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The People's Republic of China is aging rapidly at one of the most rapid paces in the world. The resulting decline in the share of the population that is of working age creates challenges for both the economy and society, making it relevant to explore the health capacity to work among older persons. Using census data and data from the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study, this paper applies two widely used methods to estimate the additional health capacity to work. The results confirm large untapped work capacity in the population of older persons, but the additional health capacity to work is unevenly distributed among different groups: Women and urban residents have more additional work capacity than men and older persons in rural areas. Pension systems and variation in types of work contribute to the urban-rural difference. © 2024 Asian Development Bank.

Since the end of the Second World War, Guam has served as a linchpin of U.S. military power in the Indo-Pacific. As the United States’ westernmost territory in the world, Guam has been lauded as the place where America’s day begins. However, with its strategic importance and abundance of military combat power, Guam may be where America’s next war begins. Following decades of reform and modernization, the People’s Liberation Army presents a significant threat to the preeminence of U.S. military power in the region. This study uses a structured vulnerability analysis based on the principles of risk analysis, reliability engineering, adversarial analysis, and safety engineering to identify Guam’s critical vulnerabilities and formulate recommendations that enhance the territory’s defense posture. This study finds that Guam’s missile defense posture constitutes the island’s most significant vulnerability and recommends that congressional budgetary initiatives must remain focused on enhancing Guam’s missile defense capability and hardening defense infrastructure throughout the Pacific territories. Should modern warfare reach the shores of Guam, the U.S. military will have to fight for Guam before it can fight from it., Outstanding Thesis, Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

The Marine Corps’ Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) concept places small, distributed forces within a contested environment to achieve strategic effects. However, current sustainment platforms and infrastructure lack the ability to provide required support in the context of EABO. As such, the Marine Corps must develop a novel resilient and robust distribution network capable of providing responsive sustainment to forces conducting EABO. To solve this problem, we develop a two-stage stochastic mixed integer linear program that seeks to minimize the cost of instantiating and operating a sustainment network across a range of possible in-context scenarios. Among the network’s constraints are demand, cost, capacity, risk, and supply considerations. Of these constraints, demand introduces the most uncertainty. Fluctuations in demand come from a variety of factors to include intensity of conflict, attrition, and other combat dynamics. Through the explicit and judicious modeling of such uncertainty, our model provides solutions that are robust to a wide range of demand scenarios. By implementing our model in a notional operational scenario in the South China Sea, we provide results and insights that ultimately assist the Marine Corps by providing an analytical basis for determining an optimal network comprised of locations, capacities, and prepositioning quantities for sustaining forces conducting EABO in the western Pacific., Outstanding Thesis, Captain, United States Marine Corps, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

This dissertation demonstrates how industrializing policies of the Chinese socialist state and grassroots practices of industrial employees constituted a new kind of urban space in China after 1949, shaped by shifting social narratives about the differences between the rural and the urban and between the factory and the city. It considers the ways in which factory cadres promoted a gendered order of factory space, emphasizing women’s selfless contribution to production and their families and drawing women’s labor toward the developmental goals of the factory and the state. Utilizing internal factory documents, factory and local gazetteers, oral history, and ethnographic observations, this study analyzes how industrial space was regulated by state officials and formed by the needs and demands of factory employees and their families. In centering space as symbolic, concrete, and lived, this work develops a new understanding of the history of urban space in China, one that accounts for the contradictions and unevenness in how it evolved and the labor and actions of those who made it possible. My research weaves together a story about space with the making and unmaking of China’s state-owned factories and, in so doing, elucidates the intimate collective experiences of Chinese socialism and its afterlives.

With the dramatic rise in the PRC's economic and military power, concerns are mounting over the possibility of conflict over Taiwan, which could bring the United States and PRC into direct combat. The ability of the U.S. to effectively provide support to Taiwan in the event of conflict will depend on the degree of support provided by Japan to the U.S.–Japan alliance. Commensurate with the PRC's more assertive behavior since 2012, Japan has committed to efforts to modernize and expand the Japan Self-Defense Forces while, for the first time, vocally expressing its interest in peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue. This thesis seeks to answer a key question: How has Japan’s defense policy adapted to the greater threat towards Taiwan and to what degree could Japan aid a U.S. military response to defend Taiwan? This thesis reviews national policy documents plus economic and survey data to trace Japan’s policy towards Taiwan and the use of military force over the previous decade. It finds that Japan has become more vocal in expressing its desire to maintain the Taiwan status quo, but that Japan is stymied in its ability to respond to a Taiwan contingency by its constitution, public preferences, and realized military capabilities. By better understanding the existing restrictions on the use of the Japan Self-Defense Force, the U.S. can more accurately include Japan in contingency planning for a Taiwan conflict., Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Judges across China recently declined to apply a law that the National People’s Congress had newly brought into effect. In this article, I describe this startling finding and explore the significance of it. I conclude that it represents an exercise of judicial independence. Using a thickly descriptive approach that focuses on textual analysis and institutional context, I demonstrate that judges in China have no legal duty to apply law and that it is professionally risky for them to apply law; that judges there operate within a professional culture that encourages restraint; and that the court system has developed a strong set of internal rules that encourage reference to judge-made rules rather than to external rules such as those enacted by legislative or executive bodies. I further argue that the topic of judicial independence is important not just for countries outside the United States, but for the United States as well, and that a framework developed from a broadly comparative perspective is the best approach for understanding judicial independence in China, and, likewise, in the United States. Understanding judicial independence in China is important for myriad reasons. It is a gauge of the robustness of the rule of law in China. It is an important proving-ground for judicial independence as a universal phenomenon. It adds perspectives from China to the comparative law literature on judges. It is a bell-weather of the kind of decentralization of authority that famously marks China’s post-Mao government. There is no question that the courts of China were enlisted to play a role in the larger governmental initiatives of the past century. Its courts garnered respect for the People’s Republic of China’s legal system, which in turn helped China participate as an equal in the international legal order, as well as the international economic system. With judicial independence, there is no escaping the fact that to understand it is to measure it. This is because it wou

The purpose of my paper is to determine how Russia and the PRC weaponize language through the use of linguistic imperialism to uphold power on their own territories and influence on the international arena.

The Diaoyu Islands are a small, uninhabited archipelago in the East China Sea which has begun increasing in strategic significance due to its advantageous location near Taiwan and along the First Island Chain. The islands are currently under Japanese administration, but the People’s Republic of China considers them historically Chinese and contests Japan’s claim to the islands. A careful examination of China’s actions in challenging Japan’s rule over the Diaoyus reveals the influence of the Thirty-Six Stratagems, a tome of ancient Chinese military wisdom which provides a framework onto which China’s current strategy corresponds. This thesis examines the historical and cultural influence of the Thirty-Six Stratagems and maps the wisdom onto China’s actions in the Diaoyus. Thus, projection of future strategy and deterring actions can be developed to discourage Chinese belligerence in the East China Sea.

The controversy over Hai Rui Dismissed from Office is typically situated at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution and remembered as a catalyst for the power struggles and mass mobilizations that followed. Such approaches, while not amiss, tend to foreground its socio-political repercussions at the expense of the content — theoretical, historiographic, polemical — of the texts in which this controversy developed. This dissertation examines Hai Rui in relation to what came before, situating it instead at the end of a sequence of debates over historical drama and traditional morality that began in 1951 with a similar controversy over The Life of Wu Xun. This shift in historical perspective opens a different vista on the history of the PRC prior to the Cultural Revolution, a period bookended by the emergence and reemergence of a set of questions for which the dominant theoretical discourse had no answers.

