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This study unearths and examines rich models of learning in which multiple institutions collaboratively play a role in promoting civic education. Using historical and ethnographic case study analysis, this paper addresses the research question: What is the role of community in civic education? Specifically, the author examines Hull House and the pioneering social settlement work of Jane Addams at the turn of the 20th century; democratic education for social change put into practice during the civil rights movement by Myles Horton, Septima Clark, Bernice Robinson, and others at the Highlander Folk School; and the Neighborhood Learning Community in St. Paul, Minnesota, a network of community institutions, schools, and higher education institutions which applies the lessons from Hull House and Highlander in its efforts to create a neighborhood culture of learning. Short overviews of these cases are given, as well as detailed lessons for the role of community in civic education. The cases in this study present important historical and contemporary models where educators commit to making change over longer periods of time; place a deliberate emphasis on comprehensive, relational, and public education; make learning relevant to people's everyday lives; recognize the creative powers of diversity through public work; utilize the talents and instincts of non-professionals; foster reciprocal relationships; and embrace flexibility and trust in the messiness of democracy. [This paper was produced by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), University of Maryland.]

As information and communication technologies bring people, places, and events from around the world to desktops, telephones, and televisions, the economic, social, and cultural issues of the globe are becoming increasingly, unavoidably, our own (McLuhan, 1964). Diversity is thus a broader and more complex concept than ever before (Ladson-Billings, 2001a), and preparing young people for citizenship in such an interconnected world necessarily means helping them develop the ability to understand complex cultural issues from multiple perspectives. Multiculturalism is an essential tool for democratic citizenship in an interconnected world. This is not a new idea, of course. Over a century ago, the Pragmatists--including perhaps the best-known Pragmatist in the field of education, John Dewey--saw the essence of democracy in the idea that there is no one truth. Personal beliefs--however deeply felt--were but one possible perspective among many, and as Menand (2001) explains, the central political tenet of Pragmatism was that "the moral justification for our actions comes from the tolerance we have shown to other ways of being in the world" (p. 440). Dewey's Progressive pedagogy, based on his Pragmatic view of truth, emphasized learning as a process linking personal interest with activities meaningful in the world outside of school, and thus might be a likely candidate for the development of a multicultural education for the digital age. In this paper the author argues that this is both true, and untrue. (Contains 3 figures and 6 footnotes.)

At a time when the ongoing effort to reform public education in the United States is strongly influenced by requirements of the federal No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), policymakers and education leaders at all levels are focused on improving student achievement in math and reading. Emphasis on these two areas, however, is generating concern among many educators, policymakers and public education advocates that public education's historical function of training young people for democratic citizenship is being pushed aside. No one disputes that public education must provide students with the knowledge and skills they need to establish careers and participate in today's economy, but many people feel also that schools still must teach the skills and values needed to participate in community life and in local, state and national politics. During 2003, the Education Commission of the States' National Center for Learning and Citizenship (NCLC) invited 22 school districts across the country to complete surveys on their efforts to teach citizenship as part of a larger project examining the "line of sight" between state policy and school practice. School districts represent a key leverage point in education policy because of their ability to mediate and interpret state and federal policy according to local conditions. Districts were selected for this study based on recommendations from the National Center for Learning and Citizenship's (NCLC) national and state partners and on the center's previous work with some of the districts and their staffs. Fourteen of 22 districts returned surveys. Respondents included small, rural districts, affluent suburban districts and two of the country's largest urban districts. The majority of survey respondents said citizenship education is important, and nearly all of them offer opportunities for students to acquire some of the knowledge and skills that effective citizens need through civics courses. When asked about the specific knowledge, skills and dispositions of citizenship, however, nearly all respondents described opportunities for students to obtain at least some civic competencies outside these courses. Citizenship education is supported through state standards and local school board missions, with a number of districts also either requiring or expressing official support for the use of service-learning. These official policies are supported in a number of districts by local leaders' belief that civic engagement and involvement in the community are important qualifications for teachers and other education staff, by systems for shared decision-making among school and district staff, and by programs and unofficial opportunities for students to participate in district and school decision-making. While the small number of districts included cannot represent the array of approaches to citizenship education in the roughly 15,000 U.S. school districts, the findings do provide useful information for district and state leaders seeking to support schools in preparing young people to participate in their communities and in the American democratic system of governance. [Support for this paper was provided by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).]

The connection between service and character is a natural fit in today's schools. An important fact of school reform in recent years has been the push to connect academics to the "real world." But while there is widespread agreement that educating students to become good citizens is crucial, there are differences on how to make that goal a reality. Many educators, however, are finding that the service-learning and character development approaches go hand in hand. Following an overview, this issue paper first defines and describes character education and service-learning. The paper focuses on how service and character support each other. It discusses conflicting opinions about policy options and policy challenges. It outlines guidelines and strategies for state policymakers who wish to draft legislation about character education and service-learning. (Contains 15 references and 9 resources.) (BT)

Civic education is essential for sustaining constitutional democracy in the United States, a country with the world's oldest constitutional democracy with political institutions whose philosophical foundations serve as a model for aspiring peoples around the world. This task force paper involves a nation-wide discussion of civic education, what its principal goals should be, and how civic education can be revitalized. The paper answers the following questions: "What is civic education and what should its principal goals be?"; "What evidence is there of the need to improve civic education?"; "What is the relationship of civic education and character education?"; What are the characteristics of successful programs in civic education?"; and "How can civic education be revitalized?" (Contains 25 references.) (CB)

