Search

This study examined the impact of technology on the kinship of the Fulɓe people in Jigawa State, Nigeria. The study employs secondary data and content analysis methods to achieve its objectives. It utilizes the diffusion of innovations theory as a theoretical framework to comprehend the impact of technology on Fulɓe kinship in Jigawa state. The investigation reveals that technology facilitates improved communication among Fulɓe communities, bolsters livestock management, introduces new economic opportunities for the Fulɓe culture and economy, expands the horizons of education, offers new possibilities for Fulɓe families to conceive and have children, enhances morbidity and reduces mortality rates among Fulɓe people in Jigawa State. On the other hand, technology diminishes face-to-face interaction among them, instigates changes in economic dynamics, challenges traditional values and norms deeply embedded within the Fulɓe community, introduces new methods of influencing ideas about lineage, inheritance, and the transmission of family identity, alters family structures and caregiving dynamics within the Fulɓe kinship system in Jigawa state. The study, therefore, recommends that government and community leaders should collaborate on initiatives that integrate indigenous wisdom with innovative technologies that can improve lives while preserving the essential aspects of the Fulɓe kinship system in Jigawa State.

This study examined the impact of technology on the kinship of the Fulɓe people in Jigawa State, Nigeria. The study employs secondary data and content analysis methods to achieve its objectives. It utilizes the diffusion of innovations theory as a theoretical framework to comprehend the impact of technology on Fulɓe kinship in Jigawa state. The investigation reveals that technology facilitates improved communication among Fulɓe communities, bolsters livestock management, introduces new economic opportunities for the Fulɓe culture and economy, expands the horizons of education, offers new possibilities for Fulɓe families to conceive and have children, enhances morbidity and reduces mortality rates among Fulɓe people in Jigawa State. On the other hand, technology diminishes face-to-face interaction among them, instigates changes in economic dynamics, challenges traditional values and norms deeply embedded within the Fulɓe community, introduces new methods of influencing ideas about lineage, inheritance, and the transmission of family identity, alters family structures and caregiving dynamics within the Fulɓe kinship system in Jigawa state. The study, therefore, recommends that government and community leaders should collaborate on initiatives that integrate indigenous wisdom with innovative technologies that can improve lives while preserving the essential aspects of the Fulɓe kinship system in Jigawa State.

open, The unsuccessful homecoming from the Central Mediterranean route has marked a pivotal point in the life of thousands of people in the last 10 years. According to this event, the lives of individuals and their family network have reorganized their trajectories, hopes, and daily choices. Analysing this phenomenon from the angle of the department of Velingara (Senegal), return appears as a process that unfolds over time. Terms as "reintegration" or "reinsertion" often hide a fundamental consideration: the travellers of the backway (locally also called laawol ley) keep on being an integral part of the local context through different forms of communication, money transfer and the collective effort to mystically and financially sustain their journey. Amongst the Fulɓe Fulakunda, coming back is about dealing with a change in one’s social position, reactivating necessary social connections, rebuilding both personal or professional relationships, keeping an expected attitude of hersa. Return is lived through inherited cultural perspectives: the set of moral values and rules of conduct of the ancient noble class (ndimaaku); the necessary fatigue (tampere) of the social life (wondagol) and the desire to free oneself from it (heɓtaare); the Islamic religious norms and mystical threatens (bau) trigged by the envy and the desire to lower the level of the social competition; the perception of a "delay" in their life trajectory also caused by the material signs of the success of the others (houses, vehicles, new clothes, etc...). Return migrants’ retrospectives offer us an image of the backway as a world where the most basic rules of social life fail, leaving room for exhausting physical and psychological endurance. As a period of constant anxiety, alertness and fear, the backway remains as a habitus and a way of being in the world which goes beyond the temporal boundaries of the adventure. Narrating is primarily a moral laboratory through which the subject makes sense of an intens, I ritorni fallimentari dalla Rotta Centrale del Mediterraneo ha segnato un punto cruciale nella vita di migliaia di persone in Africa negli ultimi 10 anni. Attorno a questo evento, le vite delle persone e della loro rete familiare hanno riorganizzato le loro traiettorie, speranze e scelte quotidiane. Analizzando questo fenomeno dal punto di vista del dipartimento di Velingara (Senegal), il ritorno appare come un processo che si dipana nel tempo. Termini come "reinserzione” nascondono spesso una considerazione fondamentale: i viaggiatori delle rotte migratorie via terra (localmente denominate laawol ley) continuano a essere parte integrante del contesto locale attraverso diverse forme di comunicazione, trasferimento di denaro e lo sforzo collettivo per sostenere misticamente e finanziariamente il loro viaggio. Tra i Fulɓe Fulakunda, ritornare senza aver raggiunto ciò che ci si era prefissati al momento della partenza significa affrontare un cambiamento della propria posizione sociale, riattivare le necessarie connessioni sociali, ricostruire relazioni sia personali che professionali, mantenere un prevedibile atteggiamento di pudore/vergogna (hersa). Il ritorno è vissuto attraverso prospettive culturali: l'insieme dei valori morali e delle regole di condotta dell'antica classe nobile (ndimaaku); la necessaria fatica (tampere) della vita sociale (wondagol) e il desiderio di liberarsene (heɓtaare); le norme religiose islamiche e le minacce mistiche (bau) innescate dall'invidia e dal desiderio di abbassare il livello della competizione sociale; la percezione di un "ritardo" nella loro traiettoria di vita causato anche dai segni materiali del successo degli altri (case, veicoli, vestiti nuovi, ecc...). Le retrospettive dei migranti di ritorno ci offrono un'immagine della Rotta Centrale Mediterranea come un mondo in cui vengono meno le regole più elementari della vita sociale, lasciando spazio a un'estenuante resistenza fisica e psicologica. In quanto periodo di costante a, 0, open, Masi, G

