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This thesis introduces the concept of the third way in politics, why focusing on how the idea was present in the political sphere in Hungary between 1945 and 1956. The time frame was chosen as in both years Hungarians saw a complete turmoil in their country, which could have been a chance to introduce a completely new system. The paper argues for the third way not having a real chance of becoming the main ideology in the country, due to domestic and foreign political reasons. Furthermore, in Hungary the third way was never a new ideology on its own, but rather a modification or mixture of various already existing elements. Despite all the hardships, however, the third way was present positively throughout the whole period and became a strong influencer of various political parties from the agrarians to the socialists. It also played a significant part in the 1956 revolution and what was planned to come after.

[EN] The analysis of the cultural Cold War in Latin America has experienced a growing interest from disciplinary fields such as cultural history or literary studies. In this line of work, and with the aim of contributing to a transatlantic approach to the problem, the special issue “Cultural ties of socialist and transatlantic friendship: Latin American writers and the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War” emphasizes the study of the interrelationships between Latin American literature and various European social-ist countries. For this, it attends to a corpus of a plural nature: from fictional texts or analysis of periodicals to, above all, non-fiction texts that authors of diverse origins (Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Cuba or Mexico) produced after passing through nations located beyond the Iron Curtain, [PO] A análise da Guerra Fria cultural na América Latina tem experimentado um interesse crescente de campos disciplinares como a história cultural ou os estudos literários. Nesta linha de trabalho, e com o objetivo de contribuir para uma abordagem transatlântica do problema, a dossiê “Laços culturais de amizade socialista e transatlân-tica: escritores hispano-americanos e o bloco oriental durante a Guerra Fria” enfatiza o estudo das inter-relações entre a literatura latino-americana e vários países socialistas europeus. Para isso, atende a um corpus de caráter plural: desde textos ficcionais ou análise de jornais até, sobretudo, textos de não ficção que autores de origens diversas (Argentina, Uruguai, Chile, Cuba ou México) produziram após passagem por nações localizadas além do a Cortina de Ferro, [ES] El análisis de la Guerra Fría cultural en América Latina ha experimentado un interés creciente desde ámbitos disciplinares como la historia cultural o los estudios literarios. En esta línea de trabajo, y con la pretensión de contribuir a un enfoque transatlántico del problema, el monográfico “Lazos culturales de amistad socialista y transatlántica: escritores hispanoamericanos y el Bloque del Este durante la Guerra Fría” pone el acento en estudiar las interrelaciones entre la literatura latinoamericana y diversos países socialistas europeos. Para ello atiende a un corpus de naturaleza plural: desde textos ficcionales o revisiones hemerográficas a, sobre todo, textos de no ficción que autores de procedencia diversa (Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Cuba o México) produjeron tras su paso por las naciones situadas más allá del Telón de Acero

The fall of the Berlin Wall in the German Democratic Republic (East Germany or GDR) on November 9, 1989, marked the symbolic end of the Cold War and the demise of communism in Europe. Although many would argue this was due to the triumphs of Western capitalism, the Eastern Bloc collapsed from the inside amid the cognitive dissonance of the oppressed lives of its citizens. Most notable among these were the youth of the punk rock subculture. Thus, this study aims to uncover the significant role that the East German punk movement, or Ostpunk, had on the collapse of the party-state. This study explores how a group of GDR youths who were dissatisfied with their government took to the streets with their music, fashion, and do-it-yourself attitude and contributed to change across Europe. This thesis examines the expectations of life under socialist rule, the punks’ resistance to the societal norms, and the party-state’s brutal methods used in an attempt to destroy the subculture. This study finds that the persistent protests of East German punks contributed to shaping the political environment that facilitated the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Relevant in the 2020s, the historical understanding of Ostpunk can inform the impacts that cultural movements, such as Black Lives Matter in the U.S. and the neo-Nazi movement in Europe, have on geopolitics., Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

El trabajo parte del análisis de los años de activismo cultural del escritor mexicano Efraín Huerta en el inicio de la Guerra Fría para abordar el estudio del poemario publicado en 1956 titulado Los poemas de viaje (1949–1953). Así, el artículo recupera las huellas del escritor mexicano en los viajes por los países de Europa Central y del Bloque del Este y analiza la escritura de los principales poemas de la colección atendiendo al marchamo metodológico de la poética de la geografía para estudiar la ficcionalización del espacio urbano proyectada sobre las ciudades del de Praga, Moscú o Budapest, y de cómo esta influye en la posición ideológica del poeta., This article begins with an analysis of the years of cultural activism of the Mexican writer Efraín Huerta at the beginning of the Cold War to approach the study of the book of poems published in 1956 entitled Los poemas de viaje (1949–1953). The study traces the Mexican writer’s travels through the Eastern Bloc countries and analyses the writing of the main poems in the collection, guided by the poetics of geography, in order to study the fictionalization of urban space in the poems about Prague, Moscow, and Budapest and how it influences the poet’s ideological stance.