While most countries in East Asia have moved closer to the United States to balance against a People’s Republic of China that is increasingly flexing its military capability, several island nations of the Western Pacific have remained relatively passive and have carefully avoided picking sides in this nascent Sino-American competition. Vietnam, which shares a land border with China, is a regional actor that has made remarkable efforts to balance against China. The thesis explores the issue of whether land powers are more likely to balance against Chinese military capabilities than island nations; it is intended to determine if the differences in strategic behavior are related to the geographic setting of various states. The thesis asks if maritime states are more likely to pursue a buck-passing strategy than continental nations. The thesis conducts a comparative study between the strategic behavior of Vietnam as a nation connected to China by a land border and the behavior of Malaysia and the Philippines, which are separated by a maritime obstacle from China. It finds that continental states tend to see “common” threats as more dangerous than do maritime nations. In the language of international relations theory, land powers tend to balance while maritime powers tend to buck-pass. The thesis offers the refinement that as maritime capabilities grow and the “stopping power of water” diminishes, the less viable a buck-passing strategy becomes for island nations., Outstanding Thesis, Oberstleutnant i.G., German Army, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

China has invested in several American industries since its entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001. Once an engine for American soft power, Hollywood has seen a dramatic increase in investment from China, with deals being valued at billions of dollars. The resulting financial influence has given Chinese film studios the placement and access necessary to change the content of American films, while forcing American film studios to self-censor to appease Beijing’s sensibilities. While some have recognized that this puts China in a position to leverage Hollywood for its own soft power goals, there is a gap in the literature concerning whether or not there are coherent themes and messages in Chinese-funded American films. This thesis aims to discern and describe those themes and messages, if present, by using social network analysis, comparative film analysis, and narrative paradigm theory. It concludes that when depictions of China or Chinese characters appear in Chinese-funded American films, they are portrayed in consistent, prescribed ways that are indicative of planned propaganda. The research concludes with two recommendations to mitigate China’s influence in Hollywood, and suggestions for further research., Outstanding Thesis, Major, United States Army, Major, United States Army, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Until the 1980s, the People’s Republic of China was principally opposed to United Nations peacekeeping, understanding the institution to be a thinly veiled excuse for powerful states to intervene in the sovereign affairs of others. However, the meaning the country attributes to peacekeeping has changed drastically since then. China has adopted a more pragmatic attitude and has gradually become more supportive and involved in United Nations peacekeeping. Today the country stands as a major contributor to peacekeeping, not least in terms of the number of peacekeepers it contributes to missions. However, how does China make sense of its current behaviour? This paper seeks to understand how the participation of Chinese military personnel and police in peacekeeping operations is made coherent with Chinese self-identity. The paper employs a narrative analysis that focuses on how narratives draw on master narratives about Chinese collective memory to construct participation in peacekeeping as a natural conclusion to already accepted notions about what it means to be Chinese. On the one hand, this paper confirms the findings of previous scholarship on Chinese identity and the country’s attitude on peacekeeping. Like these, this paper finds that China’s self-identity as a part of the Global South and as a great power plays a role in how China conceptualizes peacekeeping. However, on the other hand, the paper also finds dissonance in how the narrative relates peacekeeping to China’s identity as a part of the Global South. Additionally, this paper also demonstrates that the narrative draws on several master narratives that have not previously been identified as important to how China makes meaning of peacekeeping. Specifically, these are the collective memories of ‘Asian values’, China’s experiences from the Second World War, and the revolutionary history of the CPC.

This article focuses on two recent episodes that shook the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. It analyzes the main features of the failed Extradition Bill and confronts them with those of the National Security Law that was later enacted by the People’s Republic of China. It also addresses the question as to whether the latter’s provisions are in breach of the basic policies for Hong Kong agreed upon in 1984 between the United Kingdom and the PRC. It concludes that, rather ironically, while the failed Extradition Bill was largely in tune with those basic policies and the human rights protections enshrined therein, the National Security Law is not., O presente artigo incide sobre dois recentes acontecimentos que agitaram a Região Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong da República Popular da China. Além de analisar as principais características da falhada Proposta de Lei da Extradição de Hong Kong e de contrastá-las com as da Lei da Segurança Nacional subsequentemente aprovada pela República Popular da China, o artigo avalia se as disposições do segundo instrumento jurídico se encontram em conformidade com as políticas fundamentais para HK acordadas em 1984 entre o Reino Unido e a China. O artigo conclui que, ironicamente, a Proposta de Lei da Extradição respeitava em grande medida aquelas políticas e os direitos humanos nelas ínsitos, o que não acontece com a Lei da Segurança Nacional.

This course analyzes contemporary Chinese politics, both pre-Communist and Communist. It focuses on the process of modernization and political development of Chinese civilization. Graduate students are expected to pursue the subject at greater depth through reading and individual research.

The world’s interdependence with the PRC allows it to compete in such a multi-domain context as to escape Thucydides’ trap. The PRC’s strategic mode is not intended to elucidate future supremacy in a naval air battle in the South China Sea or in the Taiwan Strait. Mainland China aims, with its political war, to make scientific and technological development, along with control of production and supply chains, the centre of gravity of great power competition by exploiting the vulnerabilities of the system. The Chinese model could be identified in English as the «weaponisation of interdependence». The PRC, to ensure the conduct of its political war, requires a large degree of strategic autonomy, technologically advanced military capabilities to sustain it, and an oceanic navy to keep maritime traffic open. The PRC: with the largest merchant fleet, the largest coastguard fleet, the largest maritime militia, the largest deep-sea fishing fleet, with seven of the world’s top ten container ports, needs a large deep-sea navy and is building one., La interdependencia del mundo con la RPCh permite competir en un contexto multidominio tan amplio como para escapar de la trampa de Tucídides. El modo estratégico de la RPCh no pretende dilucidar la futura supremacía en una batalla aeronaval en el mar del Sur de China o en el estrecho de Taiwán. China continental aspira, con su guerra política, a convertir el desarrollo científico y tecnológico, junto con el control de las cadenas de producción y suministros, en el centro de gravedad de la disputa entre grandes potencias, explo- tando las vulnerabilidades del sistema. El modelo chino se podría identificar en inglés como weaponization of interdenpendence. La RPCh, para asegurar la conducción de su guerra política, requiere disponer de un amplio grado de autonomía estratégica, capacidades militares tecnológicamente punteras para sostenerla y una armada oceánica para mantener abierto el tráfico marí- timo. La RPCh, con la mayor flota mercante, la mayor flota de guardacostas, la mayor milicia marítima, la mayor flota pesquera de altura, con siete de los diez principales puertos de contenedo- res del mundo, necesita una gran armada de aguas profundas y la está construyendo

