insufficient and inadequate, especially the Constitution of Bolivia of 1826, for its excessive presidentialism, power centralization, and disproportionate exceptional powers, which provoked criticism from Constant himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article underlines the significance of emotions in shaping political culture by analyzing a largely forgotten spectacle, the "Christmas Tree of the Alsatians and Lorrainers." Held annually in Paris from 1872 until 1918, the event aided children whose families had fled Alsace and Lorraine to retain French citizenship following France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. It also provided an afternoon's entertainment for a paying audience. The Christmas tree was strongly associated with Alsace, and the event was a spectacle of patriotism, widely reported in the popular press. Through music, verse, and performance, those present mourned "the Lost Provinces" and celebrated the patrie, mobilizing for the Republic the emotions roused by the loss of Alsace and Lorraine. This event highlights the significance of popular cultural practices in developing the "sympathetic emotional regime" that underpinned the successful implantation of the Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the issue of elite male opinion in France toward women's suffrage on the eve of World War I. It is based on three poorly known sources from the years 1910-13--two published opinion surveys and the entries in an essay contest sponsored by the Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques--revealing the attitudes of a sample of male social and political elites. Their opinions can be divided into three broad categories: those in favor, those firmly opposed, and those who expressed qualified support. Social conservatism with regard to change in general appeared to be an important element in male resistance. Those opposed or offering only qualified support adopted two major strands of reasoning: the reassertion of hierarchical sexual difference supported by nature, accompanied by the fear of sex warfare; and dissatisfaction with the existing form of "universal" manhood suffrage, leading to a call for electoral reform that would take precedence over any change in women's political status. But a surprising number also appeared uncertain, even ambivalent or ignorant, about the goals of the suffrage movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs that introduction of supplemental oxygen for high altitude balloon flight, and carried an array of instruments that Glaisher utilised to measure various parameters . Topics discussed include immensity of the air at the mercy of the winds, experiencing a cold which no mortal ever felt in the severest climates; and doubted the accuracy of Blanchard's barometric readings, his account was among the first to outline the dangers of high altitude flight.

This article uses an 1881 revolt by settler students at the normal school of Algiers to explore issues of settler identity formation, anticlericalism, and racism. It argues that in the early Third Republic, settlers began to see the public school as a key site for creating a distinctly "Algerian" identity, one that excluded both Algerian Muslims and even new arrivals from the metropole. In this effort, settlers sought to implement radical versions of French republicanism and anticlericalism that were in reality highly restrictive, as they combined both metropolitan disdain for Catholicism and colonial scorn towards Islam. The investigations precipitated by the revolt reveal a colony and metropole whose fundamental concepts took shape in circuit between France and Algeria. The version of republicanism that emerged in Algeria served as an important precursor for the exclusive republicanism and its prohibitions on the public expression of faith in the ascendency in France today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses royal heritage and the sale at auction of the crown jewels in France during the early Third Republic. Emphasis is given to topics such as the conservation of historical and artistic objects, the cataloging and bid management for auction items, and the symbolism of the sale in the opposition of art historian Germain Bapst.

When shipping companies first experimented with transporting wine in steel containers in the 1930s they promised to revolutionize the way French Algeria sent its most important export to metropolitan France. What capitalists saw as a rational and efficient use of new technology, however, dockworkers and barrelmakers saw as a dire threat to their livelihoods in a time of intense economic hardship. This article traces the social conflict that followed the introduction of the wine tanker and the declining use of wine barrels in port cities in both Algeria and France. In doing so it illustrates the wide range of people and places that held a direct stake in economic activity arising from France's colonization of Algeria, from the rural environments in which wine was produced all the way to distant urban spaces such as Rouen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early Third Republic, southern wine producers in the Aude confronted a new competitor: Algerian wine. This article explores Audois efforts to curtail Algerian wine production in the aftermath of phylloxera, the wine crisis, and the 1907 strikes. Focusing on the actions of the Confédération générale des vignerons, this article shows how local winegrowers transformed the Algerian wine industry into a symbol of industrial, profit-driven agriculture and global integration. Cast as a civilizational struggle that pitted "French" traditions and cultural practices against the unsavory and immoral habits of colonial competitors, the fight against Algerian wine provided southern wine growers with a way to distinguish and add value to their own wines. The result was a new myth of southern viticulture that, despite hybridized vines and industrial production methods, recast the Midi as the guardian of true "French" agricultural production and a rural culture based on age-old traditions and a moral economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers popular opinions in France towards Russia during the fin-de-siècle which helped lead towards the Dual Alliance military treaty between the two countries. Topics explored include the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, a comparative study of autocratic Tsarist Russia and France's democratic Third Republic, salons by pan-Slavic activists Olga Novikova, Princess Liza Trubetskaia, and Juliette Adam.