This position paper asserts that citizens must reclaim responsibility for and power over public affairs. The New Citizenship calls on all people to reassert common agency and to repossess democratic institutions through popular sovereignty that is the root of democracy. The volume includes the following chapters: (1) "Background"; (2) "Call for a New Citizenship"; (3) "The Challenge"; (4) "The New Citizenship: Civic Stories"; (5) "From 'Me' to 'We': The Lessons of Civic Stories"; (6) "The American Civic Forum"; and (7) "About the 'Civic Declaration'; Reflections of Civic Leaders." (EH)

This collection of papers examines the role of adult education in encouraging active citizenship throughout Europe. "Introduction: The Project" (John Field) discusses the context in which the other papers were written and briefly discusses citizenship education and research in Great Britain. "Learning, Education, Citizenship: What Connections?" (Chris Duke) discusses the relationships between education and citizenship, the British experience in citizenship education, and possible strategies for adult educators to use to help produce competent citizens. "The Future as a Challenge and the Role of Adult Education--The Example of Poland" (Mieczyslaw Malewski) discusses the relationship between citizenship education and the consciousness of Polish society. The historical development of citizenship education in Sweden, current practices in adult education programs, and a methodology and theory for further research are examined in "Education for Citizenship in Sweden" (Agnieska Bron-Wojciechowska). "Education: A Resource in Social Movements?" (John Field) outlines a resource mobilization theory, discusses the concept of education as a resource, and presents a case study of the use and development of educational resources for purposes of citizenship education. (MN)

The second step of implementation of the legalization program of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) began on November 7, 1988. This second step is the process by which undocumented immigrants, initially granted temporary residence, may adjust to their status change to permanent resident. Certain aspects of the adjustment are causing difficulties for persons who have applied for permanent residence. The white paper addresses concerns of advocacy groups regarding the implementation of legalization's second step, including: (1) diminished outreach efforts on the part of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS); (2) difficulties regarding State Legalization Impact Assistance Grants; (3) the lack of standardization of the INS testing process; (4) confusion regarding financial assistance; (5) the effect of appeals on application for permanent residence; and (6) the use of fee receipts for work authorization. The white paper, presented by advocacy groups, discusses these problems point by point and offers specific recommendations for resolution. (Author/MSE) (Adjunct ERIC Clearinghouse on Literacy Education)

According to the document, Dr. Andrew Brimmer did an excellent job of identifying emerging economic concerns. Dr. Brimmer's characterization of economics as a tool kit can help young people examine important social questions using principles of economics as the tool for analysis. One way to build an economics tool kit is by placing more stress on the basic premises of economics. These premises can be thought of as a set of generalizations about economic behavior which students can use to analyze current concerns such as the economics of national health insurance or the economics of pricing natural resources. The tool kit should provide students with answers to their questions. Three values derived from the discipline of economics might be worthy of inclusion in a citizenship education program. These values are as follows: (1) individuals are responsible for their own actions; (2) private property builds freedom and personal responsibility; and (3) people should not impose unwanted costs on others. Conference participants were asked to examine the papers presented and identify examples of how the ideas could translate into good teaching or be developed into sound instructional material. More specific examples are needed to help translate these powerful new ideas into meaningful classroom instruction. (GEA)

This monograph focuses on the issue of the nature and purpose of the social studies curriculum. In the lead article, George Wood maintains that social studies as taught today is irrelevant and strives to produce citizens who are unquestioning supporters of U.S. political and economic institutions. Dr. Wood attributes this state of affairs to the narrowness of the recent debate on the school's role which seems to focus solely on schools as sites of job training. He recommends that the social studies should become relevant by recentering the democratic mission of public schooling in the United States. Students should acquire a sense of political efficacy and public responsibility. The way to accomplish this is to empower teachers, who must also develop this political empowerment. Four social studies educators respond to Wood's articles. S. Samuel Shermis offers historical insight to support Wood's thesis. Frank L. Schiraldi contends that teachers have not applied what is known about effective instruction, and this contributes to the irrelevancy of social studies education. C. Frederick Risinger stresses that the social studies curriculum is determined by societal imperatives, and currently, economic competitiveness is a national imperative. A national consensus on the need of educating for public participation will encourage teachers to change methods and curriculum. William Muthig states that social studies educators need to respond to the various reports with their own concerns and reach a workable compromise on the role of social studies in the future. (SM)

A program in civic education is or should be at the heart of general education in community colleges. Citizenship education is congruent with the mission of the community college in that it is a practical enterprise leading to self-governance; it is integrative, using a variety of cognitive skills, attitudes and knowledge; it is community relevant; and it enhances career development. By adopting a conception of general education that inclines toward the notion of education for democratic participation, community colleges can contribute to the process of political socialization and better fulfill their obligation to the community which is their source of support. Advantages of civic education for community college students include the possibilities of reducing political power differentials; addressing social issues of importance to a "late bloomer" student population; and developing a sense of community among students. Objections to mandated programs in civic education focus on the curriculum constraints imposed on the community college. Issues of freedom versus constraint, individualism versus social obligation, and vocationalism versus liberal learning need to be resolved before such a prescriptive model of general education can be adopted. Civic education programs in community colleges contribute to the quality of community life and further the commitment to democratic values and practices which is the aim of the community college. (LAL)

