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The article offers information on the labor rally of 165,000 coal miners in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in 1978. Monsignor Charles Rice offered an earnest prayer to the miners, where his words perfectly reflected the own mood of the miners in the long, three-month strike. Opposing the miner, in a classic confrontation that noted his first major domestic crisis, endured President Jimmy Carter and the forces of authority at his command. The Taft-Hartley Act, which was last used against the International Longshoremen's Association in 1971, demands the United Mine Workers of America to get back to work for an 80-day cooling-off period.

Focuses on the problems and anxieties of the United Mine Workers in Pennsylvania. Details of the electoral process of electing representatives for the union; Assertion of the author that the miners are wise but not conservative; Debate on the Coal Wages Board on the labor hours and wages of coal miners.

This article focuses on various recent socio-political developments and issues across the world. It first describes some experimental political developments concerning disputes between the railways and employees in the U.S. When the conference between coal miners and operators began in February 1916, and there was fear of a strike the country knew that it had no legal provision for preventing such a calamity. General sentiment has proved powerful, not merely in halting incipient strikes, but in inducing capital and labor to make trade agreements for arbitration, or to hold regular joint conferences to adjust differences. In Australia and New Zealand legislation has gone farther than in Canada. It is described that the New Zealand compulsory-arbitration act creates a number of industrial districts, in each of which is aboard of conciliation to which disputes must be referred. Another news item reports about changes in German opinion concerning the flow of newspapers, pamphlets, and books, which are now almost unobtainable in the U.S.

Reports on developments in world politics. Meeting of Great Britain Coal Commission chairman Herbert Samuel and industrialist Alfred Mond with miners' unions and coal owners; Airplane flight to the North Pole by Richard Byrd; Possible involvement of former U.S. attorney general Harry M. Daugherty in a serious legal proceeding arising from the activities of the Ohio Gang during the administration of President Warren Harding; Behavior of U.S. newspapers in reporting the news of strike in Great Britain.

The author reflects on business developments in the U.S. as of August 5, 1922. He lists 25 things that are likely to happen within six to 12 months hence, including an acute scarcity of labor and rising wages. He describes the prevailing revival of the spirit of enterprise, discusses how to raise capital for business and criticizes coal miners' leaders who lead a labor strike. He also reflects on the downfall of businessman Allan A. Ryan.

Focuses on the strike of members of the United Mine Workers (UMW) union. Impact of the strike on power companies; Miners' rejection of a contract that would have trade a wage increase for unconditional surrender to the mine owners in other areas; Supporters of the contract rejected by miners; Line of defense adopted by miners; Demonstration of the miners' solidarity when they overwhelmingly rejected the contract; Changes made from the original contract. Impact of the strike on miners' personal income.

Examines the political aspect of the wildcat strike in the United States coal industry. Comments of Senator Howard Baker on the deadlocked national coal negotiation; Options available to President Jimmy Carter; Background of the wildcat strike in the industry; Efforts of coal companies to address the wildcat strike problem; Bituminous Coal Operators Association's suggestions for ending wildcat strikes; Provision under the Taft-Hartley Act which authorize the President to send strikers back to work before a contract is signed.

Focuses on the election and performance of Arnold Miller, president of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA). Information on the election campaign of Miller against W.A. Boyle, former president of the Union; Information on the staff members of the Union who have left the Union; Effect of the exodus on the Union; Discussion of the problems faced by Miller; Assessment of the handling of a strike of workers in coalfields of West Virginia by Miller; View of Joseph Rauh, a Washington, DC labor lawyer on Miller's campaign; Description of the conditions of the mine workers; View that Miller is not temperamentally fit to deal with the continuing political intrigue that goes on in a big union like the UMWA.

Asserts the need for a disarmament conference for the coal industry in the United States. Signals of industrial conflict; Terms of agreements proposed by miners unions; Factors complicating industrial relations in the coal industry; Wage bargaining.

Focuses on the need of a national policy to alleviate the worsening working condition of coal miners in the U.S. Suggestion that trade unionism should be accepted and standards should be set by negotiation, reason and compromise; Information that Republic Steel, which forced the Memorial Day massacre, was among the first to sign the industry's far-reaching settlement with the steel workers; Criticism of the Taft-Hartley Act whose injunction provisions simply delay collective bargaining while tensions increase until the period of the injunction expires; Information that conversion of U.S. industry to oil has been accelerated by the fall in the price of fuel oil; Information that there are 8,000 operators in the coal industry which tend to increase production as prices fall.