I ritorni fallimentari dalla Rotta Centrale del Mediterraneo ha segnato un punto cruciale nella vita di migliaia di persone in Africa negli ultimi 10 anni. Attorno a questo evento, le vite delle persone e della loro rete familiare hanno riorganizzato le loro traiettorie, speranze e scelte quotidiane. Analizzando questo fenomeno dal punto di vista del dipartimento di Velingara (Senegal), il ritorno appare come un processo che si dipana nel tempo. Termini come "reinserzione” nascondono spesso una considerazione fondamentale: i viaggiatori delle rotte migratorie via terra (localmente denominate laawol ley) continuano a essere parte integrante del contesto locale attraverso diverse forme di comunicazione, trasferimento di denaro e lo sforzo collettivo per sostenere misticamente e finanziariamente il loro viaggio. Tra i Fulɓe Fulakunda, ritornare senza aver raggiunto ciò che ci si era prefissati al momento della partenza significa affrontare un cambiamento della propria posizione sociale, riattivare le necessarie connessioni sociali, ricostruire relazioni sia personali che professionali, mantenere un prevedibile atteggiamento di pudore/vergogna (hersa). Il ritorno è vissuto attraverso prospettive culturali: l'insieme dei valori morali e delle regole di condotta dell'antica classe nobile (ndimaaku); la necessaria fatica (tampere) della vita sociale (wondagol) e il desiderio di liberarsene (heɓtaare); le norme religiose islamiche e le minacce mistiche (bau) innescate dall'invidia e dal desiderio di abbassare il livello della competizione sociale; la percezione di un "ritardo" nella loro traiettoria di vita causato anche dai segni materiali del successo degli altri (case, veicoli, vestiti nuovi, ecc...). Le retrospettive dei migranti di ritorno ci offrono un'immagine della Rotta Centrale Mediterranea come un mondo in cui vengono meno le regole più elementari della vita sociale, lasciando spazio a un'estenuante resistenza fisica e psicologica. In quanto periodo di costant, The unsuccessful homecoming from the Central Mediterranean route has marked a pivotal point in the life of thousands of people in the last 10 years. According to this event, the lives of individuals and their family network have reorganized their trajectories, hopes, and daily choices. Analysing this phenomenon from the angle of the department of Velingara (Senegal), return appears as a process that unfolds over time. Terms as "reintegration" or "reinsertion" often hide a fundamental consideration: the travellers of the backway (locally also called laawol ley) keep on being an integral part of the local context through different forms of communication, money transfer and the collective effort to mystically and financially sustain their journey. Amongst the Fulɓe Fulakunda, coming back is about dealing with a change in one’s social position, reactivating necessary social connections, rebuilding both personal or professional relationships, keeping an expected attitude of hersa. Return is lived through inherited cultural perspectives: the set of moral values and rules of conduct of the ancient noble class (ndimaaku); the necessary fatigue (tampere) of the social life (wondagol) and the desire to free oneself from it (heɓtaare); the Islamic religious norms and mystical threatens (bau) trigged by the envy and the desire to lower the level of the social competition; the perception of a "delay" in their life trajectory also caused by the material signs of the success of the others (houses, vehicles, new clothes, etc...). Return migrants’ retrospectives offer us an image of the backway as a world where the most basic rules of social life fail, leaving room for exhausting physical and psychological endurance. As a period of constant anxiety, alertness and fear, the backway remains as a habitus and a way of being in the world which goes beyond the temporal boundaries of the adventure. Narrating is primarily a moral laboratory through which the subject makes sense of an intens