This article analyses the role of the figure of the language interpreter in Latin American travel writing on the People’s Republic of China during the 1950s and 1960s, early decades of cultural diplomacy efforts between these regions. Through an examination of the crónica China 6 a.m. (1954), by Colombian anthropologist and writer Manuel Zapata Olivella, and the novel Los ojos de bambú (1964), by Chilean novelist Mercedes Valdivieso, this article argues that the interpreter figure, far from an invisible conduit of information, played a significant role in how Latin American travelers experienced the Chinese Revolution and negotiated their ideals of individual and collective transformation. Through the analysis of the interpretation act as an embodied, affective experience, beyond a sole cognitive transfer of meaning, Zapata and Valdivieso’s texts shed light both on the PRC’s mechanisms of soft power in Cold War geopolitical struggles, as well as the travelers’ aesthetic and political pursuits in a global context of revolution., Este artículo examina el rol de la figura del intérprete en la literatura latinoamericana de viajes a la República Popular China en las décadas de los 50 y 60, al inicio de las relaciones de diplomacia cultural entre estas regiones. A través del estudio de la crónica China 6 a.m. (1954), por el antropólogo y escritor colombiano Manuel Zapata Olivella y la novela Los ojos de bambú (1964), de la escritora chilena Mercedes Valdivieso, este artículo propone que el intérprete, lejos de ser un conducto invisible de información, cumplió un papel central en cómo viajeros latinoamericanos experimentaron la revolución china y la forma en que negociaron sus ideales de transformación personal y colectiva. A través del análisis del acto interpretativo como una experiencia física y afectiva más que como solamente el traslado cognitivo del significado, los textos de Zapata y Valdivieso revelan tanto los mecanismos de poder blando que la RPC busco blandir en el contexto de la Guerra Fría, así como las búsquedas políticas y estéticas de estos intelectuales viajeros en un ambiente marcado por la revolución global.

Publisher: UniorPress Series: Il porto delle idee ISSN: 2785-4191 Pages: 114 Language: Italian NBN: urn:nbn:it:unina-28411 Abstract: The third volume of Storia politica del Giappone contemporaneo (1948-1950) completes the examination of the complex relationship between winners and losers. Following the chronological structure of the narrative, as in the previous two volumes of Storia politica del Giappone contemporaneo, giving proper prominence to peculiar cultural-value factors, the third volume of Storia politica del Giappone contemporaneo (1948-1950)addresses the second step of the American occupation of Japan ("reverse course") and the taking shape of "Yoshida doctrine"., Editore: UniorPress Collana: Il porto delle idee ISSN: 2785-4191 Pagine: 114 Lingua: Italiano NBN:urn:nbn:it:unina-28411 Abstract: Il terzo volume della Storia politica del Giappone contemporaneo (1948-1950) chiude il percorso analitico del complesso rapporto vissuto tra vincitori e vinti. Rispettando l'impianto cronologico della narrazione, caratteristica dei precedenti due volumi di questa Storia, conferendo ai peculiari fattori culturali-valoriali anche qui un giusto rilievo, il terzo volume della Storia politica del Giappone contemporaneo (1948-1950) tratta la seconda fase dell'occupazione americana ("reverse course") per gli Stati Uniti e il delinearsi della "dottrina Yoshida" per il Giappone.

The article examines the impact of the Malvinas War on the defense politics of Brazil, People´s Republic of China, the United States and Great Britain. In the four cases, the following dimensions of the conflict are analyzed: the relations between the national and military strategic levels, the role of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the doctrinal lessons at the air, naval, and land levels. For the analysis of these dimensions, key sources were identified as official documents and, mainly, articles written by civilian or military specialists. As a criterion for inclusion of the sources, were privileged those written by professors in the War Schools of the mentioned countries or by key officials of the defense ministries. Regarding the cases, their inclusion is justified based on their relevance for reflection on different topics in the field of security and defense studies. It is argued that the reflection on the Malvinas War has been guided by previous debates in each country about different aspects of defense politics and military strategy, in this way, the conflict was functional to the consolidation or, on the contrary, to the abandonment of ideas regarding what was the appropriate defense policy to be implemented in each case analyzed., El artículo examina el impacto de la Guerra de Malvinas en la política de defensa de Brasil, República Popular China, Estados Unidos y Gran Bretaña. En los cuatro casos se analizan las siguientes dimensiones del conflicto: las relaciones entre el nivel estratégico nacional y el militar, el rol desempeñado por el Estado Mayor Conjunto y las lecciones doctrinarias a nivel aéreo, naval y terrestre. Para el análisis de estas dimensiones se identificaron fuentes claves como documentos oficiales y, principalmente, trabajos escritos por académicos y/o especialistas civiles o militares. Como criterio de inclusión de las fuentes se privilegiaron aquellas escritas por profesores en las Escuelas de Guerra de los países mencionados o por funcionarios claves de los Ministerios de Defensa. En lo que respecta a los casos, su inclusión se justifica a partir de su relevancia para la reflexión sobre distintos temas del campo de los estudios sobre seguridad y defensa. Se argumenta que la indagación sobre la Guerra de Malvinas ha estado orientada por los debates que se venían desarrollando en cada país sobre distintos aspectos de la política de defensa y de la estrategia militar; de este modo, el conflicto fue funcional a la consolidación o, por el contrario, al abandono de ideas respecto a cuál era la política de defensa adecuada a ser implementada en cada caso analizado.

«Оставленные дети» – это совершенно уникальный феномен китайской социально-экономической действительности. Нами предпринята попытка с помощью методов наукометрического анализа исследовать результаты изучения этой темы в мировой науке за период с 2010 по 2020 гг. Анализ проведен по данным платформ CNKI, которая является крупнейшей платформой профессиональных данных в Китае, и Web of Science. Анализ найденных статей с помощью визуального инструмента «Citespace» позволил понять, с какими другими проблемами связана проблема оставленных детей. Такими связанными тематиками выступают исследования сферы образования и сельского строительства. В период 2011-2016 гг. в связи с темой оставленных детей исследователями поднимались также темы их физического здоровья, качества их образования, институциональной политики. С 2016 по 2020 гг. тема оставленных детей затрагивалась учеными во взаимодействии с проблемами психологического капитала, оставленного опыта, сотрудничества между домом и школой и развития сельских районов Китая. Таким образом, развитие тематики оставленных детей в китайской науке прошло несколько стадий: от изучения проблем села (именно в сельских китайских территориях в основном и фиксируется явление оставленных детей) к проблемам развития самих детей, факторам, влияющим на развитие их потенциала. Кроме того, по результатам проведенного анализа мы обнаружили, что тема исследования оставленных детей за 2010-2020 гг. имела следующие проблемы: во-первых, недостаточное количество исследований влияния феномена оставленных детей на общество в целом; во-вторых, эта тема изучается в основном на национальном уровне, а иностранных исследователей, чье внимание привлекло бы это уникальное явление, пока крайне мало; в-третьих, преемственность исследований является достаточно низкой. Мы предложили новый подход к изучению феномена "оставленных детей", заключающийся в рассмотрении их во взрослом возрасте как субъектов реализуемого ими родительского труда., “Left-behind children” is a completely unique phenomenon in the Chinese socio-economic reality. We have made an attempt, using the methods of scientometric analysis, to investigate the results of studying this topic in world science for the period from 2010 to 2020. The analysis is based on data from the CNKI platforms, which is the largest professional data platform in China, and the Web of Science. The analysis of the found articles with the help of the visual tool "Citespace" made it possible to understand what other problems are connected with the problem of left-behind children. Such related topics are research in the field of education and rural construction. In the period 2011-2016, in connection with the topic of left-behind children, researchers also raised the topics of their physical health, quality of their education, institutional policy. rom 2016 to 2020, the topic of left behind children was addressed by scientists in cooperation with the problems of psychological capital, left-behind experience, cooperation between home and school, and rural development in China. Thus, the development of left-behind children in Chinese science has gone through several stages: from the study of rural problems (it is in rural Chinese territories that the phenomenon of leftbehind children is mainly recorded) to the problems of the development of children themselves, factors affecting the development of their potential. In addition, according to the results of the analysis, we found that the topic of the study of left-behind children for 2010-2020 had the following problems: first, there is insufficient research on the impact of the phenomenon of left-behind children on society as a whole; secondly, the topic is mainly studied at the national level, and there are few foreign researchers whose attention would attract this unique phenomenon; third, the continuity of research is rather low. We have proposed a new approach to the study of the phenomenon of "leftbehind childr