This position paper offers a response to the National Assessment of Educational Progress's (NAEP) 1998 Civics Report Card to the nation. The paper lists the following major points: the NAEP findings are ground for concern, calling for action to remedy a serious deficiency in the education of citizens; failure of students to do well on the NAEP study is a direct consequence of the widespread lack of adequate curricular requirements, teacher preparation, and instruction in civics and government; good programs in civics and government produce good results and are the solution to the shortcomings identified in the NAEP results; and there is a need for a national campaign to insure that effective instruction in civics and government is provided to every student in every school in the nation. (BT)

The Workers' Educational Association (WEA) is a national voluntary organization dedicated to giving adults in the United Kingdom access to organized learning. The International Federation of Workers' Educational Associations (IFWEA), which was founded in 1947 largely at the initiative of the WEA, is composed of more than 100 organizations in 54 countries that are active in promoting and delivering workers' education. The WEA and the IFWEA responded to the Department for International Development (DfID) paper "Strengthening DfID's Support for Civil Society" by presenting their views on the following topics: workers' education and civil society; international development and civil society in the United Kingdom and in the global civil society; civil society, government, and partnerships; civil society and the trade union movement; trade unions and development awareness; trade unions as agents of civil society; and international trade unions as strategic partners. It was concluded that engagement with workers' education organizations would enhance the British government's international development policies and that further DfID engagement with workers' education organizations would better contribute to elimination of world poverty. (Appended are the addresses of contact persons at the WEA and IFWEA and lists of organizations affiliated with the WEA and IFWEA.) (MN)

The report discusses the activities of the Instituto para la Promocion de la Culture Civica (ICC), a non-partisan, not-for-profit Mexican nongovernmental organization (NGO) that has as its mission: to promote the advancement of a civic culture understood as a system of values, ideas, traits of character, dispositions, inclinations, attitudes, habits, knowledge, and skills that make people think of themselves as members of a political and social community; to exercise and practice its citizens' status and develop their potential to get involved in an active, informed, committed, productive, responsible, and selected way in actions and processes aimed at promoting individual, group, or collective interests; and to build the common good inside the diverse communities to which they belong. The report states that, to achieve those goals, the ICC designs, promotes, implements, and evaluates formal and informal civic education processes; the promotion of democracy is the fundamental principle and foremost motivation of the ICC. The report also discusses the ICC's goals and objectives and its activities, and lists 10 recent publications, as well as 8 recent appearances by organization members on mass media outlets. (BT)

The purpose of this paper is to establish the position of the Michigan State Board of Education regarding the humanities through a definition and an explanation of the purposes of the humanities within the schools. The humanities are most clearly identified with philosophy, ethics, comparative religion, history and criticism of the arts. In the K-12 curriculum, the humanities are most frequently taught in the social studies, literature, foreign languages, music, and art courses. The humanities serve the most basic goals of public education by preparing students for citizenship and work environments, as well as enriching and rewarding their personal lives. The humanities can free each individual to pursue in a reflective and responsible way his or her individual vision. (SM)

Exploration of a number of essays published recently in "Political Science and Perspectives on Politics" makes clear that a number of political scientists consider the question of how they are helping students to become engaged and responsible students is a central goal. The task of working with students in class to help them develop the motivation and skills necessary for engaged citizenship seems a somewhat peripheral professional goal. This paper suggests that political science teachers need to be concerned with creating classroom environments that ask students to articulate and defend their perspectives in dialogue with their peers or the authors whose work is assigned in class. The educator/author of the paper states that her work with oral communication in her government classes has grown out of collaboration and work with scholars in the fields of rhetoric and speech communication. The paper discusses the development of a course on the communication environment and pedagogy and a course on the politics of family. The goals, assignments, and other efforts resulted in a course called "The Politics of Family in America." It offers considerations of the courses and addresses goals for the future. Includes 28 notes. (BT)

If individuals agree that the primary purpose of schools is to educate young people for responsible citizenship, then people would expect to see the social studies given a prominent place in the curriculum. But examination of several educational publications and organizations shows that the social studies, unlike literacy, mathematics, and science, does not command a central position in the curriculum. Disciplines encompassed by the social studies are many, ranging from anthropology to sociology. What content counts? This paper calls for redirecting the social studies so that fragmentation is lessened and the focus is put upon significant ideas, major concepts, and the enduring, heuristic questions that distinguish the field. The paper cites the Preliminary Report of the National Commission on the High School Senior Year as one cogent call for refocusing the social studies. The report indicates what some of the outcomes of pre-collegiate social studies ought to be: "All will need a sense of history, an understanding of government and democratic values and an appreciation for how the arts and literature explain the human condition and expand its possibilities." The paper elaborates on the report's suggestions and also discusses the opinions and recommendations of some scholars in the social studies. Content is of significance for students. Content counts when it comes to what teachers know or their content mastery is a powerful determinant of how much and how well their students learn. The next decade will usher in the beginnings of a steady and significant increase in the number of school-age children in the United States. Three nationwide initiatives underway to improve teacher quality. (Contains 31 notes.) (BT)

The following reflection on digital democracy will draw connections between the practices of educating a democratic citizenry and the current deficits of digital citizenship education. It will seek to inspire those teaching digital citizenship to expand their narrow lens in order to create a more participatory and analytic digital citizen.