This research work looks at marriage rituals in some selected Fulɓe local governments in Sokoto with a view to study both the language and material rites involved in the entire process of Fulɓe marriage in the study area. The problem is the gradual adaptation of the culture of the dominant environment. This process leads to substitutions of both internal and external culture of the endangered language in favour of the dominant language. Two sampling techniques were used in this study - Stratified and Snowball Purposive sampling techniques. Stratified sampling was used to sample six local government out of the twenty-three local governments in the state. While Snowball purposive sampling was employed to sample the participants from each of the selected local governments. The study has 120 participants as a sample size. Ethnographic research method was employed for the study as a research design. Two research questions were asked based on the objectives of the study. An open-ended Structured Questionnaire tagged Fulɓe Marriage Rituals Inventory was used to interview each of the 120 respondents individually. Descriptive data analysis was employed to answer the research questions both quantitatively and qualitatively. The study finds out that there are certain non-linguistic rituals that are endangered due to the influence of modernity and cross breeding. In view of these findings, the study recommends that there is need to investigate the possible revival of the endangered non-linguistic aspect of Fulɓe marriage in the study area that include chodiri, sharo, fijoji and doggal.

This research work looks at marriage rituals in some selected Fulɓe local governments in Sokoto with a view to study both the language and material rites involved in the entire process of Fulɓe marriage in the study area. The problem is the gradual adaptation of the culture of the dominant environment. This process leads to substitutions of both internal and external culture of the endangered language in favour of the dominant language. Two sampling techniques were used in this study - Stratified and Snowball Purposive sampling techniques. Stratified sampling was used to sample six local government out of the twenty-three local governments in the state. While Snowball purposive sampling was employed to sample the participants from each of the selected local governments. The study has 120 participants as a sample size. Ethnographic research method was employed for the study as a research design. Two research questions were asked based on the objectives of the study. An open-ended Structured Questionnaire tagged Fulɓe Marriage Rituals Inventory was used to interview each of the 120 respondents individually. Descriptive data analysis was employed to answer the research questions both quantitatively and qualitatively. The study finds out that there are certain non-linguistic rituals that are endangered due to the influence of modernity and cross breeding. In view of these findings, the study recommends that there is need to investigate the possible revival of the endangered non-linguistic aspect of Fulɓe marriage in the study area that include chodiri, sharo, fijoji and doggal.