When discussing positivism today, it almost systematically falls into the realm of epistemological discourse. This discursive turn is primarily the by-product of the social sciences’ now-traditional approach to positivism—a turn which has been seen as largely dismissive of positivism for its antiquated and reductionist approaches to research. Without trying to make an apologetic account of positivism, this article reframes it in its broader social and historical dimensions. In particular, this article aims to illustrate how positivism—as a social and political movement—conveyed a cultural policy. In other words, this article attempts to re-engage with the intellectual legacy of positivism to resituate its significance in cultural and artistic terms in French culture, society and beyond. By drawing on the notion of implicit cultural policy, this article retraces the steps of positivism and specifically builds a case for its influence on French cultural policy in the Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The debates on laïcité in France have been capped by a claim that French cultural imaginary laïcité has reasserted itself against the ‘new challenge of diversity’, this new challenge explicitly being contrasted to the old challenge of the Catholic Church. There have been plenty of references to the French Third Republic during these debates, yet these references fail to recognise that in fact the concept of diversité was part of the discussions on laïcité during the Third Republic. This is a historical fact that questions the distinction between old and new challenges. This article locates the concept of diversité in the parliamentary deliberations during the making of the ‘Loi du 28 Mars 1882 sur l’enseignement primaire obligatoire’ and the ‘Loi du 9 Décembre 1905 concernant la séparation des églises et de l’État’ and then compares the relations of diversité and laïcité at that time with their relations in contemporary France. The article lays out the move of diversité from a constitutive premise of laïc institutions in the Third Republic to challenging laïcité, and it explores the politics behind this move. I argue that laïcité has not been reasserted but rather has regressed in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Napoleonic edict granting citizenship to the Jews, and the implementation of laws consolidating the secularism of the Third Republic, France seemed to have confirmed its status as a land of freedom for European Jews. This changed with the collaboration of Vichy France with the Nazi Occupation. This article studies personal writings, principally diaries, in order to discover the forms of experience of the crisis of identity that beset the Jews of France in the ‘Dark Years’ following this. It shows that under the secularist model of assimilation, this resolved into a series of dilemmas: israélite ou juif, French or Jewish, secular or religiously observant, nationalist, communist or Zionist. The article ends with the key figure of Wladimir Rabinovitch, bringing the account into the second half of the twentieth century. Notwithstanding some key international changes, the terms of these dilemmas has not changed.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the Marcel Proust's novel A la recherche du temps perdu (published between 1913 and 1927), the discussion presented here analyze some of the relationships that were established between literature, press and editorial market in France of the Third Republic, specifically in Paris in the 1910s and 1920s. Through reality fragments of print culture, which was a striking fact of this situation, the central intention here is to understand how the emergent mediatic culture served of the spread and success of modernist literature, as in the Proustian work. Therefore, one of the central points of this reflection is to understand the role of the new cultural intermediary who then set up through the printed and bookish market, and that marked a fundamental way the history of literary modernism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically unconcerned with imperial and international questions. Rather, it was those who remained in Europe that produced more clearly elaborated theories on empire and international engagement. Such ideas subsequently served to demarcate the limits and possibilities of universal equality and solidarity, which were central to revolutionary socialist thought during this period. Consequently, it will be suggested that despite their recent rise in popularity, empire, and colonialism are not the best categories of analysis for approaching such themes, for they cannot be isolated from broader concerns with international and transnational thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III’s regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To deepen understandings of the relationship between animal agents and borders, this article explores the history of smuggling and customs dogs on the Franco-Belgian border between 1871 and 1940. Both kinds of dogs became enmeshed in the bordering process. Smuggling dogs were seen to undermine the Third Republic's efforts to secure its territory during a period of anxiety about the porosity of the nation's borders. In response, customs officials, journalists and others mobilized customs dogs to defend borders and state revenues, portraying them as intelligent, skilled and loyal animals. This article situates the history of smuggling and customs dogs within border studies and animal studies literatures, arguing that animals are significant, if neglected, agents in the construction and contestation of borders. It focuses in particular on human understandings and mobilizations of nonhuman agency that helped the French imagine their borders. In addition, the mobilization of customs dogs reflected and reinforced the reinvention of the dog in Western societies as auxiliaries in defending state control of territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the fiscal policies instituted by France's Third Republic in the late nineteenth century. Taxation was increased to pay for public programs such as education and transportation. Topics considered include the historiography of taxation and the theories of sociologist Max Weber, state-building and war, French President Adolphe Thiers, nineteenth-century taxation and theories on income tax. A comparison of the tax systems of France, Great Britain, and the U.S. is presented.