This essay shows how the construction of literature curricula and the study of literature can contribute to civic education. The paper describes the anti-civic forces now at work in literature programs in U.S. schools and explains why these forces exist. The report suggests how literature programs can strengthen the underpinnings of a constitutional democracy centered on individual rights and a concept of personal responsibility. The programs can combat the anti-civic forces while at the same time honoring the essence of literary study, which is the teaching of literature as literature. The paper uses chiefly U.S. and British literary works to illustrate the suggestions but advocates educators in other countries use literature of their countries to support civic education and clarify civic education goals. (EH)

This paper examines the research on students' and adults' knowledge of government and queries: "Will the civics and government standards (or any others) make any difference?" Contending that the present teacher education environment does little to promote active learning in the government classroom and that present government teachers have not likely seen a copy of the civics and government standards because of pressing classroom duties, those who are reading the standards are policy makers, bureaucrats, educational specialists, and those who produce and market educational materials. Because textbook companies and testing producers are embracing the various standards, the policy makers, local school leaders, and teachers will be affected by the standards as well. The paper challenges teachers and students to become involved in the standards debate and demonstrate the democratic principles they are to profess. Contains 18 references. (EH)

Would-be citizens must complete a multistep process that includes answering--in person and orally--10 questions selected from 100. These 100 questions range across civics, American government, US history, a bit of geography, and even major holidays and symbols. The revealing 2018 Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation survey shows that fewer than one in three adult Americans could pass such a test, and the National Assessment of Educational Progress has recently reminded us that eighth graders' knowledge of civics (and US history and geography) remains dismal. This report discusses the following key points: (1) Conservatives should support a national citizenship curriculum to ensure that all students are taught basic civics, such as how the government works and who we are as a nation; (2) The curriculum should be comprised of the vital concepts all students must learn to be ready for active, engaged citizenship; the 100-question US civics naturalization test is a good start; and (3) The federal government should not impose this curriculum on anyone, but it could incentivize its adoption with funds for states, districts, and individual schools that adopt the curriculum.

This paper explores the normative role of civic education in responding to war, and in preparing society for the possibility of peace. The paper describes changes in the conceptualization of citizenship in times of conflict. It notes that during wartime, democratic societies tend to transform their notion of citizenship to a militaristic one that is termed here belligerent citizenship. the paper examines the role of public education in response to these social challenges. It makes the case for an educational response to belligerent democracy from various perspectives, situated within the contemporary theoretical discussion of patriotic education. Based on Amy Gutmann's democratic education theory, the paper maintains that the foremost role of public education is to foster basic democratic principles, such as equal opportunity and liberty. It points out that in wartime, the education system has to fulfill this role through opposing the mainstream conception of citizenship, employing radical, critical ways of interpreting and realizing these aims. Includes 45 notes. (BT)

The current interest in values and social conventions stems mainly from an uneasy feeling about people whose behavior fails to live up to the social conventions that are upheld in society. Many people are calling for values and social conventions to be reasserted and education is expected to make an important contribution to this process. Education should pay attention to its pedagogical task. This paper attempts to demonstrate that there are many different ways of thinking about values and social conventions and about the associated task of education, rather than emphasizing the enforcement of social conventions. The paper prefers to see more attention given to the development of values and the development of social conventions. The paper explains values and social conventions and the changes in how people think about them with respect to education in particular, and also discusses social developments. It presents a humanistic perspective on education and outlines the contours of a pedagogical approach that stresses the development of values and social conventions. (Contains 66 references.) (BT)

Embedded in political scientists' research findings are three propositions for educators: (1) democracy needs democrats; (2) democrats are created through citizenship education programs emphasizing conflict resolution skills, respect for human rights, good neighborliness and respect for pluralism; and (3) there appears to be a correlation between the teaching of democratic values and peaceful co-existence of citizens of democratic societies. This paper examines the significance of the three propositions. The paper suggests that in some form, citizenship education has always been an essential component of the U.S. public school curricula inculcating patriotism, nationalism, and U.S. exceptionalism. In the meantime, however, a systematic effort toward preparing a peace-loving citizenry has been lacking in curricula, often viewed as extraneous to the public school mission. It contends that, considering the post-Cold War turbulence and growing U.S. involvement in global geopolitics, this is a propitious moment for K-12 educators to consider a more useful and sophisticated definition of citizenship, one that is germane to the educational needs of adolescents growing up in an interdependent world, and that transcends the prevailing juridical and legalistic boundaries. The paper discusses tradition and liberalism in citizenship education, citizens and international conflicts, participatory democracy and civil society, and education for democratic citizenship and peace. It concludes that citizenship education programs should teach democratic values, democratic disposition (which refers to personal attributes such as caring for the weak in society, speaking truth to power, and respecting cultural differences), civic participation skills, and peace education skills. (Contains 20 references.) (BT)

Leaders of nascent democracies, such as Lithuania, quickly understood that effective civic education is indispensable to the establishment, maintenance, and improvement of their institutions of government and civil society. They readily turned to civic educators in the United States, the world's oldest democracy, for advice about how to prepare children to be competent citizens. Interactions of U.S. civic educators with educators in newer democracies have stimulated renewal and reform of education for democracy in the United States. This paper identifies 10 trends in education for democracy in the United States, including systematic emphasis on the teaching and learning of the core concepts in the theory of democracy, systematic development of decision-making skills, encouragement of students to participate in extracurricular activities conducive to education for democratic citizenship, and the establishment and maintenance of an ethos of democracy in the school. The 10 trends provide a brief overview of practices in civics that are strongly recommended by leaders and reformers of education for democracy in the United States. (BT)