Presents an analysis of the action taken by Gabriel Gonzalez Videla, President of Republic of Chile to break a strike of 17000 coal miners. Arrest of various union leaders as "foreign agents" and breaking off diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union; Election of Videla as a President by a progressive coalition who pledged to support a platform almost exactly the opposite of the program he is now carrying out; Demands of miners from the government.

The unionization of Somerset County is the victory won by the miners since the great strike started. It was the boast of the Somerset operators that organizers. To win such a victory meant for the organizers long days and nights of heart-breaking, nerve-racking work; hurried trips in rickety machines up mountain passes and down roads, as often as not drenched with the white glare of the operators' searchlights; speeches and more speeches from the rickety verandas of miners' shacks, on kitchen tables, in back lots, atop stumps in woodland clearings, on the platforms of remote halls.

Focuses on the controversy over the charges of a coal miners union before the U.S. Senate Interstate Commerce Committee that a conspiracy exists to smash the organization. Statement of the union officials that the activities of certain railroads, industrial concerns, banks, and coal operators warrant this charge; Information on factors which show that concerted efforts are being made to curb labor wage scale and the union; Report that low labor costs, low prices, good quality of coal, and disproportionately low freight rates on long hauls have made the competition of Virginia, West Virginia and Kentucky the most important competitive factor in the bituminous coal business east of the Mississippi; Competition between Southern coal fields and the Northern fields; Need for measures which will permit fair prices, good wages, and economical exploitation of the American coal resources.

Focuses on the deadlock of the negotiations between anthracite coal mining operators and the miners' union in Pennsylvania. Difference of the anthracite coal industry from other industries; Preference of the operators for a substitute compulsory arbitration as the method of adjudicating conflicts of policy and interest with due regard for all relevant interests; Suggestion that the organized miners opposes the proposed arbitration because it prohibits them from taking advantage of their collective strength to improve their position in the industry.

The article presents comments on socio-political developments. The author observes the worsening relations between the anthracite miners and the operators when John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers of America protested the operators' subcommittee that will negotiate the wage agreement. The Nine Power Treaty, a treaty formulated to affirm the sovereignty of China has been ratified at the Washington Naval Conference.

The article discusses the Battle of Blair Mountain in 1921 when 10,000 armed coal miners attempted to assert their rights against the coal mining companies in West Virginia. The uprising was the largest single uprising in American history after the Civil War. U.S. Army troops were brought in to quell the uprising.

Investigates the assassination of union leaders Valmore Locarno and Victor Orcasitas of the Drummond coal company in Colombia on March 12, 2001. Details on the assassination; Number of trade unionist who have been killed by paramilitaries since 1991; Participation of paramilitaries in the assassination of Locarno and Orcasitas.

Few Americans seem to be aware of the two-month-old strike against Pittston mines in Virginia and West Virginia. The Eastern Airlines strike has received more national attention, and yet nowhere are the issues so stark, the stakes so high, as in the heart of the Appalachians. The Pittston Co. is the leading coal producer in Virginia and a major force in West Virginia and Kentucky as well, making it the second largest exporter of coal in the United States. Pittston's coal production has gone up 72 percent in the past four years, and the company turned an overall profit of 548.6 million in 1988. In the past, Pittston was a member of the Bituminous Coal Operators' Association (B.C.O.A.), which negotiates contracts with the United Mine Workers. But in February 1988 Pittston refused to be bound by the new B.C.O.A. contract, objecting in particular to clauses guaranteeing laid-off workers preferential hiring at subsidiary operations and this started the trouble.

The article reports on the strike of the United Mine Workers (UMW) members against American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) president George Meany in 1977. The coal miners demand that each local of the union will have the whole purpose of a contract. It notes that the pension payments of its retired members will be cut if the strike continues beyond January 1, 1978 due to insufficient employer contributions. Solidarity is considered important to the aura of a miner who notes that his tribulations can only be understood by a co-miner.

The article forecasts an improvement in labor relations in the U.S. coal industry in 1981. Negotiations are being held by the industry and the United Mine Workers (UMW) to settle various issues, including the opposition of rank-and-file to current arbitration procedures. The factors that have contributed to labor relations improvement include an improvement in mine management and a sense of loyalty by miners to their companies.

The article reports on the plan of a nationwide coal strike by the 120,000 members of the United Mine Workers of America (UMW) that will start on November 25, 1974 in the U.S. It notes that UMW pushes for an increase of about 40% in wages and benefits over three years, five-days-a-year paid sick leave, and increase in the royalty paid by companies to support the union's health and retirement plans. It mentions that the miners feel that their demands are justified because the profits of some coal companies have tripled or even quadrupled in 1974. It points out that the impact of the strike on the economy will be felt quickly as the UMW members dig 75% of the nation's soft coal.

