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The Spanish cooperation narrative has progressively abandoned self-interest arguments, while invoking international rules on aid more insistently. These changes in the discourse have had consequences in the actual evolution of aid: a growth towards 0.7% until the crisis and a reduction of tied aid and loan aid. However, in its relationship with Latin America, Spain is still not so conditioned by international norms and trends., La narrativa de la cooperación española ha ido abandonando argumentos basados en el interés propio e invocando más insistentemente las normas internacionales sobre la ayuda. Estos cambios en el discurso han tenido consecuencias en su evolución real: crecimiento hacia el 0,7% hasta la crisis y reducción de la ayuda ligada y la ayuda reembolsable. No obstante, en su relación con América Latina, España se sigue desmarcando de normas y tendencias internacionales., Le discours de la coopération espagnole au cours des années a abandonné les arguments fondés sur l’intérêt national et a invoqué de plus en plus les normes internationales en matière d’aide. Cette évolution du discours a eu des conséquences sur l’évolution réelle de l’aide : la croissance vers 0,7% jusqu’à la crise et la réduction de l’aide liée et remboursable. Cependant, dans ses relations avec l’Amérique latine, l’Espagne n’est pas si marquée par les normes et les tendances internationales.

This chapter examines the nature of the relationship between governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the field of international development policy, and how this relationship impacts the influence that NGOs have on policy-making. It selects an emerging donor of foreign aid, Hungary, as a case study, and it argues that government-NGO relations have gone through many changes between 2003 and 2018. The government has clearly favoured certain development NGOs, while has it co-opted or confronted with others. The advocacy activities of NGOs have proved stronger when the government has had fewer resources for co-opting them. However, due to the low political salience of international development, NGOs have not been able to put significant reform pressure on the government, which was thus been able to ignore their demands. Significant reform only happened after 2014, when the government took stronger political ownership of the policy area with a view of using foreign aid to support Hungarian business interests.

This chapter examines the nature of the relationship between governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the field of international development policy, and how this relationship impacts the influence that NGOs have on policy-making. It selects an emerging donor of foreign aid, Hungary, as a case study, and it argues that government-NGO relations have gone through many changes between 2003 and 2018. The government has clearly favoured certain development NGOs, while has it co-opted or confronted with others. The advocacy activities of NGOs have proved stronger when the government has had fewer resources for co-opting them. However, due to the low political salience of international development, NGOs have not been able to put significant reform pressure on the government, which was thus been able to ignore their demands. Significant reform only happened after 2014, when the government took stronger political ownership of the policy area with a view of using foreign aid to support Hungarian business interests.

This chapter examines the nature of the relationship between governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the field of international development policy, and how this relationship impacts the influence that NGOs have on policy-making. It selects an emerging donor of foreign aid, Hungary, as a case study, and it argues that government-NGO relations have gone through many changes between 2003 and 2018. The government has clearly favoured certain development NGOs, while has it co-opted or confronted with others. The advocacy activities of NGOs have proved stronger when the government has had fewer resources for co-opting them. However, due to the low political salience of international development, NGOs have not been able to put significant reform pressure on the government, which was thus been able to ignore their demands. Significant reform only happened after 2014, when the government took stronger political ownership of the policy area with a view of using foreign aid to support Hungarian business interests.

This chapter examines the nature of the relationship between governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the field of international development policy, and how this relationship impacts the influence that NGOs have on policy-making. It selects an emerging donor of foreign aid, Hungary, as a case study, and it argues that government-NGO relations have gone through many changes between 2003 and 2018. The government has clearly favoured certain development NGOs, while has it co-opted or confronted with others. The advocacy activities of NGOs have proved stronger when the government has had fewer resources for co-opting them. However, due to the low political salience of international development, NGOs have not been able to put significant reform pressure on the government, which was thus been able to ignore their demands. Significant reform only happened after 2014, when the government took stronger political ownership of the policy area with a view of using foreign aid to support Hungarian business interests.

Since Spain’s transition to democracy in the 1970s, the country has attempted to enhance its role in international affairs. Using data from the Elcano Global Presence Index, Iliana Olivié and Manuel Gracia assess how Spain’s international profile ranks relative to other countries. They note that Spain has increased its global presence ‘score’ substantially in recent decades, however much of this is based on ‘soft’ variables, such as tourism and cultural exports. As a result, Spain may require a new strategy to maintain its global position long-term.