During the last quarter of the 20th century, a global surge of democracy has transformed international relations and inspired people in places throughout the world. The current and continuing wave of democracy in the governments of nation-states has brought about a correspondingly strong surge of education for democracy. This rising tide of international interest in education for democracy has stimulated fresh thinking about education for democracy in the United States. What is a good education for democracy? What are the essential elements of an education in schools that would prepare students to be good citizens of a democracy? This paper presents and explains seven essential elements of education for democracy in schools. The long and difficult road from totalitarian dictatorship to democracy and liberty reminds people that the transition from one political system to another, and the subsequent consolidation of it, is never easy and quick. Through a good education for democracy in schools, students learn that the future success of their government and civil society depends ultimately on citizens themselves. (Contains 12 references.) (BT)

This paper addresses the question: how might those engaged in the mission of training secondary Speech-education teachers create a "pedagogy of authentic civic action" in light of current standards legislation that functions more to perpetuate a liberal republic than it does to vivify (and articulate) an authentic democracy? The arena of K-12 education in the U.S. (including Speech education) is in the midst of an extensive standardization movement. State standards increasingly cast both the practices of secondary Speech-education and the training of Speech teachers. Relevant here is that Speech-education standards lack any mention of democracy or civic participation, a decision that, in essence, impedes teachers from engaging these projects. In contrast, it is noteworthy that the formal genesis of democracy and education theory is directly coupled to the birth of rhetoric (or Speech). Concurrently, Civics standards employ the language of rhetoric, yet ignore its discipline and its pedagogy. The work argues that current standards, while valuable in many ways, limit the vision of civics and democracy to the extent that they embrace a set of sterilized Speech standards. The piece calls for a revised set of rhetoric-based benchmarks designed to invigorate an authentic democracy model of education. A contrast between existing standards and an alternative civics-as-rhetoric curriculum is outlined. Finally, an initial theory of a "pedagogy of strong democracy" based in the study and practices of Speech (or rhetoric) is proposed. (Contains 20 references.) (Author/RS)

When a security threat and sense of instability befell the United States after the events of September 11, 2001, the familiar order of political priorities was upset. In a matter of days the American public discourse organized itself around the same principles that have guided the state of Israel for many years: security IN, education OUT. Education is the political mechanism by which the state and the society shape their future character. Decision making about the structure of the education system, the material that will be taught in it and, ultimately, the vision that this system will promote, requires thought about how people want the future society to look. This paper examines how civic education can help shape a society that desires peace and is ready for it, and how education of this kind can prepare Israeli society for the morning after of peace. To clarify what areas in the education system need to be changed and adapted to the peace era, the paper considers how the Israeli education system deals at present with Israeli society's expectation that it produce beneficent and committed citizens and soldiers. It also looks at possible ways of dealing with the new expectations likely to arise after peace comes. The paper focuses mainly on changes in the concept of citizenship in passing from a situation of conflict to an era of peace (or at least one in which the existential threat diminishes), and the implications of these changes for the main dimensions of education. Includes 26 notes. (Contains 8 references in Hebrew and 12 references in English.) (Author/BT)

The visible signs of patriotism displayed in the United States since the events of September 11, 2001 are at once an expression of pride and a palliative for people's grief and sorrow, an understandable response to a national tragedy. But more important is a kind of less visible patriotism that calls for fidelity to the values and principles for which the United States stands. This paper discusses that kind of patriotic fidelity and considers two major questions: (1) what should patriotism mean in a constitutional democracy?; and (2) what responsibilities do schools and educators have for helping students develop a large and wholesome meaning of patriotism? It comments on a March 2002 poll in which 59% of U.S. adults said that involvement in civic life is not essential to patriotism, and on a study of college students in which only about one-fourth of freshmen reported voting in student elections. The paper points to the difficulties that state lawmakers have encountered when crafting legislation for civic involvement by public school students and discusses the 1943 decision of the Supreme Court on "West Virginia State Board of Education vs. Barnette." which stated that every child needs to learn about the basic values and principles of the United States. This learning entails familiarity with and understanding of the nation's founding documents, most particularly with the U.S. Constitution and with the Declaration of Independence. The paper notes that every child also needs to understand why fidelity to those values and principles is essential to achieving the twin goals set for every citizen liberty and justice for all. (Contains 13 notes.) (BT)

As educators abroad have turned to U.S. colleagues for advice about how to teach democratic citizenship, U.S. educators have been challenged to think more carefully about what civic education is, how to do it, and how to justify it. This paper reflects and deliberates about three key questions: (1) What, exactly, is a common education for citizenship in a democracy? (2) How should a particular kind of common education for citizenship in a democracy be included in the K-12 curriculum and in the preparation of elementary and secondary school teachers through higher education? and (3) Why should a particular kind of education for citizenship in a democracy be implemented in K-12 schools and in programs for the education of teachers? The paper summarizes responses about the definition, delivery, and defense or justification of a common education for citizenship in a democracy. It includes discussion of a defensible definition of a common education for citizenship in a democracy; how to deliver or use the definition in K-12 schools and the preservice education of teachers; and why the definition, or something like it, should be in the core curriculum of K-12 schools and teacher education programs. The paper is intended to be a guide to education for citizenship in a democracy. (Contains 2 figures, 14 notes, and 48 references.) (BT)