Mbororo, Invasion of a Nation by Arthur Cimwanga Badibanga published by Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbruecken, 2016 is predominantly a drama interspersed with folk song and a bit of poetry. Other notable plays by Badibanga include La Derision Autoritaire (1993) and L’Innocence sans Preuve (1992). The impacts of nomadic tribes like the Mbororo in their migrations and settlements in most parts of the sub-Saharan Africa have been of great concern to most governments. Mindful of these instances, the playwright attempts to unravel the causes for such conflicts between the indigenes and the nomadic tribes and their subsequent search for freedom to live according to the respective traditions. The play is set in three acts and revolves around the Mbororo and key figures in Congolese society and the world at large. The concerns raised in the play are vital to these very recent times as these are the prevailing issues. What is most significant to this play is that fact that he provides a clear resolution to conflicts at stake. Notwithstanding the significance of the themes that Badibanga chooses to tackle, the play is over ambitiously populated with diverse characters and entities such Church members, Human Rights Watch, Red Cross, United Nations, African Union who supposedly appear in passing and carry individual voices. A limited number of character can echo the sentiments and thoughts expressed therein and would have given the play a more unified plot. There are some particular issues with the typesetting as sentences and sometimes words are separated by unnecessary gaps. Being a translation of the French original text (Cimwanga 2016), readers would have also expected that the Abstract to the book to be in English like all other translations.More so, there exist some typos and grammatical incoherencies in the writing, most of which could have been corrected with the appropriate attention. For instance, quite apart from Act One, which is rendered appropriately, Act Two

Mbororo, Invasion of a Nation by Arthur Cimwanga Badibanga published by Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbruecken, 2016 is predominantly a drama interspersed with folk song and a bit of poetry. Other notable plays by Badibanga include La Derision Autoritaire (1993) and L’Innocence sans Preuve (1992). The impacts of nomadic tribes like the Mbororo in their migrations and settlements in most parts of the sub-Saharan Africa have been of great concern to most governments. Mindful of these instances, the playwright attempts to unravel the causes for such conflicts between the indigenes and the nomadic tribes and their subsequent search for freedom to live according to the respective traditions. The play is set in three acts and revolves around the Mbororo and key figures in Congolese society and the world at large. The concerns raised in the play are vital to these very recent times as these are the prevailing issues. What is most significant to this play is that fact that he provides a clear resolution to conflicts at stake. Notwithstanding the significance of the themes that Badibanga chooses to tackle, the play is over ambitiously populated with diverse characters and entities such Church members, Human Rights Watch, Red Cross, United Nations, African Union who supposedly appear in passing and carry individual voices. A limited number of character can echo the sentiments and thoughts expressed therein and would have given the play a more unified plot. There are some particular issues with the typesetting as sentences and sometimes words are separated by unnecessary gaps. Being a translation of the French original text (Cimwanga 2016), readers would have also expected that the Abstract to the book to be in English like all other translations.More so, there exist some typos and grammatical incoherencies in the writing, most of which could have been corrected with the appropriate attention. For instance, quite apart from Act One, which is rendered appropriately, Act Two

Mbororo, Invasion of a Nation by Arthur Cimwanga Badibanga published by Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbruecken, 2016 is predominantly a drama interspersed with folk song and a bit of poetry. Other notable plays by Badibanga include La Derision Autoritaire (1993) and L’Innocence sans Preuve (1992). The impacts of nomadic tribes like the Mbororo in their migrations and settlements in most parts of the sub-Saharan Africa have been of great concern to most governments. Mindful of these instances, the playwright attempts to unravel the causes for such conflicts between the indigenes and the nomadic tribes and their subsequent search for freedom to live according to the respective traditions. The play is set in three acts and revolves around the Mbororo and key figures in Congolese society and the world at large. The concerns raised in the play are vital to these very recent times as these are the prevailing issues. What is most significant to this play is that fact that he provides a clear resolution to conflicts at stake. Notwithstanding the significance of the themes that Badibanga chooses to tackle, the play is over ambitiously populated with diverse characters and entities such Church members, Human Rights Watch, Red Cross, United Nations, African Union who supposedly appear in passing and carry individual voices. A limited number of character can echo the sentiments and thoughts expressed therein and would have given the play a more unified plot. There are some particular issues with the typesetting as sentences and sometimes words are separated by unnecessary gaps. Being a translation of the French original text (Cimwanga 2016), readers would have also expected that the Abstract to the book to be in English like all other translations.More so, there exist some typos and grammatical incoherencies in the writing, most of which could have been corrected with the appropriate attention. For instance, quite apart from Act One, which is rendered appropriately, Act Two