The article focuses on the confrontation between the British government and mineworkers regarding the coal fields in Nottingham, England. It states that members of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and other miners across the country have been considering whether to carry on a strike that may cause negative impacts to the country. It notes that leaders of the NUM have developed plans to picket power stations, rail yards and docks to stop other union-run industries in the nation. Meanwhile, the government has also established contingency plans that would include centralized intelligence unit and has analyzed whether to enforce long prison sentences on violent pickets.

The article reports on a strike held by 90,000 coal miners mostly from western Pennsylvania who disagreed with the tactics of organized labor leader John L. Lewis. Lewis had advised the miners to go back to work on a three-day week, while he continued his negotiations with operators, but the miners disobeyed his order. The miners complained of lowpaying and tiring three-day week and demanded full-time work. Roughly two-third of the miners decided to heed their union leaders and went back to work.

Focuses on the economic conditions of employees in the U.S. Details of events prior to the agreement between employees under the National Miners' Union and the authorities at Gallup, New Mexico amidst miners' strike in the city. Account of substandard conditions of the employees of the National Recovery Administration (NRA) ; Demands placed by NRA employees under Local 91, American Federation of Government Employees to the management of the association; Effect of the NRA and the recovery program on purhcasing power.

Highlights a discussion related to the question as to whether or not a radical organization can function under the National Recovery Administration (NRA) in the U.S. Cessation of a strike of 1,500 coal miners in the Carbon County of Utah with the help of the armed forces; Passage guaranteed to the law titled "Industrial Recovery-Code of Fair Competition" defining the operation of the NRA in Utah; Invocation of the criminal-syndicalism law to send strike leaders to prison; Opinion of the liberal elements of Utah that the law is a stark violation of the national law which explicitly guarantees the workers the right to be represented by unions of their own choosing, and that it furnishes a dangerous precedent for other states.

This article presents information about films that are being shown in the U.S. The questions raised by "Black Fury" has come to be more and more the most pressing of all questions in the minds of those who follow the cinema. Rarely have the metropolitan film reviewers been forced into an anguishing betrayal of confusion, self-contradiction and indecision. Certainly the producers of "Black Fury" must be credited with a certain bold ingenuity, a sense of the main box-office chance in turning to the plight of the coal-miners as a subject for a Hollywood picture. The film is very exciting. And Mr. Muni, as the swaggering, illiterate, misunderstood Joe Radek, who has disgraced himself by opposing the regular union, gives the most vigorous performance of his screen career.

The article highlights the condition of the coal industry in 1930, which industry leaders expects as a good year for their businesses after they have reached about 525 million net tons in 1929. The Shippers' Regional Advisory Boards reporting to the American Railway Association cited that they have seen a 2.8% increase in coal and coke carloadings for the first quarter of 1930. In the side of workers' condition, employers reported a satisfactory condition with their relationship with their workers, about 72% of which are union members.

The article reports that the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) is focusing its organizing campaign on salaried workers, with New York City as the test market. An overview of the labor union movement in New York City is given. At the head of the campaign is Allen Haywood from the United Mine Workers, helped by a group of union presidents and their assistants. CIO listed as affiliated unions about 24 to 25 groups, including coal miners and optical workers.

The article presents information on Jock Yablonski, a former coal miner. He is mentioned to arouse strong feelings where he went in the traditionally violent coal fields. He challenged the president W. A. Boyle in an election to head the United Mine Workers Union. He gave fiery speeches and accusing union leaders of mismanagement. He lost the election but leveled charges of irregularities. He alongwith his wife were shot dead on December 30, 1970 in their home in Clarksville, Pennsylvania.

One does not expect surprise endings in quasi-judicial decisions. The opinion of the majority members of the National Defense Mediation Board in the captive-coal-mines dispute established a clear case in favor of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) — and then ruled against them. The majority found that 90 per cent of the bituminous coal industry is already operating under a union shop and that 95 per cent of the workers in the open-shop captive mines are already members of the UMWA.

The article reports that the six-week strike of 280,000 coal miners in Great Britain has affected the economy of the country and production rate of almost 20,000 companies in February 1972. It says that the National Union of Coal Miners had asked for a 50% wage increase, while the National Coal Board offered them a 7.9% increase, which was refused by the union. Furthermore, British Prime Minister Edward Heath has ordered companies to cut their production at least in half to conserve power.