Today, one of the most important tasks in China is to ensurecomprehensive social stability, increase the country's strength and capacity,train personnel, and use them properly and effectively. In this regard, LiKang, Deputy Chief of Organizational Affairs of the CPC MunicipalCommittee, said, “The issue of selecting talented personnel from amongtalented young people remains the basis for improving the personnelsystem. Because young people with higher education have broad-minded,innovative ideas, creative, forward-thinking, easily receptive to modernqualities. Considering that in recent years the political personnel system ofthe PRC has been replenished at the expense of young people, it is clear thattheir role in the future of society is invaluable.

As the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has increasingly expanded its economic influence in the Asia-Pacific region, Southeast Asia has specifically become one of the PRC’s regional focus areas. The PRC has emphasized increasing political relationships and economic partnerships with Southeast Asian countries. Currently, the U.S. government lacks a quantitative assessment that measures the PRC’s influence in the region by assessing the behaviors of the countries in Southeast Asia. This investigation seeks to identify if the PRC’s economic investment in Southeast Asia is influencing measurable behavior. To analyze the PRC’s influence, this research uses votes from the United Nations General Assembly and economic investment data to assess the relationship between the behaviors of Southeast Asian countries and the PRC’s economic investment. The quantitative analysis of these factors finds that alignment with the PRC is stronger in poor countries when the trade balance is in the PRC’s favor; however, under the same condition in richer countries, alignment with the PRC declines. Additionally, in the absence of aid (including loans and grants), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has a negative effect; however, when there is high investment in both the BRI and aid, there is a strong alignment with the PRC., Outstanding Thesis, Major, United States Air Force, Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

The joint combined exchange training (JCET) has been a cornerstone of special operations forces (SOF) engagement in the Indo-Pacific region since its original legislation in 1991. These training events are the platform by which U.S. SOF maintain access to partners and allies across the United States Indo-Pacific Command (USINDOPACOM) theater while remaining in compliance with U.S. Title 10 oversight and authorities. This thesis describes how the United States Special Operations Command (USSOCOM) can integrate the JCET further into the National Defense Strategy’s (NDS) global operating concept (GOC) and allow for SOF to campaign more effectively in pursuit of competition with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Using the traditional ends, ways, and means model, this thesis details the additional platforms and resources available to SOF in Asia, explains the JCET’s role in that assortment of actions, and asserts that a change in JCET policy is required to best capitalize on the uniquely flexible event. Finally, recommended updates to current policy that account for the new demands on SOF relative to the NDS goals are provided. These recommendations focus on considerations specific to the current resource-informed environment by taking into account available SOF resources, manpower, and focus., Chief Warrant Officer Three, United States Army, Chief Warrant Officer Four, United States Army, Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

Supporting the hypothesis of the hegemonic transition characterized by the scenario of the dispute with the United States, the article analyzes the emergence of the People’s Republic of China as an international economic power. First, the conceptual framework is presented within the evolutionary theory of technology revolutions for the interpretation of the current stage of a global transformation. Secondly, the paper advances on the analysis of the Chinese trajectory towards consolidation as the protagonist of the international system reviewing the empirical path through the main scientific and technological indicators that explain its rise. In this context, its commercial dispute with the United States is analyzed as an expression of the broad conflict over the appropriation of the benefits of the current technological revolution. Lastly, the characterization of the uncertainty scenario regarding the institutionality of the new global economic order is presented., Este artículo analiza el surgimiento de la República Popular China como potencia económica internacional sosteniendo la hipótesis de transición hegemónica caracterizada por el escenario de disputa con Estados Unidos. En primer lugar, se presenta el marco conceptual dentro de la teoría evolucionista de las revoluciones tecnológicas para la interpretación de la etapa actual de transformación global. A partir de allí, se avanza en el análisis de la trayectoria china hacia la consolidación como protagonista del sistema internacional y el recorrido empírico por los principales indicadores científicos y tecnológicos que explican su ascenso. En este marco, se analiza la disputa comercial con Estados Unidos como expresión del conflicto amplio en torno a la apropiación de los beneficios de la actual revolución tecnológica. Como conclusión, se expone la caracterización del escenario de incertidumbre en torno a la institucionalidad del nuevo orden económico global.

The study is devoted to the analysis of Russian-Chinese cooperation within the framework of the Shanghai cooperation organization (SCO). States are the most influential in the SCO, so it is on their cooperation that the security and development of not only the Central Asian region, but also the Asia-Pacific region and the world as a whole depends. The study highlights and examines the main areas of cooperation between States, as well as assesses their level and importance., Исследование посвящено анализу российско-китайского сотрудничества в рамках Шанхайской организации сотрудничества (ШОС). Государства являются наиболее влиятельными в ШОС, поэтому именно от их сотрудничества зависит безопасность и развитие не только Центрально-Азиатского, но и Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона и мира в целом. В рамках исследования выделяются и рассматриваются основные сферы сотрудничества государств, а также оценивается их уровень и важность.

This master’s thesis will thoroughly analyze the discourse that is the transformation and interaction of the Maoist ideology with the previous Confucian traditions and its importance in institutional spheres of society in contemporary China. The thesis aims to analyze correlations and causations to the aspect of the rise of Maoism from a non-Communist Chinese society highly influenced by Confucian values and traditions to a Maoist dominated Chinese cultural, social, and political landscape. With a comparative discourse analysis and a theoretical framework based on the development and rise of authoritarian ideologies and the correlations ideologies and religions can have interchangeably, the thesis aims to shed light on the aspects of rising authoritarianism and how they influence contemporary Chinese institutions of power. This is indeed of utmost relevance and importance since the Chinese Communist Party under the rule of Xi Jinping now increases its cultural, social, and political influence within the country itself, the greater Chinese speaking world, and on the international stage. The CCP utilizes Confucian centers of learning around the world to strengthen the nation’s political, social, and ideological influence and power monopoly and to spread CCP propaganda through the Confucian centers. In other words, the Confucian philosophy and ideology has had an increasingly more important role in the Chinese political, social, and cultural landscape. The usage of comparative discourse analysis linked to authoritarian development and continuation of authoritarian systems is useful to understand the contemporary Chinese context but also other contexts where religiously linked authoritarian rule has been replaced with a communist or Marxist authoritarian rule based on ideology, such as the case of Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union and the rise of Communism in Eastern Europe after World War II.