Mbororo, Invasion of a Nation by Arthur Cimwanga Badibanga published by Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbruecken, 2016 is predominantly a drama interspersed with folk song and a bit of poetry. Other notable plays by Badibanga include La Derision Autoritaire (1993) and L’Innocence sans Preuve (1992). The impacts of nomadic tribes like the Mbororo in their migrations and settlements in most parts of the sub-Saharan Africa have been of great concern to most governments. Mindful of these instances, the playwright attempts to unravel the causes for such conflicts between the indigenes and the nomadic tribes and their subsequent search for freedom to live according to the respective traditions. The play is set in three acts and revolves around the Mbororo and key figures in Congolese society and the world at large. The concerns raised in the play are vital to these very recent times as these are the prevailing issues. What is most significant to this play is that fact that he provides a clear resolution to conflicts at stake. Notwithstanding the significance of the themes that Badibanga chooses to tackle, the play is over ambitiously populated with diverse characters and entities such Church members, Human Rights Watch, Red Cross, United Nations, African Union who supposedly appear in passing and carry individual voices. A limited number of character can echo the sentiments and thoughts expressed therein and would have given the play a more unified plot. There are some particular issues with the typesetting as sentences and sometimes words are separated by unnecessary gaps. Being a translation of the French original text (Cimwanga 2016), readers would have also expected that the Abstract to the book to be in English like all other translations.More so, there exist some typos and grammatical incoherencies in the writing, most of which could have been corrected with the appropriate attention. For instance, quite apart from Act One, which is rendered appropriately, Act Two

Although historical studies on African music date to the twentieth century, particularly idioms that developed in the colonial and postcolonial eras, minimal music research has focused on diasporas within Africa and even fewer studies are concerned with the precolonial era. Yet, music scholars are not the only ones guilty of this omission. In The African Diaspora (1996), Alusine Jalloh explains: “Despite the availability of good studies on trading diasporas in Africa, more research is needed to explore the internal and cross-boundary mercantile activities of ethnic groups with a long history of migration on the continent.” Oliver Bakewell’s comments in African Diaspora (2008) are also noteworthy: “Ironically, within the growing volume of literature on African diasporas, very little of it is concerned with diasporas whose population is based on the continent. Africa is portrayed as a continent which generates diasporas rather than one in which diasporas can be found.” The paucity of music material on diasporas within Africa raises several questions. Why do we ignore precolonial political and cultural constructs that developed on the continent? Is it because of the lack of sources, the complexity of the topic, or the fact that we believe precolonial polities have little to offer the discussion of performance culture or issues (i.e., globalization, identity) of importance today? In my opinion, part of the problem lies in our perception of Africa. Many music researchers do not regard precolonial Africa as a continent with empires, nations, or societies with far-reaching extensions, but instead, as a place with insulated communities and few connections. Because of our focus on discrete, isolated African groups, we do not know why and how musical traditions were dispersed and maintained for hundreds of years nor do we understand the processes that contributed to differences and similarities. Continuing research on African music history begun by Klaus Wachsmann, Kwabena Nk

Although historical studies on African music date to the twentieth century, particularly idioms that developed in the colonial and postcolonial eras, minimal music research has focused on diasporas within Africa and even fewer studies are concerned with the precolonial era. Yet, music scholars are not the only ones guilty of this omission. In The African Diaspora (1996), Alusine Jalloh explains: “Despite the availability of good studies on trading diasporas in Africa, more research is needed to explore the internal and cross-boundary mercantile activities of ethnic groups with a long history of migration on the continent.” Oliver Bakewell’s comments in African Diaspora (2008) are also noteworthy: “Ironically, within the growing volume of literature on African diasporas, very little of it is concerned with diasporas whose population is based on the continent. Africa is portrayed as a continent which generates diasporas rather than one in which diasporas can be found.” The paucity of music material on diasporas within Africa raises several questions. Why do we ignore precolonial political and cultural constructs that developed on the continent? Is it because of the lack of sources, the complexity of the topic, or the fact that we believe precolonial polities have little to offer the discussion of performance culture or issues (i.e., globalization, identity) of importance today? In my opinion, part of the problem lies in our perception of Africa. Many music researchers do not regard precolonial Africa as a continent with empires, nations, or societies with far-reaching extensions, but instead, as a place with insulated communities and few connections. Because of our focus on discrete, isolated African groups, we do not know why and how musical traditions were dispersed and maintained for hundreds of years nor do we understand the processes that contributed to differences and similarities. Continuing research on African music history begun by Klaus Wachsmann, Kwabena Nk

