Search

This report presents innovative vocational training (VT) initiatives to improve integration of low-skilled workers into lifelong learning and the labor market. Chapter 1 describes study structure and methodology. Chapter 2 addresses the theoretical basis for observing innovations. It analyzes the definition and significance of innovation in system theory and VT; examines the practical definition of innovation and explains differences between good practice and best practice innovation; presents the innovation typology and its significance as an instrument of observation for identifying and evaluating innovations; and introduces the European Commission's definition of lifelong learning and assessment of its relevance for analyzing innovations for integrating the low-skilled. Chapter 3 analyzes innovative case studies with practical relevance for integrating low-skilled workers into lifelong learning and the labor market in these six European countries: Spain, Greece, Austria, Denmark, Luxembourg, and Liechtenstein. Case analysis is divided into three thematic areas: program/project development and its objectives; innovative elements of the project/program; and the initiative's implementation and transfer potential. Chapter 4 summarizes the most important innovations identified and analyzes to what extent and under which circumstances transfer of these innovative practices to other EU states and candidates would be possible. (Contains 72 references) (YLB)

This publication aims to capture how policies and measures relating to citizenship education have evolved over recent years in European countries. It focuses on the following areas which are integral to the provision of citizenship education: (1) Curriculum aims, approaches and organisation; (2) Student and parent participation in school governance; (3) School culture and student participation in society; (4) Student assessment, school evaluation and education system performance; and (5) Education, training and support for teachers and school heads. The report consists of five chapters, each dealing with a different aspect of citizenship education at school in Europe. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the status of citizenship education in central-level curricula and guidelines, and examines which teaching approaches are recommended for this subject area. Chapter 2 focuses on opportunities for students and parents to participate in school governance, as an aspect of school organisation that can contribute significantly to the development of citizenship knowledge and skills. Chapter 3 continues to discuss how students experience active and democratic citizenship within and beyond the school context. The focus in Chapter 4 is on the evaluation of both provision and outcomes of citizenship education. Chapter 5 explores the qualifications and support for two key groups in the implementation of citizenship education: teachers and school heads. Appended are: (1) Compulsory and elective approaches for citizenship education according to national curricula, 2010/11 (95); (2) Ongoing and recent national initiatives for encouraging student's participation in activities which promote citizenship education, in the local community and society, as reported by the Eurydice national units, 2011/12; and (3) Information organised per country for Figures 2.7, 2.8, 2.9 and 2.13. A glossary is included. Annexes contain references. (Contains 27 figures and 102 footnotes.)

This bibliography was compiled to provide researchers and students with a current guide to sources on the German-speaking countries of Europe: Austria, the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic, Liechtenstein, and Switzerland. The following subject areas are included under each country: (1) bibliographies and reference works; (2) description and travel; (3) economy; (4) education; (5) history; (6) intellectual and cultural life; (7) literature; (8) military policy; (9) politics and government; (10) religion; and (11) society. The bibliography emphasizes publications from the 1980s and relies on 1970s publications only when no more recent title on the same subject is available. It also focuses on the broad nature of the material's appeal within its subject area, and its availability to the reading public. All items cited can be found in the collections of the Library of Congress. Preference has been given to English-language sources. Special attention has been given to the interaction between these countries and the United States. The sources selected attempt to highlight the uniqueness of the relationsihp of each country with the United States. A total of 1,485 items are listed, with full bibliographic data. (JB)