[EN] There is a whole corpus of crime fiction from European socialist countries that was published in Cuba during the 1970s and 1980s. This article analyses, on the one hand, the circulation networks of these literary texts and the communication networks maintained by the writers who were simultaneously developing socialist crime fiction. On the other hand, it points out the possibility of elaborating a comparative poetics of this literary genre. As a first approach in this sense, this article compares elements of the Cuban novel La justicia por su mano (1973) by Jose Lamadrid Vega, and Rita Villar Figueredo’s 1977 Spanish translation of Julian Semionov’s Soviet novel Petrovka, 38 (1964), [ES] Existe todo un corpus de literatura criminal procedente de los países socialistas europeos que fue publicado en Cuba durante las décadas de 1970 y 1980. En este artículo se indaga, por un lado, en las redes de circulación de estos productos literarios y en las redes de comunicación que mantuvieron los escritores que estaban desarrollando a un tiempo la literatura criminal socialista. Por otro lado, se apunta la posibilidad de elaborar una poética comparada de este género literario. A modo de primera aproximación en este sentido, se contrastan elementos comunes de la novela cubana La justicia por su mano (1973), de José Lamadrid Vega, y de la traducción al español de Rita Villar Figueredo en 1977 de la novela soviética de 1964 Petrovka, 38, de Yulian Semionov

Based on an analysis of modern Cold War historiography, the article considers current discussions, topics, and perspectives in the chosen research landscape. Taking into account the modern circumstances, the author concludes that in the latest publications, there is a tendency to reconsider the dichotomic model “Sovietisation vs Americanisation” and, instead, take a closer look at the representations of socialism and the structures and actors of cultural diplomacy in Eastern Europe. Referring to propaganda projects of socialist integration and intercultural spaces, the author demonstrates what was specifically socialist about the forms and instruments of representations of the Eastern Bloc, the conflicting spheres of collaboration, and independent initiatives of people’s democracies in the sphere of cultural diplomacy. The author concludes that at the end of the Second World War, the propaganda system in the Soviet Union was integrated into a larger scheme of presenting the world system of socialism where the Eastern European states became symbolically appropriated spaces and promising symbolic resources. The cultural initiatives of the socialist countries of Eastern Europe at the international level testify to the cultural pluralism in the Eastern Bloc. The independent steps the countries of the socialist camp took for self-realisation on the international arena testify to this cultural pluralism. The effectiveness of their symbolic messages was facilitated by the geographical proximity to borders, integration into the contexts of western culture, and better developed information resources. In the article, the author’s own analysis is preceded by a review of materials thematically related to the section of the journal on the cultural diplomacy of socialism. Articles referred to in the study and devoted to the projects of the socialist camp prove the thesis that the Eastern Bloc that emerged during the Cold War and the hybrid identities developed under its influence, На основании анализа современной историографии холодной войны выявляются актуальные тенденции развития существующих тематических полей, а также перспективные направления изучения глобального феномена. В новейших условиях назрела необходимость пересмотра дихотомической модели «советизация vs американизация» в пользу дифференцированного подхода к изучению внешнеполитических репрезентаций социализма, институтов и акторов культурной дипломатии Восточного блока. На примерах имиджевых проектов социалистической интеграции и пространств внутри- и межблоковой коммуникации автор демонстрирует специфику форм и механизмов трансляции образа социалистического лагеря на зарубежную общественность, конфликтные поля сотрудничества, самостоятельные инициативы стран народной демократии в сфере культурной дипломатии. Сделан вывод о том, что после окончания Второй мировой войны пропаганда Советского Союза встраивалась в более масштабную конструкцию презентации мировой системы социализма, в которой государства Восточной Европы приобретали для СССР статус неосвоенных символических пространств и имиджевых ресурсов. Самостоятельные шаги стран социалистического лагеря по саморепрезентации на международной арене свидетельствуют о культурном плюрализме внутри Восточного блока. Эффективности символических посланий способствовали и географическая близость к границам блоков, и большая интегрированность в контексты западной культуры, и более развитые информационные ресурсы. Авторский анализ предваряет обзор материалов тематического раздела журнала о культурной дипломатии социализма. Представленные в блоке статьи, посвященные событийным проектам социалистического лагеря, наглядно иллюстрируют тезис о том, что возникшие в период холодной войны инструменты саморепрезентации Восточного блока, а так- же сложившиеся под их влиянием гибридные идентичности пережили крах биполярного порядка и являются определяющими для современных культурных пространств.