This paper contends that modern compositionist courses have successfully met the goal of training students to become socially productive citizens by teaching them to be proficient "readers" who critically examine the sources and dissemination of knowledge, but that the field has fallen short of its goal of training students to actively produce their own knowledge because it is presenting a restricted view of what it means to "write" well. The paper argues that because most English departments focus on reading and interpretation of texts, the majority of students who take freshman composition leave believing that "good" writing means grammatically correct writing rather than writing that is morally or politically engaged or writing that constructs or produces new forms of knowledge. By examining the standard departmental syllabi, anthologies, writing handbook, and grading sheet for the 2-semester Freshman Composition sequence at the University of Georgia, the paper shows how reading is privileged over writing and how this hierarchy results in an over-emphasis on writing as a rule-bound skill to be mastered rather than a meaningful way of inventing new ideas and encouraging civic engagement. The paper first gives a brief overview of the history of rhetoric and then examines a syllabus from "a typical large land-grant university" (University of Georgia) to show that many freshman composition courses are still rooted in 19th-century concerns, and that this results in students achieving the status of "reflective" citizen "readers," but falling short of becoming "active" citizen "rhetors." (Contains 10 references. Course materials are attached.) (NKA)

This document contains 18 essays that developed out of a study in which 16 researchers from 10 countries in the Western and Arab worlds examined adult education and how an ecological approach to education focusing on cultural traditions and natural environments can be more useful than education in specialized institutions. The following papers are included: "Open Carriage" (Lisa Zucker); "Ecological Approaches in Basic Education" (Jean-Paul Hautecoeur); "Ecological Education in the Living Environment" (Laila Iskandar Kamel); "Abundance as a Central Idea in Ecological Approaches in Education" (Munir Fasheh); "Ecology and Basic Education among the Indigenous Peoples of Canada" (Serge Wagner); "From Reaching In to Reaching Out: El-Warsha 1987-1999" (Hassan El-Geretly); "The Creation of Knowledge through Environmental Education" (Paolo Orefice); "An Ecological Culture for Teachers" (Viara Gurova); "Education for Regional Sustainable Development" (Jan Keller); "Environmental Adult Education in the Czech Republic" (Michal Bartos); "Literacy Practices in Local Activities: An Ecological Approach" (David Barton); "Addressing Alexandria's Environmental Problems" (Adel Abu Zahra); "The Campaign against the MAI (Multilateral Agreement on Investments) in Canada" (Brian Sarwer-Foner); "Sustainable Development Literacy in Central Appalachia" (Anthony Flaccavento); "Sustainable Community Development with Human Dimensions: The Basaisa Experience" (Salah Arafa); "Revitalizing a Depopulating Region in Hungary" (Valeria Nagy Czanka, Ildiko Mihaly); "Agricultural Development and the Preservation of Indigenous Knowledge" (Ismail Daiq, Shawkat Sarsour); "The Neweiba Seminar" (Jean-Paul Hautecoeur). Some papers include substantial bibliographies. (MN)

This publication is comprised of 43 papers on the topic of promoting lifelong learning. The papers in Part 1, Overcoming False Dichotomies, are "Lifelong Learning in the North, Education for All in the South" (Torres); "Practice of Lifelong Learning in Indigenous Africa" (Omolewa); "Gender and Information Societies" (Youngs); and "Lifelong Learning for a Modern Learning Society" (Somtrakool). Part 2, Scanning Developments in the Regions, consists of these papers: "Challenges of Lifelong Learning in Africa" (Tapsoba); "Promoting Community-Based Learning Centers in Asia-Pacific" (Oyasu); "European Union (EU) Memorandum on Lifelong Learning" (Smith); "Hungarian Response to the EU Memorandum on Lifelong Learning" (Istvan); "Regional Framework for Action for Adult and Youth Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (2001-10)" (Jauregui de Gainza); and "Lifelong Learning" (Essefi). Part 3, Promoting Democratization, contains these papers: "Learning in a Global Society" (Alexander); "Citizenship and Democracy in Socrates' and Grundtvig's Europe" (Ronai); "Education for Non-Discrimination" (Millan); "Lifelong Learning and Work in Developing Countries" (Pieck); "Globalization, Lifelong Learning, and Response of the Universities" (Peng); and "Combining the World of Work with the World of Education" (Romijn). The papers in Part 5, Making Lifelong Learning Work for Women, are "Gender Equality in Basic Education" (Messina); "Women as Lifelong Learners" (Benaicha); and "Lifelong Learning for Elimination of Violence Against Women" (Kuninobu). The papers in Part 6, Learning Across Generations, are "Achieving Youth Empowerment Through Peer Education" (Wissa); and "Role of Intergenerational Programs in Promoting Lifelong Learning for All Ages" (Ohsako). The papers in Part 7, Learning Across Cultures, are "Cultural Contexts of Learning: East Meets West" (Yang); "Building Community Through Study Circles" (Oliver); "Culturally-Based Adult Education" (Smith); and "Perspective of Lifelong Learning in South Asia" (Bordia). In Part 8, Laying Foundations and Sustaining Achievements Through Literacy and Nonformal Education, are "Literacy Linked Women Development Programs" (Usha); "Lifelong Learning Policy and Practices in the Laos People's Democratic Republic" (Mithong Souvanvixay); "Distance Learning and Adult Education" (Wilson, White); "Role of Partnerships in the Promotion of Lifelong Learning" (Lin); and "Toward the Eradication of Illiteracy Among Youth and Adults in China" (Guodong). Part 9, Creating Environments Conducive to Lifelong Learning, has these papers: "Learning Cities/Region in the Framework of Lifelong Learning" (Doukas); "Adult Education and Lifelong Learning in Sweden" (Salin); "Promoting Lifelong Learning in Beijing for a Learning Society" (Shuping); and "Reorienting Teachers as Lifelong Learners" (Tiedao). (YLB)