The view of FDI and its impacts has shifted throughout history. In conjunction with globalization and liberalization, new opportunities have emerged which have allowed FDI, in its current state to flourish across the globe. South-South FDI has emerged as a cross-border investment of developing and transitional economies to create lasting links with economies of similar structures. The purpose of this study is to explore the South-South FDI relationship between Laos and China since Laos’ economic liberalization in 1986. Chinese South-South FDI in Laos has seen a vast increase in the past decades, which has spurred the export of Laos and its economic development. As Laos aims to continue to fuel its economic development through FDI, utilizing it as a catalyst to support its export-led growth, this study also aims to examine the trends of trade and patterns from the same point of take-off. This study was conducted using a mixed-methods approach to provide a holistic and panoramic view of the relationship. The findings of the studies were analyzed using the conceptual frameworks of New Structural Economics and the role of FDI. Through the analytical discussion, the study suggests that a more skeptical or dirigist approach towards FDI is essential by the host government to achieve structural change and continues prosper development. Due to its nature, lack of diversification and ineffective enforcement is vital to thoroughly weigh the for and against argumentations of the current situation to adjust policy accordingly. To secure the economic base for the Laos economy, it is suggested to further diversify the FDI in Laos, to continuously improve industries across sectors to allow for the utilization of the country’s natural endowment for its economic development in the long run.

This thesis considers the role of the United States as a conditioning factor for China’s intervention practices in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), with a particular focus on three cases studies during the late-Obama era: the external interventions in Libya during 2011, the Syrian civil war, and the multilateral involvement in the Iranian nuclear proliferation case. Drawing from the most recent field interviews with stakeholders involved in the three cases and a comprehensive review and content analysis of daily statements and communications between the highest levels of the Chinese government and the Obama administration, this thesis argues that Beijing’s perception of the American-led interventions in MENA during the late-Obama era is a major conditioning variable in its decision to balance against, hedge, or cooperate with the United States. More importantly, this thesis illustrates that in addition to unit-level and localized explanations of Chinese interventions, a structurally and power-oriented analysis enhances existing understanding of how and why China intervenes in MENA and other regions contested by the two major powers.

This thesis examines the main drivers of U.S. policy toward North Korea’s nuclear weapons program from 1992 until the present. The thesis has found that there were four main drivers of American policy toward North Korea during each presidential administration examined. The United States’ regional allies—Japan and South Korea—have been concerned about the threats posed by North Korea’s nuclear weapons program, and they have made several attempts to negotiate the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula in the conjunction with the United States. Allies’ concerns about a potential conflict, however, have led them to call on the United States to show restraint in the use of military force and economic pressure toward North Korea. China’s economic leverage over the DPRK and Beijing’s insistence on preventing the United States from imposing harsher economic sanctions on North Korea presented challenges throughout the presidential administrations. North Korea’s insistence on furthering its nuclear weapons program by continuing to defy the international order presents difficulties for the United States to achieve the goal of a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. This thesis provides two future policy recommendations for the United States to engage with North Korea—adopt either an option of appeasement that centers on diplomacy or an option of pressure that relies on a combination of coercive strategies to successfully achieve the goal of a nuclear-free Korean peninsula., Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

The strategic ambiguity inherent in the United States’ One-China policy toward China and Taiwan is largely derived from three joint communiques, the Taiwan Relations Act, President Ronald Reagan’s Six Assurances, and subsequent presidential statements. The geostrategic environment has changed substantially in the intervening period, with the rise of China and its aggressive behavior leading to a more adversarial U.S.-China relationship and a new era of great power competition. In this new environment, this thesis asks: Is the United States’ One-China policy still the best approach to China and Taiwan? After defining the components of the United States’ One-China policy, this thesis analyzes the three primary policy options: 1) abandon commitments to Taiwan, 2) double-down on the commitments to Taiwan, and 3) maintain the status quo. Through systematic analysis, this thesis draws three primary conclusions. First, the relative economic and military power dominance of the United States, coupled with the importance of credibility to regional alliances, render an abandonment of commitments to be unjustified and dangerous. Second, doubling-down on commitments is unnecessarily provocative to a core interest of China, especially considering the formidable defense already possessed by Taiwan. Finally, maintaining the status quo through a careful adherence of the One-China policy remains the best policy option for the United States., Major, United States Marine Corps, Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

The United States and India both perceive China’s growing military might and assertive foreign policy as a threat to their national strategic objectives, a realization that is driving the two nations toward a close defense partnership with naval cooperation at its center. Although U.S. leaders have embraced naval cooperation as the most promising way forward, no readily available study of how U.S.–India naval cooperation bears on U.S. interests exists as a guide to further U.S. strategic objectives in the region. There is a lack of synthesized information regarding the topic to aid those involved in crafting and implementing U.S. policy. This thesis fills that gap by answering the question: Why should the United States advance naval cooperation with India? The research identifies the underlying factors driving the United States and India toward a closer defense partnership and examines the utility of advancing U.S.–India maritime cooperation. It also offers various ways in which U.S.–India maritime cooperation might aid the United States and India in furthering their respective strategic objectives in the Indo-Pacific region. This research directly benefits U.S. leaders by providing them with a clear assessment of the utility of U.S.–India naval cooperation as they navigate the complexities of the growing U.S.–India defense partnership., http://archive.org/details/usindiamaritimec1094564878, Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This thesis examines the implications of President Trump's "America First" foreign policy (AFP) on the balance of power as it relates to America's hub-and-spoke alliance system in East Asia. Before the AFP, President Trump often questioned the relevancy of America's alliances with South Korea and Japan, accusing each of not paying their fair share for American extended deterrence. The president pressured both allies to increase their burden sharing and enhance their capabilities to defend themselves. Since the AFP, South Korea has doubled down on its goal to reduce dependency on the U.S. alliance by expediting the transfer of wartime operational control of its forces from the United States. Additionally, the policy demands that South Korea shoulders the full cost to maintain the alliance. The AFP calls on Japan to take a more assertive leadership role in regional security, pushing on an open door that allows Japan to expand its interpretation of collective defense. Taiwan has benefited greatly from the AFP, but it also received pressure similar to America's treaty allies. The strategically ambiguous partner has now tied its defense spending to keep pace with its growing economy. This allowed Taiwan to purchase an advanced fighter from the United States that will increase parity with Chinese threats while allowing for enhanced interoperability with the U.S. military in the event of a crisis., Major, United States Marine Corps, Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

The article analyzes the participation of actors and organizations with a religious According to multiple analysts, a new hegemonic war is now not only possible but also very likely. Faced with growing tensions, it is important to ask how China prepares for a hypothetical confrontation with the United States, given the notable asymmetry in their conventional military capabilities. This research advances on an exploratory study on China’s development of non-conventional military capabilities between 2012 and 2017. Based on documentary sources, we investigate China’s development of new strategies and weapons, their possible impact on a hypothetical conflict between the two superpowers and the Chinese and US academics’ conception of them. It is concluded that these new developments could give China the possibility of equating the United States in an asymmetric war, breaking the asymmetry established by its conventional military capabilities., Según múltiples analistas, una nueva guerra hegemónica una guerra hegemónica no sólo es posible actualmente, sino también probable. Frente a las crecientes tensiones, es relevante preguntarse cómo se prepara China frente a una hipotética confrontación con los Estados Unidos, dada la notable asimetría en sus capacidades militares convencionales. El presente trabajo avanza en un estudio exploratorio sobre el desarrollo de capacidades militares no convencionales por parte de China entre 2012 y 2017. Basándonos en fuentes documentales, indagamos el desarrollo de nuevas estrategias y armas por parte de China, su posible impacto en un posible conflicto entre ambas superpotencias y la concepción de los académicos chinos y estadounidenses sobre ellas. Concluimos que estos nuevos desarrollos podrían dar a China la posibilidad de equiparar a los Estados Unidos en una guerra asimétrica, rompiendo la asimetría establecida por sus capacidades militares convencionales.