The article reports on the career status of Patrick T. Fagan, a well-liked leader of miners in District 5 of the United Mine Workers of America, who loses in the election as the result of opposition to John L. Lewis. It states that the coal miners voted to kick out Fagan when Lewis said that the veteran president was to be purged for feuding with the Big Boss. It notes that the first break in the friendship between Lewis and Fagan was remarked in the 1940 presidential election.

The article focuses on the situation of United Mine Workers organization and the leadership intervention of John L. Lewis in the U.S. The author states that the leadership of Lewis weakens the organization. Moreover he asserts that Lewis has made destructive moves since he became the president of the organization. The author explains that Lewis denies responsibilities to the problems of the organization, but using the economic conditions of the industry as a reason.

Focuses on the relation between the control of the soft coal industry and the struggle of the union. Loss of ground by the United Mine Workers in western Pennsylvania; Success of the western Pennsylvania operators in establishing the open shop; Revolt against the ineffectiveness of the union policy and leadership has been under way; Issuance of a strike call to the non-union workers to go into effect in western Pennsylvania on April 16, 1928, by the Save the Union Committee; Report that students of coal universally agree that trade unionism has valid historical claims, which involve the improvement of labor conditions and aid to the stability of the industry; View that constitutional government in the industry, through collective bargaining for adjustment of labor conditions has played a considerable part in stimulating desirable achievements.

The article reports on a strike staged by labor union workers in the coal and iron mine fields in Colorado and the request from a British delegation for U.S. President Calvin Coolidge to call a conference between both factions to settle the strike.

The author considers the article "1926, Social Costs of the Mining Dispute" by Chris Wrigley which was published in a 1984 issue of "History Today." It explored the 1926 mining dispute and general strike in Great Britain and compared the historical situation to the contemporary British miners' strike of 1984. Some of the subjects considered include the Miners Association of Great Britain, precursor to the National Union of Mineworkers; the impact of World War I on the coal mining industry; and the autobiographical account of a coal miner "These Poor Hands," by Bert Coombes.

The article discusses the challenges facing the President's Commission on Coal as it looks into the critical problems that confront the U.S. coal industry and the Union Mine Workers (UMW) in 1978. Issues that the commission will study include housing for coal miners and training for miners and their supervisors in handling grievances. The industry and UMW are allegedly resisting the commission's involvement in collective bargaining matters because it might cause trouble at a time of relative calm in the sector.

The article offers information on the wildcat strike of 60,000 coal miners of West Virginia and 10,000 more workers from other states against coal companies and the federal government, which began at the Cedar Coal Co. mine in West Virginia in August 1976. It states that the coal production in the U.S. had decreased into 6 million tons, which is worth 150 million dollars, while miners had also lost wages worth 24 million dollars due to the strike. It mentions that the strike was triggered when the management of Cedar Coal Co. disagreed to the plan of the United Mine Workers union to have an office for union applicants. It also says the federal court has supported Cedar Coal because it issued an injunction against the strike, however, it was ignored by the miners.

Discusses the establishment of non-union coal mining company Kerr-McGee Corp. in Illinois. Presence of the United Mine Workers of America in the state; Reason behind the establishment of an anti-union company in the state; Reaction of miners towards the decision of the Kerr-McGee to establishment an anti-union mining company.

The article focuses on the opposition of coal miners of the National Union of Mineworkers in Great Britain against their Marxist leader Arthur Scargill's proposal for a national strike to oppose pit closings.

The article reports that Arthur Horner, the Communist general secretary of the non-Communist coal miners' union in Great Britain, will be going to the Soviet Union for his treatment. His doctor advised him to have absolute rest, something he will do for the first time in 15 years. Horner stated that he is a believer of Soviet medicine.

Presents letters to the editor. Floyd W. Parsons' argument that non-union coal miners are better paid than union miners in his article, "What of a coal strike?"; Alfred H. Fried's Philosophy of Blame concerning the responsibility of Germany for the world war.

The article offers information on the conflicts between the U.S. United Mine Workers (UMW) and the localized Progressive Mine Workers in Illinois. It discusses the details of the legal battle between the two unions over miners in two Peabody coalfields before the U.S. National Labor Relation Board (NLRB). It discusses the reasons for the dispute between mine unions in 1932 which includes dissatisfaction over contract terms negotiated by UMW to end a strike.

The article reports on various labor disputes in several industries including steel, nonferrous mining, and coal in the U.S. which are becoming harder to settle. It states the labor unions are shaping their demands according to the growth in the economy such as the David McDonald's steelworkers union which is demanding pay for weekend works and for guaranteed supplementary employment plan. John L. Lewis' soft coal miners collected the second pay installment on the 52 a day contract of 1955.