The idea that U.S. schools have a distinctively civic mission has been recognized since the earliest days of the republic. Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and others believed that the civic mission of schools was to foster the qualities of mind and heart required for successful government within a constitutional democracy. People still believe that education for responsible citizenship should be the schools' top priority. It is worth noting that over the course of 32 years of Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup polling the public has not wavered in that conviction. This paper contends, however, that civic education is grossly neglected and provides abundant evidence highlighting several studies to make its case. The paper discusses the preliminary report in 2001 of the National Commission on the High School Senior Year. It concludes that it is imperative that all people receive the kind of civic education that enables them to fulfill their everyday responsibilities of citizenship: taking part in the discussion of public matters; participating in organizations that make up civil society; monitoring government officials and institutions; serving on juries; voting; and seeking or holding public office. (BT)

This paper uses two stories to illustrate the political attitudes of today's youth. The first story, about a group of young people in a working class area of St. Paul, Minnesota, who were part of the youth civic engagement initiative called Public Achievement, suggests ways to re-engage young people with politics. Through this initiative, students engage in the politics of public work, negotiating diverse interests for the sake of creating things of broad public interest. The second story conveys another politics: canvass politics. The paper argues that the canvass embodies a Manichean politics in which the forces of good do battle against the forces of evil. The second story, about a friend of the author/educator who works for the affiliate of a nationwide community organizing network in a large urban area, points to obstacles to civic empowerment, including conventional ideas of "politics" itself. The story brings to the surface some of the hidden elements in what today's college students experience as politics. Includes 5 notes. Attached are a survey results form which reports data on political attitudes of students and a "Models of Democracy, Citizenship, and Politics" chart. (BT)

Good citizens need good communication skills, and the task is left to departments of communication to give students the communicative skills they need to take part effectively in a participative democracy. This paper presents a short discussion of the pedagogical issue that is of supreme importance for the citizens of democracies--the issue of how to incorporate ethics into public speaking instruction. The paper argues that most western public speaking texts provide students with a typically goal-oriented western approach to public speaking ethics and recounts one educator's efforts to ameliorate this with the inclusion of the Hindu ethical work, the "Bhagavad Gita," into his public speaking courses. The paper initially explores an excellent and representative public speaking text by Beebe and Beebe (2000), paying particular attention to the portrayal of ethics within it. It then gives some general information on the narrative context in which the "Bhagavad Gita" finds itself. Finally, it discusses the uses that the "Bhagavad Gita" can be put to in regard to these typical portrayals of public speaking. The paper ends with some remarks on how to actually employ the text in a classroom setting. Appendixes contain an ethics assignment and in-class discussion questions. (Contains 21 references.) (NKA)

This paper explores Charles D. Kingsley's (1874-1926) perspectives on civic education, his impact on the 1916 "The Social Studies in Secondary Education: A Six-Year Program Adapted Both to the 6-3-3 and the 8-4 Plans of Organization and Report of the Committee on Social Studies of the Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education of the National Education Association," and his contributions to the development of civic education. The paper also relates Kingsley's philosophy to the potential reform of civic education in Taiwan. Contains 13 references. (BT)

Citizenship education is a major purpose of schools. What this entails, however, is highly disputable. Recently scholars have suggested that schools should teach and model citizenship values and principles that emphasize freedom of expression, the exclusion of religion from public spheres, and equal protection. These scholars support their conclusions with opinions written by the Supreme Court. This paper addresses the lack of balance these scholars bring to the debate about democratic values evinced in the United States Constitution and Supreme Court opinions. The paper suggests that educators should be wary of teaching one set of values to the neglect of others. More importantly, it argues that citizenship education is not about teaching the "right" values but about teaching the totality of democratic values and the conflicting and competing nature of these values along with the knowledge and attitudes citizenship participation entails. Contains 22 references. (Author/BT)

Given the sweeping changes taking place in the world and their potential impact on the life of the individual, it is hard to explain why U.S. citizens have not been as attentive as they should to international and transnational developments. Recent research indicates that U.S. citizens lag behind residents of many Western nations in their awareness of key political actors, institutions, and events in the world. In this era of globalization, the study of civics and government must include international and transnational dimensions. To restrict the study of civics and government to the domestic concerns of the United States is to fail to prepare students for the world in which they must live, work, and function as citizens. This paper, although it does not present a fully developed curriculum or a set of standards, draws attention to what Richard Stanley calls the "Global Triad" of business, civil society, and government. The paper contends that awareness of these realignments is essential to student understanding of what globalization is and why it has meaning for them as individuals and as citizens. It discusses the three major changes in the global economy, the rise of global civil society, and globalization and democracy. It concludes by asking if the benefits of globalization outweigh the costs, finding no certain answer to that question as yet. It recommends that teachers help their students acquire the civic skills and the will necessary to direct globalization in ways that will protect and promote democracy. (Contains 20 references.) (BT)