This paper analyzes the People’s Republic of China as an actor in global cultural markets. The first section reviews the existing conceptualization of culture as a component of international relations in its two dimensions: as a constitutive element of social subjects and as an instrument incorporated in a diplomatic strategy. The first deal swith the links at the level of civil society, the second understood as state´s soft power. The second section reveals China as a consumer and producer of cultural goods globally, its magnitude, growth, global economic impacts and the formation of a global cultural canon. The conclusions present public policy implications and avenues for future research, El artículo analiza a la República Popular China como actor en los mercados globales de productos culturales. La sección primera reseña las conceptualizaciones existentes de cultura como componente de las relaciones internacionales en sus dos dimensiones: como elemento constitutivo delos sujetos sociales y como instrumento incorporado en una estrategia diplomática. El primero aborda los vínculos a nivel dela sociedad civil, el segundo entendido como “soft power” estatal. La segunda sección releva a China como consumidor y productor de bienes culturales a nivel global, su magnitud, crecimiento e impactos globales económicos y en la formación de un canon cultural global. Las conclusiones presentan implicaciones de política pública y preguntas de investigación futura

Предметом исследования является Конституция и законы Китайской Народной Республики, касающиеся противодействия идеологии терроризма и профилактике экстремизма в молодежной среде. Объектом исследования являются закономерности и тенденции развития общественных отношений КНР в процессе борьбы с терроризмом., The subject of the study is the Constitution and laws of the Republic of China concerning counteraction to the ideology of terrorism and prevention of extremism among youth. The object of the study is the regularities and trends emerging in the China in the process of combating terrorism..

In March 2018, the Chinese National People’s Congress voted to abolish presidential term limits, paving the way for Chinese President Xi Jinping to rule the country indefinitely. This decision was but one part of a broader trend of power centralization taking place within the People’s Republic of China. Driven by Xi’s desire to centralize power in himself and in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), this trend has reversed the institutionalization of several rules and norms in Chinese politics, begging the question: How exactly was Xi able to overcome decades of momentum to bring about significant changes within the Chinese political system? In this thesis, I test two possible explanations for Xi’s success. First, I examine the possibility that Xi leveraged a strong desire among many members of the CCP to restart political and economic reforms within the country in order to persuade the party to back his political changes. Second, I test the idea that Xi has paved the way for his changes in the political sphere by using his anti-corruption campaign to purge political opponents from the CCP and to silence others. Using the best available evidence, I conclude that the preponderance of evidence indicates that Xi utilized both these methods to strengthen his personal power and reverse the trend of institutionalization in the Chinese political system, but the changes Xi has brought to the Chinese political system could not have been possible without the support of the CCP as a whole., http://archive.org/details/powertoxihowxiji1094562804, Ensign, United States Navy, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Статья посвящена изучению оценок современными китайскими политологами взаимоотношений РФ и КНР, внешней и внутренней политики России. На фоне большого числа публикаций о российско-китайских отношениях, а также ожиданий от них в российских политических кругах в отечественных международных исследованиях до сих пор недостаточно внимания уделяется изучению реального восприятия России экспертным сообществом КНР. В данной статье проанализирован ряд актуальных публикаций китайских авторов, что может быть полезным для того, чтобы максимально объективно взглянуть на перспективы выстраивания Россией дальнейших отношений с китайским партнером., This paper analyses the evaluation of Russia-China relations, Russia’s external and domestic policies by contemporary Chinese political scientists. While a lot of research articles are being published on Russian-Chinese relations and Russian political circles have great expectations regarding the partnership with China, so far little attention has been given to the perception of Russia by the Chinese expert community. In this paper, the authors analyze contemporary Chinese political studies, which can contribute to a more realistic view on the prospects of Russia-China relations.

The purpose of this article is to make a brief assessment of the historical evolution and changes that Taiwan’s foreign policy, with a focus on Taiwan’s official diplomatic relations, has undergone since the island’s democratic consolidation, signalled by Taiwan’s very first change of political party ruling the island in 2000. The main goal of the article is to try to provide an understanding of how changing foreign policy approaches as well as different foreign policy environments have had an effect on Taiwan’s international status. The article provides as well a glance at the foreseeable outcomes. Taiwan’s last diplomatic stronghold, Latin America and the Caribbean, is thoroughly analysed. Two case studies are taken into consideration: Panama and Paraguay., Este artículo tiene como propósito hacer un breve análisis de la evolución histórica y cambios ocurridos con respecto a la política exterior taiwanesa, con especial énfasis en los lazos diplomáticos oficiales de Taiwán, desde la consolidación democrática de la isla, con el primer cambio de partido político en el poder (en el año 2000). El objetivo principal del artículo es entender cómo los grandes vaivenes de estas políticas han afectado al estatus internacional de la isla así como tratar de predecir futuros acontecimientos. Este artículo presta especial atención a la situación de las relaciones diplomáticas taiwanesas en Latinoamérica y el Caribe, que permanece como el bastión diplomático de Taipéi, y hace uso de dos casos prácticos, Panamá y Paraguay.

El presente trabajo analiza las pequeñas y medianas empresas latinoamericanas y caribeñas en las asociaciones estratégicas de la región con la Unión Europea y con la República Popular China. Partiendo de las perspectivas teóricas neo-funcionalista, de los movimientos sociales transnacionales y de la constitución de redes virtuales, y mediante una estrategia cualitativa, identifica la formación de redes de pequeñas y medianas empresas y la aplicación de estándares ambientales a los procesos productivos., The present work analyzes the small and medium-sized Latin American and Caribbean companies in strategic partnerships in the region with the European Union and the People's Republic of China. On the basis of theoretical perspectives neo-functionalism transnational social movements and virtual networking, and using a qualitative strategy, identifies the formation of networks of small and medium-sized enterprises and the application of environmental standards to the production processes.

