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It is ironic that historians have tended to neglect the constitutions that framed the Protectorate, and dominated its Parliaments. There were in fact six different constitutional documents considered between 1653 and 1657: the Instrument of Government that established the Protectorate in December 1653; the failed Parliamentary Constitution (or ‘government bill’) of 1654–5; the monarchical Remonstrance introduced on 23 February 1657; the Humble Petition and Advice which replaced it on 31 March, and was itself turned into a Protectoral constitution on 25 May (which passed into law on 26 June); and finally the explanatory Additional Petition and Advice presented to Cromwell at the end of June, as a companion to the Humble Petition. Of these, only the Instrument has been thoroughly examined by modern historians, and the most detailed studies of the Parliamentary Constitution and the Humble Petition remain those of S. R. Gardiner and C. H. Firth, published over a century ago, as more recent students have concentrated on politics rather than constitutional affairs. Even the most basic requirement for a study of these constitutions – the availability of definitive printed texts of the original proposals – has not been met in two of the six cases: those of the Remonstrance and the monarchical version of the Humble Petition. The resolution of this textual ambiguity is the first task of this chapter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction The existing selection process for the post of Secretary-General of the United Nations has produced several distinguished Secretaries-General. But the lack of transparency and inclusiveness of the exercise has become increasingly noticeable, and the UN process compares poorly with the practices of some other international organizations. The Charter of the United Nations (art. 97) specifies that “the Secretary-General shall be appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.” In practice, the Security Council nominates a single candidate who is then endorsed by the General Assembly. No list of qualifications is agreed, no formal screening takes place, and the GA membership is asked to declare itself on the nominated candidate without the benefit of relevant information or even informal consultations. The candidate's vision for the UN's future and programme of action for the UN Secretariat remain unexamined, and there is no established way for the member states to develop a sense of the candidate's skills in key areas like communication and political leader-ship. At a time when member states are discussing the reform and renewal of so many aspects of the UN, it seems entirely appropriate that we should critically examine the way in which we choose the person who will serve as the organization's leader. This non-paper offers preliminary suggestions for a more transparent and open selection process aimed at ensuring that individuals with the right temperament, talents and judgement are identified and submitted to the General Assembly for consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English printers depended on imported paper until the late seventeenth century, when the government began to encourage manufacturing ventures by granting monopolies, raising tariffs, and boycotting the nation's economic enemies. A growing demand for printing paper and other economic incentives stimulated domestic production, but political measures were needed to protect it. For two hundred years the paper industry languished under pressure from foreign competition, mostly from across the Channel, where the production costs were lower and the distribution network was better organized. French mills dominated the English market, supplying far more than Italy, Germany, Holland, and the other exporting countries combined. These countries also shipped printing grades to London, but generally at higher prices and in negligible quantities except when Customs cut off French sources of supply. Printers consumed so much French paper that they could name different types by the place of origin, like varieties of cheese. Normally they subsisted on ordinary printing grades manufactured in Normandy and Brittany, regions close enough to London to control the cost of transportation and far enough from Paris to contain the cost of labour. If times were hard, they might prefer the cheaper papers of Morlaix to those of Caen or Rouen. When they could afford it, they bought the produce of La Rochelle, but they also paid higher prices for shipments from Genoa, a leading entrepôt of paper in the pre-industrial period. On rare occasions, they might procure luxury goods from Holland to print large- or fine-paper copies for distribution to an author's friends and patrons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]