The increase in the human population has led to dramatic consequences in Sahelian countries, including food shortages, farmland expansion, and conflicts over land and natural resources. Currently, more farmers and herders in south-central Nigertry to use the same land, making it very difficult for herders to find suitable grassland for grazing during the rainy season. Fulbe and Tuareg herders graze livestock on the barren plateau to avoid damaging crops, and the farmers plant millet on land with fertile soil. Particularly during harvest season, the relationship between farmers and herders deteriorates due to livestock-induced crop damage. Hausa elders and pastoral Fulbe or Tuareg individuals living in the village have engaged in negotiations to avoid direct confrontations between herders and farmers. The disputed issues involve whether crop damage was caused by cattle and, if so, whether it was intentional or the result of carelessness by the herdsman. Hausa society has set the rate of cash compensation for intentional crop damage at ramuko and that for crop damage attributable to carelessness at bana, which is half of ramuko. The rate applied in particular cases is determined by negotiations between farmers and herders. If negotiations are broken off, some herders or farmers may resort to violence, and the situation can escalate into murder. This paper discusses an approach to land rehabilitation and conflict prevention used in south-central Niger, which involves using trash for land rehabilitation, in terms of the indigenous knowledge and daily practices of Hausa farmers. The author built two 50 × 50-m fenced plots with Hausa and Fulbe villagers and brought urban trash to the degraded land, which had been communal pastureland used by herders. Then, the author asked individuals to manage the fenced pastureland and to graze livestock inside of this land. This practice can be useful for preventing livestock-induced crop damage and conflict between farmers and herders

The paper deals with traditional joking relationships and how these are expressed socio-politically in different contexts in present-day Burkina Faso. Yet while classical anthropological writings on joking relationships provided more or less functionalist explanatory models, such a functionalist bias is alive and well in academic and popular writings, as well as in the discourse of intellectuals in Burkina. I examine two different contexts of joking relationships between different ethnic groups, especially in the context of political violence. The first context is the joking relationship between blacksmiths and Fulbe as articulated in the many outbreaks of violence that have occurred in western parts of the country since the 1980s between Fulbe agro-pastoralists and local groups of farmers. The second context is that of national politics where joking relationships are used in national political discourse. Throughout the paper I will argue that the institution of joking relationship cannot be understood merely as a curious remnant of the past but must be located in present-day national political culture.

Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit wurde in den drei für die Weidewirtschaft Westafrikas wichtigsten Naturräumen das Umweltklassifikationssystem von Weidewirtschaft betreibenden und für die Region repräsentativen autochthonen und allochthonen Fulbegruppen erfaßt. Motiv für diese Untersuchung war dabei, im Zuge der derzeit stattfindenden Neubewertung mobiler pastoraler Betriebssysteme das diesen Strategien zugrundeliegende traditionelle Wissen zu dokumentieren und so einen Beitrag zum besseren Verständnis der jahrhundertealten Weidestrategien zu leisten. In den drei Gebieten wurden bei den autochthonen Gruppen jeweils zwischen 70 und 100 Einheiten erhoben, mittels derer die Fulbe die natürliche sowie die anthropogen beeinflußte Umwelt klassifizieren. Für jede Einheit wurde die genaue Beschreibung durch die Fulbe ermittelt. Der Klassifikation liegt ein dichtes Kriteriengefüge zugrunde, dessen Grundkriterien - Relief, Hydrologie, Böden, Vegetation, anthropogene und zoogene Beeinflussung - durch eine große Zahl weiterer Kriterien verfeinert werden. Das hieraus resultierende Gesamtsystem ist ein von allen Mitgliedern der jeweiligen Gemeinschaft geteiltes geoökologisches System, mit dem sich alle für einen Standort relevanten Umweltfaktoren präzise und vollständig beschreiben lassen, und das sämtliche Größenordnungen von Einheiten einbezieht. Gleichzeitig enthält es implizit die für Pastoralisten besonders wichtige Information über den Weidewert einer Einheit. Parallel zum Klassifikationssystem der Fulbe wurde mittels pflanzensoziologischer Aufnahmen die Vegetation der drei Untersuchungsgebiete dokumentiert. Die Aufnahmen wurden in allen traditionellen, von den Fulbe mit Namen bezeichneten Einheiten durchgeführt. Im Sahel wurden 4 Gehölz- und 22 Krautgesellschaften ausgeschieden, im Nordsudan 5 Gehölz- und 12 Krautgesellschaften und im Südsudan 7 Gehölz- und 12 Krautgesellschaften. Die pflanzensoziologischen Aufnahmen ermöglichen eine botanische Referenzierung der Fulbe-Ei, In the context of this work, the environmental classification system of different Fulani groups in West-Africa has been examined. They live in the three ecological zones which are the most important for pastoralism in West Africa and practise traditional pastoralism and their lifestyle is representative for the Fulani of each region. The aim of the study was to document the rich traditional knowledge which constitutes the basis for the centuries-old herding strategies and thus to contribute to a better understan-ding of these strategies. In all three areas between 70 and 100 classification units have been registered which are used by the autochthonous Fulani herders to classify the natural as well as the human-influenced environment. For each unit, the explicit Fulani description was determined. The classification is based on several basic criteria - relief, hydrology, soils, vegetation, anthropogene and zoogene influence - which are further differentiated by a large number of sub-types. The resulting scheme is a geo-ecological system permitting to all community members to describe precisely and completely all environmental factors which are relevant for a location, including all orders of magnitude of units. Implicitly, it contains the information about the units' pasture value. In parallel to the Fulani classification system, the vegetation of the three investigation areas has been documented and syntaxonomicly classified by means of phytosociological relevés. These were accomplished in all traditional Fulani units. In the Sahel 4 woody and 22 herbaceous communities have been distinguished, in the northern Sudanian zone 5 woody and 12 herbaceous communities and in the southern Sudanian zone 7 woody and 12 herbaceous communities. The phytosociological relevés permit a comparison between the scientific vegetation classification and the Fulani units: the typical vegetation units could be assigned to them. In many cases we found a high probability that one or some few

Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit wurde in den drei für die Weidewirtschaft Westafrikas wichtigsten Naturräumen das Umweltklassifikationssystem von Weidewirtschaft betreibenden und für die Region repräsentativen autochthonen und allochthonen Fulbegruppen erfaßt. Motiv für diese Untersuchung war dabei, im Zuge der derzeit stattfindenden Neubewertung mobiler pastoraler Betriebssysteme das diesen Strategien zugrundeliegende traditionelle Wissen zu dokumentieren und so einen Beitrag zum besseren Verständnis der jahrhundertealten Weidestrategien zu leisten. In den drei Gebieten wurden bei den autochthonen Gruppen jeweils zwischen 70 und 100 Einheiten erhoben, mittels derer die Fulbe die natürliche sowie die anthropogen beeinflußte Umwelt klassifizieren. Für jede Einheit wurde die genaue Beschreibung durch die Fulbe ermittelt. Der Klassifikation liegt ein dichtes Kriteriengefüge zugrunde, dessen Grundkriterien - Relief, Hydrologie, Böden, Vegetation, anthropogene und zoogene Beeinflussung - durch eine große Zahl weiterer Kriterien verfeinert werden. Das hieraus resultierende Gesamtsystem ist ein von allen Mitgliedern der jeweiligen Gemeinschaft geteiltes geoökologisches System, mit dem sich alle für einen Standort relevanten Umweltfaktoren präzise und vollständig beschreiben lassen, und das sämtliche Größenordnungen von Einheiten einbezieht. Gleichzeitig enthält es implizit die für Pastoralisten besonders wichtige Information über den Weidewert einer Einheit. Parallel zum Klassifikationssystem der Fulbe wurde mittels pflanzensoziologischer Aufnahmen die Vegetation der drei Untersuchungsgebiete dokumentiert. Die Aufnahmen wurden in allen traditionellen, von den Fulbe mit Namen bezeichneten Einheiten durchgeführt. Im Sahel wurden 4 Gehölz- und 22 Krautgesellschaften ausgeschieden, im Nordsudan 5 Gehölz- und 12 Krautgesellschaften und im Südsudan 7 Gehölz- und 12 Krautgesellschaften. Die pflanzensoziologischen Aufnahmen ermöglichen eine botanische Referenzierung der Fulbe-Ei, In the context of this work, the environmental classification system of different Fulani groups in West-Africa has been examined. They live in the three ecological zones which are the most important for pastoralism in West Africa and practise traditional pastoralism and their lifestyle is representative for the Fulani of each region. The aim of the study was to document the rich traditional knowledge which constitutes the basis for the centuries-old herding strategies and thus to contribute to a better understan-ding of these strategies. In all three areas between 70 and 100 classification units have been registered which are used by the autochthonous Fulani herders to classify the natural as well as the human-influenced environment. For each unit, the explicit Fulani description was determined. The classification is based on several basic criteria - relief, hydrology, soils, vegetation, anthropogene and zoogene influence - which are further differentiated by a large number of sub-types. The resulting scheme is a geo-ecological system permitting to all community members to describe precisely and completely all environmental factors which are relevant for a location, including all orders of magnitude of units. Implicitly, it contains the information about the units' pasture value. In parallel to the Fulani classification system, the vegetation of the three investigation areas has been documented and syntaxonomicly classified by means of phytosociological relevés. These were accomplished in all traditional Fulani units. In the Sahel 4 woody and 22 herbaceous communities have been distinguished, in the northern Sudanian zone 5 woody and 12 herbaceous communities and in the southern Sudanian zone 7 woody and 12 herbaceous communities. The phytosociological relevés permit a comparison between the scientific vegetation classification and the Fulani units: the typical vegetation units could be assigned to them. In many cases we found a high probability that one or some few

Allgem. 17 / G. [31 / 17 -durchgestrichen] / Adamaua / - Grüssende Fullafrauen. Der Herr Bezirksamtmann kommt. / 262, Frau - Beamte, Region: Kamerun - Adamaua, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe - Europäer, Sachgruppe: Verwaltung - Regierung - Beamte - Bevölkerung - Frau

Parade - Reiter, Region: Kamerun (dt) - Nigeria - Dikwa, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe, Sachgruppe: Fest - Parade - Bevölkerung - Reiter

Reiter - Wattepanzer - Kopfbedeckung, Region: Kamerun (dt) - Nigeria - Dikwa, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe, Sachgruppe: Bevölkerung - Reiter - Kleidung - Wattepanzer - Kleidung - Kopfbedeckung

Voelker: / Afrikaner, Fulbe, Sachgruppe: / Alltag, Kleidung, Körperbekleidung, Rock, Wickelrock / Alltag, Schmuck, Kopfschmuck, Haartracht, Zöpfchen / Alltag, Schmuck, Halsschmuck, Halskette / Alltag, Schmuck, Ohrschmuck, Ohrring / Bevölkerung, Frau

Kind Frau Hütte Dorf Matte, Region: Deutsche Kolonien Afrika, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe, Sachgruppe: Portrait Bevölkerung - Frau Bevölkerung - Kind Architekturstil - Traditionell

De III g 14 / Fuluo-Hüttenbau / Fot. Museum für Völkerkunde / Togo, Hüttenbau Steine, Region: Togo, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe (?), Sachgruppe: Architektur Bevölkerung - Personengruppe Arbeit

Allg. II 25 / Fulbemädchen., Mädchen, Region: 90 Unbekannte Region, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe, Sachgruppe: Bevölkerung - Kind - Mädchen - Portrait

Allg. I 16 / Fulbemädchen., Frau, Region: 90 Unbekannte Region, Voelker: Afrikaner - Fulbe, Sachgruppe: Bevölkerung - Frau