The occurrence of taxpayers implementing arrangements without commercial purpose to avoid tax laws and reduce their taxation, id est tax avoidance, is counteracted in most legal systems with different methods. Most jurisdictions have implemented not only Specific Anti-Avoidance Rules ("SAARs"), but also General Anti Avoidance Rules ("GAARs") to counteract tax avoidance. The topic of this thesis is GAARs and the conflict between their application and taxpayers’ legal certainty. In the light of this conflict, the thesis examines GAARs in three different legal systems on three continents. Sweden, United States and China all apply a common method to counteract tax avoidance: statutory or judicially developed GAARs. This thesis investigates these three GAARs and examines their purpose, design, legal frameworks and application in the light of legal culture and legal certainty by examining each country's government, political governance, legal system and tax law interpretation. The thesis further analyzes how each GAAR in the light of legal culture affects taxpayers’ legal certainty. To achieve this purpose the thesis explores the significance of legal certainty in the countries, what impact GAARs have for taxpayers’ legal certainty, and how legal culture impacts on legal certainty in the application of GAARs. The study shows that the GAARs applied in Sweden, United States and China are very similar in terms of design, purpose and the criteria for application, as well as with regard to the fact that their effectiveness is conflicting with taxpayers’ legal certainty. Despite the fact that the three countries' GAARs are similar, there are however significant differences between their consequences for taxpayers’ legal certainty. The conclusions are that the importance given to taxpayers’ legal certainty vary between the countries, and in the context of GAAR application, there are conflicting interests that may limit taxpayers’ legal certainty. The differences are largely attr, 纳税人通过进行缺少商业目的安排来逃避税法，减少缴税额的方式，也就是避税，被大多数法律体系采用不同的措施所打击。大多数司法机构不仅施行特别反避税法则（SAAR），还施行一般反避税法则（GAAR）来应对逃税。本论文的主题是GAAR，和它的施行与纳税人法律确定性之间的矛盾。从这一矛盾的角度出发，本论文考察了在三个大洲三种不同的法律体系下的GAAR。瑞典、美国和中国都施行一种常见的手段来应对逃税：法定或司法GAAR。本论文研究了这三种不同的GAAR，并且在不同的法律文化和法律确定性下通过检视这些国家的政府管理、政治治理、法律体系和税法解释这些方面来考察GAAR的目的、设计、法律框架和施行效果。本论文还分析了不同文化下每一种GAAR是如何影响纳税人的法律确定性的。为了完成这一目标，本论文探究了这些国家法律确定性层度，GAAR对纳税人法律确定性的影响，以及在GAAR施行中法律文化如何影响法律确定性。研究显示在瑞典、美国和中国施行的GAAR在设计、目的、施行标准和矛盾性（GAAR有效性和纳税人的法律确定性）上非常相似。尽管这三个国家的GAAR很相似，但是由它们导致的纳税人的法律确定性却有着明显的不同。结论是：纳税人法律确定性的重要程度随着国家和GAAR施行环境的不同而有所不同，并且矛盾的利益也许会限制纳税人的法律确定性。这些差异主要归结于瑞典、美国和中国的法律文化不同，并且支配着各国的政治思想体系也被证实对纳税人法律确定性的意义有主要影响。, Förekomsten av att skattskyldiga genomför arrangemang utan affärsmässigt syfte för att kringgå skattelagstiftningen och sänka sin beskattning, id est skatteflykt, motverkas i de flesta rättssystem med olika metoder. De flesta jurisdiktioner har implementerat inte endast specifika skatteflyktsregler (”SAARs”), utan även generella så kallade General Anti-Avoidance Rules (”GAARs”) för att motverka skatteflykt. Ämnet för detta examensarbete är konflikten mellan GAARs och skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet. I ljuset av denna konflikt undersöker examensarbetet GAARs i tre olika rättssystem på tre kontinenter. Sverige, USA och Kina tillämpar en gemensam metod för att motverka skatteflykt: lagstiftade eller rättspraxisutvecklade GAARs. Detta arbete undersöker dessa tre GAARs och granskar deras syfte, utformning, rättsliga ramverk och tillämpning i ljuset av rättskultur och rättssäkerhet genom att undersöka respektive lands regering, politiska styre, rättssystem och skatterättsliga lagtolkning. Examensarbetet analyserar vidare hur respektive GAAR i ljuset av rättskultur inverkar på skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet. För att uppnå detta syfte utröner uppsatsen vilken betydelse rättssäkerhet har inom länderna, vilken inverkan GAARs har för skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet, samt hur rättskulturen inverkar på rättssäkerhet vid tillämpningen av GAARs. Undersökningen visar att de GAARs som tillämpas i Sverige, USA och Kina är mycket likartade vad avser utformning, syfte och kriterier för tillämpning, samt i avseendet att deras effektivitet står i konflikt med skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet. Trots att de tre ländernas GAARs är likartade finns emellertid väsentliga skillnader mellan deras konsekvenser för skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet. Slutsatserna är att betydelsen som ges till skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet varierar mellan länderna, och i kontexten av GAAR tillämpning finns motstående intressen som kan begränsa skattskyldigas rättssäkerhet. Skillnaderna är till stor del hänförbara till rättskulturern

Међународни односи обилују примерима разнородних околности и фактора који утичу на државе да се, уместо односа конфронтације, определе за односе савезништава и/или партнерстава. У позадини таквих опредељења увек лежи интерес очувања територије и становништва, као и, у оној мери у којој је то могуће, политичке стабилности. Сем тога, савремени међународни односи, под утицајем глобализације и њоме узроковане растуће међузависности, државе, али и њихово становништво, суочавају са новим изазовима и претњама на које није увек лако наћи одговор. Управо ти нови изазови и начини њиховог превазилажења показују колики је значај партнерских односа. Један од таквих примера је стратешко партнерство између Русије и Кине чијим су закључивањем обе државе предупредиле многе потенцијалне ризике и претње. У првом делу рада, даје се преглед постојећег научног фонда о предмету истраживања и указује да приближавање Русије и Кине није изненађујуће нити неочекивано. Две суседне државе повезују економски, геополитички и безбедносни интереси. Иако се обе и по појединачним географским, економским и војним показатељима, као и по политичком значају, убрајају у водеће земље света, њихов партнерски однос их чини далеко снажнијим у односу на остале. Сем тога, обе земље деле исте ставове у вези са реформама међународних политичких и финансијских институција, али и са потребом очувања и поштовања принципа међународног права који се односе на територијални интегритет и суверенитет, другим речима поштовањем Повеље Уједињених нација. Апсолутна доминација једне државе, или макар утисак да таква доминација постоји, у међународним односима, представља изазов осталим државама, те се оне, уколико већ не могу саме да достигну такмаца, опредељују за савезе са себи сличнима како би осујетиле актуелног хегемона. У савременим међународним односима, ову хипотезу потврђују односи Русије и Кине. Нема сумње да је непосредан узрок убрзаног развоја свеобухватних односа између ове две земље њихово незадовољство светским, International relations are rich in examples of various circumstances and factors that make countries to choose instead of relations of confrontation, the relations of cooperation and or partnership. Behind those orientations usually lies the interest of preserving territory and population and, to the extent that is possible, political stability. Besides, the contemporary international relations, influenced by globalization and by it caused growing interdependence, states and their people are facing with new challenges and threats that is not always easy to be addresses to. Particularly those new challenges and ways for their overcoming indicate how important partnership relations are. One of such examples is strategic partnership between Russia and China. Concluding such partnership these countries avoided many potential risks and threats. In the first part of this research is given an overview of the research topic and referred that mutual approaching of Russia and China is neither surprise nor something unexpected. Two neighboring countries are connected by economic, geopolitical and security issues. Although each of these two countries along with single geographic, economic and military aspects as well along political significance, are considered as the leading countries of the world, their partnership relation made them even powerful compared to others. Apart from that, both countries share same attitudes regarding necessary reforms of the international political and financial institutions, but also related to the need to preserve and to respect principles of the international law related to territorial integrity and sovereignty, in other words respect of the UN Charter. Absolute dominance of one state or at least the impression that such dominance exists, in international relations represents threat to other states because of which they, if incapable to reach the competitor, decide to create an alliance with self-liked in order to endanger hegemon. In contempo