In recent years, the concern for civic education has reentered the mainstream agenda of U.S. political science. This paper poses an argument about the nature of the civic education challenge, arguing that the primary issue facing the profession in the area of educating citizens is much "deeper" than those currently being discussed. The focus is on the challenges of the future rather than reviewing the problems of the past. The paper contends that this orientation needs to be taken seriously and considers what needs to be done to "reach" the next generation of students. According to the paper, the emergence of a new worldview among students growing up in the age of the personal computer and other new technologies needs to be taken seriously. Preparation for educating those whom Marshall McLuhan called the "nomadic gatherers of knowledge," the citizens of tomorrow, needs to be undertaken. The paper argues that the very nature of what civic education entails must be rethought as the cultivation of a relevant "narrative" that will engage students in U.S. civic life. The paper first presents a brief and speculative characterization of the "nomadic student," then offers an overview of the role played by different civic education narratives over the past two centuries. Finally, it considers how to approach developing a civic education narrative of the future, and what the implications of the narrative shift might be for those who will be engaged in "educating nomads." Contains 119 notes and a 74-item bibliography. (BT)

The idea of an American "paideia" (an ideal national public culture) is implicit in U.S. civic education and citizenship training. The role of schools in producing a particular type of character capable of sustaining the democratic regime has long been recognized and democratic principles have long guided civic education policy. This paper elaborates the arguments and meanings expressed through the literature on multiculturalism and argues that multiculturalism advocates a specific conception of an ideal national public culture. Two specific claims about multiculturalism are advanced. First, multiculturalism is a unique contemporary expression of a historical idea known as cultural pluralism. Second, the literature in multiculturalism contains both a unified vision of U.S. political culture and a variety of diverse theories concerning the specific political and philosophical principles to be used in constructing an ideal national political culture. The questions presented for citizenship training that derive from the debate about multiculturalism involve how a national public culture can be constructed from the diverse cultures in U.S. society and whether the U.S. "paideia" envisioned by multiculturalism is a desirable model for civic education. Includes 121 references. (LB)

This policy essay urges institutions of higher education to meet the needs of the public by creating more public space on their campuses. It briefly reviews the relationship between these institutions and the citizenry since colonial times, notes renewed efforts by Americans to band together for common public purposes, and reports a study which found that while undergraduates are disillusioned with politics, they recognize their need for civic education. Colleges and universities are encouraged to increase opportunities for faculty and student contact with a democratic public by funding more occasions, events, programs, and places where faculty and students can interact with citizens active in politics and with those engaged in building communities. The paper notes that more than 20 institutions have established public policy institutes or centers to lead forums on the critical issues facing American communities and that there is increased emphasis on a more public kind of scholarship and on educating students to become "civic professionals." The paper urges institutions to adopt a civic network-building strategy and establish institutes whose mission is intertwined with the self-interests of the college or university and to which faculty and staff are committed. (DB)

Although the nation's founding documents do not refer explicitly to education, it would be wrong to regard that which is not explicitly articulated as unimportant. The documents themselves demonstrate the founders' trust in the importance of learning, and the "Federalist Papers" provide the basis for the national regard for education. (SLD)

This paper addresses the role of serving the public interest and how that relates to education. The document provides specific examples of how education reform efforts in Massachusetts often were couched in such vague terms as to be ineffective in establishing educational standards. The paper discusses how politics influences educational policy and what attempts have been made to straighten out some of the confusion. The paper cites examples of the vagaries of educational jargon found in the educational mandates and how the Massachusetts Education Reform Act of 1993 has been undercut. The document advocates that citizen policy makers must be prepared to keep doing the same work over and over again, repeatedly addressing the same tendencies in education toward imprecision and vagueness that are inimical to reform. (EH)

This paper discusses civil society as a central idea in the recent global resurgence of democracy. Recent developments represent a turning away from state-centered conceptions of government, and a renewal of voluntary, community-based, non-governmental organizations as a means of renewing democracy. As civil society has surged globally, it has sagged in the United States, its progenitor and long-time exemplar. The time is ripe to seek a renewal of U. S. civil society through civic education and current educational reforms can lead to such renewal of civil society. The paper is divided into four parts: (1) "The Idea of Civil Society: Its Modern Origins and Development"; (2) "Civil Society and the Democratic State"; (3) "Civil Society in Democratic Consolidation"; and (4) "Civil Society in Civil Education for Democracy." (EH)

This paper recounts the experiences of a U.S. professor involved in field research in Hungary. The professor visited classrooms and observed civics education practices in Hungary. The paper combines a review of the literature with observations, interviews, and field notes from the Hungarian experience. Specific emphasis is placed on a "Good Citizen" class in the Textile Industrial Vocational High School in Szeged, Hungary, as an example of a people struggling with democratic ideals and implementation of those ideas into society. (EH)

The curricula and instructional approaches often used in elementary school classrooms, which too often avoid difficult issues, may restrict the social development needed to promote societal well-being. This problem is exacerbated in the early grades, where the discussion of controversial social issues seemingly contradicts the goal of maintaining an emotionally safe classroom environment. This paper defines the problem, discusses social development in the elementary classroom, and considers factors related to balancing safety and dissonance. A major portion of the paper examines the efforts of three teachers who have managed, each in her own way, to balance dissonance and safety in the early education classroom by: (1) addressing rather than avoiding perplexing social issues, (2) balancing social development and classroom safety, and (3) addressing social inequities through activities in the classroom. These teachers' perspectives and experiences provide a basis for discussing citizenship education in the early grades. (Contains 23 references.) (DR)