In this paper we focused on the collaboration of the Jeunesses Musicales of Yugoslavia (JMY) with similar organisations of the Eastern Bloc countries. Besides pointing to the various activities that the JMY carried out from the early 1960s to the late 1980s, certain general tendencies in the process of cultural exchange were also underlined. The aim is to consider whether the JMY’s cooperation with Eastern Bloc organisations followed Yugoslav foreign policies in the cultural sphere at the time.

In this Bachelor Thesis The Writers Aim To investigate the portrayal of the Soviet Union in the cold war. This portrayal is investigated using two different approaches, one qualitative and one quantitative. The qualitative method examine, through a textual analysis, the portrayal of the Soviet Union in two schoolbooks produced in different years. The first textbook produced in the year of 1996 and the second one in 2012. The quantitative method approach the problem by using a content analysis were the aim focus is to see if the portrayal of the Soviet Union is more positive than negative or vice versa. This is Examined By using a formulation called the coefficient of imbalance, Which is applied to classify content data as positive or negative. Four books are included in the quantitative content analysis, the earliest one is produced in 1986 and the latest in 2011. Both analysis uses the same theoretical background and previous researches, the theoretical background is in this case the use of history. Klas-Göran Karlssons typology over the use of history is the base of the theoretical background. Both analysis are presented separately to be presented together beneath "7. Slutsats" and "8. Diskussion". By merging the two analysis the two authors Could draw a conclusion. The conclusion show That the textbooks portray the Former Soviet Union in a dismissive manor. Some of the use of history had influenced the content in the textbooks, but the Majority didn't. The two use of history that had influenced the textbooks were “non-use of history” and “ideological history”. But the authors clarify that “none-use of history” has affected the portrayal of the cold war history of the Soviet Union.

This article analyzes the state of public-sector planning in countries that subscribed to a Marxist, state-socialist ideology during some part of the twentieth century, and especially those countries that comprise the former Eastern Bloc (today often referred to as the “transitional countries”). Central economic planning was a defining feature of state socialism. With its collapse, this type of planning was abandoned. During the early years of post-socialism, all types of public-sector planning, including urban spatial planning, were severely weakened as well. A tentative revival of urban planning can be only recently observed.

Sweden has a long-standing record of active involvement in international efforts towards disarmament. In 1932, the Nordic country participated in the World Disarmament Conference. During the Cold War, the Swedish government continued to be keen to contribute to related UN efforts. This article explores Sweden's interest in Confidence (and Security) Building Measures in the context of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and its follow-up process between the late 1960s and the mid-1980s. It argues that Sweden prioritized disarmament, stability, and peace over human rights, change, and individual freedom despite the rise and dominance of a rhetoric of morality in Swedish politics in the 1970s.

The story of the fall of the Berlin Wall was an aspect of the “imagination gap” that we had to wrestle with as journalists covering the collapse of the Eastern Bloc in Europe. It was scarcely possible to believe what you found yourself reporting, and that work became a two-track process. On one hand a mass social movement was dictating the pace and direction of events; on the other, the institutional business of politics as usual, to provide a framework for all the change that was happening, had to be managed – and reported on. In later analyseds we could see, that crisis in the Soviet Union led to the crisis over the Berlin Wall; and from the fall of the Wall, came Germany’s reunification, and with that also, formation of the European Union as it is today. The government of the Federal Republic of Germany convinced its neighbours that a reunited Germany, within an expanded EU, would be a very acceptable “European Germany” -- not the leader of a “German Europe”. It committed itself financially, supporting the new Euro currency. The former communist states of Eastern Europe demanded to join and expand the EU; in order to remove themselves from the Soviet Union, enjoy human rights, and share in Western prosperity. So today, following on from the events of 1989, the European Union is an amalgam of 27 member countries, with close to 500 million citizens and accounting for 30 % of world Gross National Product.

The thesis reviews the engagement of news media in the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, most vividly represented by the opening of the Berlin Wall. It uses field observations of the author as a jouralist of the time, extensive interviews with other news correspondents, a review of historical writing on the period, and an exhaustive review of the coverage given by six major news outlets. The work sees the change in Europe being driven by mass social movements, but also examines conventional, institutional politics at work, and describes the engagement of news media in the historical situation as it unfolds. It determines that the daily coverage by leading Western news media judged in terms of accuracy and perspective was successful, validated by later evaluations. It is informed by theoretical writing on mass social movements and on journalistic news values. It concludes by suggesting that the approach followed, a review of history from the perspective of news media of the day, could be applied to many other situations.