Introduction The accession of ten new member states to the European Union on May 1, 2004, brought deep changes to Europe's political economy, both toward the new member states and the EU's “new neighbors” to the east and south. To formulate a policy toward these “new neighbors,” the European Commission (EC) presented the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) strategy paper, setting out a new framework for relations and financial support for the neighborhood countries in May 2004 (EC, 2004a). The neighbors in question were Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and the Palestinian Authority, with the recommendation to also include Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. Russia was included as a privileged partner. Then European Commission President Romano Prodi described the goal of the ENP as seeking to create a “ring of friends” around the EU, by offering close cooperation on issues ranging from political dialogue to economic integration. This initiative was supposed to allow these neighbors to participate in major EU policies and programs, and ultimately in the EU's single market. ENP participants were expected to form a relationship with the EU similar to that of the European Economic Area (EEA) members, such as Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein. This chapter describes the general framework of the EU's emerging relationship with its new neighbors and explores the potential economic impact of the ENP, both for the EU itself and for its neighbors in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS): Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aspiration for independence is not simply reducible to economic categories or a history of development. Colonisation and decolonisation remain fundamentally a question of dignity. In no more than two decades between the 1950s and 1970s, vast colonial empires that had taken centuries to assemble almost totally disappeared. All the colonial powers witnessed, and sometimes expedited and encouraged, the disintegration of their global realms. The world map was rapidly transformed. As decolonisation proceeded, it was initially assumed that there were necessary limits to the process, limits that were a function of size: small colonies, in population and area, would not have the viability necessary for independence. Central to this was economic viability, a hazy notion, but one that implied that independent states should be more or less able to balance imports and exports, and that, over time, their need for external assistance would disappear. Elsewhere in the world, micro-states already existed. In Europe a few tiny states retained independent status even when surrounded by a larger state. Thus San Marino, encircled by Italy and with a population of just 20,000, was a sovereign state, with all the panoply of statehood (flag and stamps, if not currency, and diplomatic rights). Similarly Monaco, the Vatican City, Liechtenstein and Andorra all had independent political status, though few were represented in the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mixed rationales accompanied early colonial endeavours, from the quest for grandeur and a global presence to the profitability that was, for some, the crux of empire. This economic rationale has outweighed other reasons to those who have sought decolonisation and opposed exploitation. Yet in every region, every period, and at every scale, the extent to which the colonies proved profitable has been contentious. Much evidence suggests that contemporary overseas territories have tended to be an economic cost to the colonial powers, most obviously in recent times. Nonetheless, varied geographies – in terms of the size, location of territories and distribution of various natural resources – histories and cultures have made general conclusions over the economic significance of empire difficult. Over time, as colonial powers occupied smaller and more distant places, the economic rationale for empire became exceptionally weak. In the South Pacific, for example, the French bid for New Caledonia in the 1850s was greeted in Australia with uninterest. Australia was a vast continent still to be finally explored and conquered, and such small islands were of little consequence. Britain took over the Gilbert and Ellice Islands (Kiribati and Tuvalu) without competition from other metropolitan powers; colonialism was a matter of duty rather than the acquisition of a valuable area, in either economic or strategic terms. There was little wealth or grandeur in this distant fragment of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses issues concerning political rights and civil rights in Liechtenstein from 2001 to 2002. Liechtensteiners can change their government democratically. The government respects freedom of speech. Although Roman Catholicism is the state religion, other faiths are practiced freely. Liechtensteiners enjoy freedom of association. The independent judiciary, subject to the prince's appointment power, is headed by a supreme court that includes civil and criminal courts, as well as an administrative court of appeals and as state court to address questions of constitutionality.

This article highlights issues related to political rights and civil liberties in Liechtenstein. Since 1997, the Patriotic Union led by Prime Minister Mario Frick has held 13 seats in the 25-seat unicameral Landtag. Liechtenstein's economy is associated with Switzerland's, and Liechtenstein uses the Swiss national currency, the franc. Liechtensteiners can change their government democratically. The sovereign possesses the authority to veto legislation and to dissolve the Landtag. The government respects freedom of speech in Liechtenstein.

Information related to the small countries, Europe's mini-states is presented. These states are either under the dominion of, or are linked to larger European countries. The small countries include Andorra, Liechtenstein, and Monaco. Andorra became a part of the European Community's customs union in 1991. Liechtenstein, which is linked to Switzerland, is a member both of European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and European Economic Association (EEA). Monaco is a protectorate of France.

This article focuses on the political rights and civil liberties in Liechtenstein as of 1998. Citizens can change their government democratically. Due to the small size of the state, regional disparities are minimal and modern social problems are few. People enjoy freedom of association. The principality has one small trade union. Workers have the right to strike. Although only narrowly endorsed by male voters, the electoral disenfranchisement of women at the national level was unanimously approved in the legislature.

Provides information on Liechtenstein including population, history, government and economy.

This article assesses the progress and decline of political rights and civil liberties in Liechtenstein as of January 1998. Liechtensteiners can change their government democratically. Parties with at least eight percent of the vote receive representation in the Landtag, which is directly elected every four years. Although Roman Catholicism is the state religion, other faiths practice freely. Citizens also enjoy freedom of association. The electoral enfranchisement of women at the national level was unanimously approved in the legislature in 1984. By 1986, universal adult suffrage at the local level had passed in all 11 communes.

The article assesses the progress and decline of political rights and civil liberties in Liechtenstein as of January 1998. Citizens can change their government democratically. The country has one state-owned TV station, as well as two radio stations. Although Roman Catholicism is the state religion, other faiths practice freely. Freedom of association and a small trade union exist in the country. The enfranchisement of women at the national level was unanimously approved in the legislature in 1984.