В научной работе изложены результаты исследования состояния и проблем международного сотрудничества КНР и Украины в сферах туризма, курортов и гостиничного хозяйства, а также приведены предложения и рекомендации, направленные на активизацию указанного сотрудничества с учетом современного состояния отношений между двумя странами. Проанализировано нормативно-правовую базу регулирования международного сотрудничества КНР и Украины в сфере туризма, курортов и гостиничного хозяйства. Определены тенденции въезда граждан КНР в Украину. Идентифицировано ключевые проблемы, которые могут оказать негативное влияние на активизацию туристического потока из Китая в Украину и из Украины в Китай. Указано наличие визовых ограничений, а также возможных путях взаимного упрощения визовых процедур (формальностей). Выявлена тенденция увеличения количества туристических продуктов, представленных на рынках туристических услуг обоих государств, предусматривающих возможности взаимного посещения. Выделены наиболее популярные туристические дестинации Украины для граждан Китая и Китая для граждан Украины.Описаны возможности увеличения туристических потоков за счет увеличения потенциала сотрудничества в тематических сегментах (по видам туризма), в том числе в сфере образовательного туризма. Выявлены возможности активизации сотрудничества по привлечению возможностей китайских организаций к созданию и развитию в Украине современной туристической, курортной и гостиничной инфраструктуры. Внесены научно обоснованные предложения и рекомендации, направленные на оптимизацию международного сотрудничества КНР и Украины в сфере туризма, курортов и гостиничного хозяйства. Определены перспективы научных исследований в данном направлении., Scientific work presents the results of the research status and problems in international cooperation People’s Republic of China and Ukraine in the tourism spheres, resorts and hotel industry, and provides suggestions and recommendations aimed at strengthening this cooperation with regard to the current state of relations between the two countries. Analyses are the normative-legal framework regulating the international cooperation in the People’s Republic of China and Ukraine in the field of tourism, resorts and hospitality industry. The tendencies of the entry of PRC citizens in Ukraine have been analysed. Key issues have been identified and they can have a negative impact on the intensification of the tourist flow from China to Ukraine and from Ukraine to China. Visa restrictions have been identified, as well as on possible ways of mutual simplification in visa procedures (formalities). The revealed tendency of increase in the number of tourism products on the tourist services markets of both countries, which provide the mutual visits possibility. The most popular tourist destinations in Ukraine for citizens of China and of China to citizens of Ukraine. The possibilities of increasing tourist flows have been identified by increasing the potential for cooperation in thematic segments (types of tourism), including in the field of educational tourism. Opportunities for enhancing cooperation on attraction of opportunities of the Chinese organizations in the creation and development in Ukraine of a modern tourist resort and hotel infrastructure have been identified. Evidence-based suggestions and recommendations have been made to optimize international cooperation of the People’s Republic of China and Ukraine in the field of tourism, resorts and hospitality industry. Perspectives of scientific research in this direction., В науковій праці викладено результати дослідження стану та проблем міжнародного співробітництва Китайської Народної Республіки та України у сферах туризму, курортів та готельного господарства, а також наведено пропозиції та рекомендації, спрямовані на активізацію вказаного співробітництва з урахуванням сучасного стану відносин між двома країнами. Проаналізовано нормативно-правову базу регулювання міжнародного співробітництва Китайської Народної Республіки та України у сфері туризму, курортів та готельного господарства. Визначено тенденції в’їзду громадян КНР до України. Ідентифіковано ключові проблеми, що можуть мати негативний вплив на активізацію туристичного потоку з Китаю до України та з України до Китаю. Вказано на наявність візових обмежень, а також про можливі шляхи взаємного спрощення візових процедур (формальностей). Виявлено тенденцію збільшення кількості туристичних продуктів, що представлені на ринках туристичних послуг обох держав, які передбачають можливості взаємного відвідування. Виділено найбільш популярні туристичні дестинації України для громадян Китаю та Китаю для громадян України. Описано можливості збільшення туристичних потоків за рахунок збільшення потенціалу співробітництва у тематичних сегментах (за видами туризму), у тому числі у сфері освітнього туризму. Виявлено можливості активізації співробітництва щодо залучення можливостей китайських організацій до створення та розбудови в Україні сучасної туристичної, курортної та готельної інфраструктури. Внесено науково обґрунтовані пропозиції та рекомендації, спрямовані на оптимізацію міжнародного співробітництва Китайської Народної Республіки та України у сфері туризму, курортів та готельного господарства. Визначено перспективи наукових розвідок у даному напрямі.

This thesis assesses whether India will be a reliable security partner for the United States in our efforts to manage the rise of China. U.S. grand strategy since World War Two has centered around maintaining and expanding a rules-based international order that globally promotes democratic governments, international institutions, human rights, and open markets. The prospect for a power transition threatens to disrupt the U.S.-led order. As China rises, the United States will depend on partners and alliances to help preserve the status quo, especially in the maritime domain. As the world’s largest democracy and one of the fastest-growing economies, India could play a decisive role in determining the future balance of power. Through depth-analysis of case studies, this thesis analyzed whether India decided to balance or bandwagon when China challenged India along its borders to include Tibet, Kashmir, and Doklam; threatened intervention during wars with Pakistan; acquired nuclear weapons; and expanded into the Indian Ocean Region. This thesis proved that, each time China presented India with a major security challenge, India has chosen to balance. The thesis concludes that, as a long-term investment, the United States should enhance its partnerships with India to balance against China’s rise., http://archive.org/details/indiaonbalancing1094559565, Major, United States Marine Corps, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

El impacto de la lógica tecnocapitalista y su influencia sobre las diversas esferas de la vida social constituyen un horizonte ineludible para la investigación crítica contemporánea. Sin embargo, no es fácil discernir las manifestaciones más concretas de este fenómeno en la praxis periodística, sobre todo en contextos que nos son geográfica y culturalmente diferentes. Este artículo se plantea tal desafío al analizar la expansión del grupo Want Want, que evidencia la estrategia del capitalismo chino para penetrar en los medios de comunicación taiwaneses, controlar la circulación de informaciones políticamente sensibles mediante estrategias de censura y propaganda, ejercer presión sobre el gobierno de la isla, influir sobre su opinión pública y avanzar gradualmente hacia la reunificación con el continente. La contundente oposición de la ciudadanía de Taiwán a este tipo de políticas ha generado relevantes movimientos sociales, que han llegado a conquistar una parcela significativa del poder político. Todo apunta a que la confrontación entre la hegemonía del llamado “capitalismo rojo” y la lucha por las libertades democráticas en Taiwán va a ser sostenida en el tiempo., The impact of techno-capitalist logic and its influence on the various spheres of social life is certainly an unavoidable horizon for contemporary critical research. Nonetheless, the specific manifestations of this phenomenon in the discursive praxis of the media are not easy to be discerned, especially in geographically and culturally different contexts. This article meets such a challenge in analyzing the expansion of the Want Want group, which illustrates the strategy of Chinese capitalism to penetrate Taiwanese media. Its ultimate goal is to control the circulation of politically sensitive information through strategies of censorship and propaganda, exerting pressure on the island's government, influencing its public opinion and gradually moving towards reunification with the continent. Taiwanese citizens' strong opposition to this type of policy has spawned significant social movements that have eventually conquered a significant portion of political power. The confrontation between the so-called "red capitalism" hegemony and Taiwanese citizenry struggling for their fundamental freedoms is meant to be sustained over time.