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Scholarly and testimonial evidence from Armenian, English, French, German, and Turkish sources document the gendered ways by which the Ottoman Empire utilized mandatory military service — conscription — as a tool to carry out genocide during the First World War. Recruitment and deployment policies empowered Ottoman conscripts to commit crimes while simultaneously authorizing the capture and destruction of Armenian men and boys. Given the obfuscations that arose amid the war’s normalized carnage, it is crucial to note that the intent to destroy and the method of capture that Ottoman perpetrators used existed prior to the demise of their targets. Due to the empire’s gendered necropolitical exploitation of Armenians, combined with the precedent of the draft as a way to raise armed forces, assemble forced labourers, and punish men deemed insubordinate to imperial leaders, the era’s mass loss of life continues to offer some observers a way to erroneously excuse and deny this case of genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1917, not least in consequence of the First World War, political and institutional reforms were advanced in Germany which requested the democratization of the suffrage in Prussia and aimed at strengthening the role of the national parliament (Reichstag). Confronted with the resistance shown by the existing powers, the majority parties including the Social Democrats, the Progressive People's Party and the Centre Party (with the intermittent presence of the National Liberals) created an Intergroup Commission which initially was thought to face the question of a negotiated peace, but it rapidly extended its tasks by enhancing cooperation among the parties and by promoting a reform policy. The novelty of the Intergroup Commission resides in its being informal and fluid, with flexible delegations as well as unbureaucratic procedures, and in maintaining contact with the public by means of press releases. The Intergroup Commission's activity and significance progressively increased until it became a fundamental interlocutor of the German governments of the time and in October 1918 its programme was set in motion and its reforms were implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article synthesizes results from historical newspaper analysis and archival research with standpoint epistemology to explore the dynamics of transnational eyewitnessing illustrated by Leonora Raines, a Paris-based American journalist who reported the Great War (1914-1918) for the metropolitan New York Sun. Few World War I military-press histories have explored how female reporters engaged in transnational journalism, harnessing their role as an "outsider within" to produce cross-border stories for audiences dependent on foreign news. Analysis of Raines' 126 articles, her scrapbook, and records from U.S. and German archives reveal her interactions with foreign sources, military censors, and propaganda across France, the Western Front, and Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the historiography of the First World War, scholarship on violence has focused on abstract and impersonal forms of violence between opposing forces or on more personal forms of violence between civilians and enemy combatants. In contrast, this article uses military justice archives to explore instances of serious interpersonal violence and sustained brutality between soldiers in the same combat unit. It provides a new vantage point to explore the complex entanglement of violence and camaraderie and how that played out in the specific context of France's multiethnic Armée d'Afrique. Unpacking the accusations, explanations, and justifications that emerge from multivocal military justice sources illustrates what it meant to commit and be criminalized for certain acts of violence in a context saturated with violence; how and where the line was drawn between acceptable and unacceptable conduct; and, most important, what violence reveals about individual combat experiences and relationships between comrades. Granting access to the perspectives and internal worlds of this diverse group of soldiers, many from racially and otherwise marginalized communities, military justice evidences a complicated and rich set of situational responses and social relationships that enhances our ability to reflect on the conflict's impact on the men caught up in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rachilde's novel Le grand saigneur (1922) stands out from her other works in the 1920s and 1930s for its provocative portrayal of the French war veteran as a sadist who inflicts violence on those who do not conform to the codes of militarized, hegemonic masculinity. This article argues that the novel reflects the post-war years as a violent era for women and non-conforming men, shaped by the hateful discourses that emerged during the First World War. Rachilde writes about psychological and physical threats to women and non-conforming masculinity by delving into the violent fantasies nurtured by a larger-than-life, though well-recognizable, supporter of hegemonic masculinity against them. Drawing on an eclectic mix of literary genres, Rachilde depicts a society in which the impunity of men protected by their wealth and military status and the guilt bestowed upon (sometimes internalized by) women trivialize diverse forms of gender violence. Le grand saigneur belongs to the few 'romans anti-sentimentaux' Rachilde wrote during the interwar period. It is also an arresting attempt to write about gender violence through multiple subjectivities in order to explore the gendered, cultural, traumatic, and socio-economic factors that enabled it at this troubled historical juncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in 1917, the American Red Cross (ARC) mission in the département of the Seine-Inférieure (France) announced the era of diplomatic philanthropy which would be deployed by the United States between the two world wars. The mission also makes it possible to measure the gap between US and French health organizations. The local scale, in this small département in the west of Normandy, enables us to unearth the health, political and strategic issues at stake in this intervention, with French and Belgian refugee populations very affected by the conflict. It also shows how French women, who were very active in social assistance and war charities, saw working alongside the ARC as an opportunity to demonstrate their skills and know-how. They became interlocutors in the relations that played out between French doctors, the municipal authorities and ARC staff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L’article présente l’image de la crise telle qu’elle émane de Dans le puits, texte à valeur autobiographique écrit par Rachilde durant la Première Guerre mondiale. Le livre donne accès à la perception qu’a l’auteure de la guerre, de la peur et de l’impossibilité d’écrire de la fiction en ces temps de réalité traumatique. Rachilde, d’habitude écrivaine prolifique, qui a toujours écrit au moins une œuvre de fiction par an, se trouve réduite au silence, incapable d’exprimer la cruauté de la guerre. Dans le puits est sa seule publication un peu longue de cette époque, en même temps qu’une tentative de décrire les faits à travers sa subjectivité, afin de découvrir leur vraie signification.

Indigenous veterans have been celebrated for their achievements in the two world wars, adding needed texture to Canada's half-century at war. However, Indigenous peoples on the home front have remained periphery to the study of Indigenous peoples' experiences of the world wars, leaving veterans and military eligible men as the main protagonists in the story. Those individuals left on reserve experienced the conditions of war, the mobilization of the Canadian state for war, and the enlistment of Indigenous men into the army differently than enlisted men. Analyzing Indigenous petitioners' political advocacy during the First World War and the Second World War offers a more textured and complex representation of Indigenous peoples' experiences during the world wars. By negotiating their place within the settler Canadian state, while also clearly defining their sovereignty and distinct political cultures, Indigenous peoples remained active participants in the political arena during the period from 1914 to 1945. Rather than "awakening" politically on the return of veterans in response to broken promises, Indigenous peoples on the home front deployed and evolved existing political tools and strategies to articulate their responses to wartime policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the important role played by French geographer Emmanuel de Martonne in the process of drawing the western border of Romania, taking into account the separation between the Romanian and Hungarian ethnic units. The border was drawn following the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920) and is still in place today. A good connoisseur of the Romanian status quo, which he researched in the field, Emmanuel de Martonne supported the union of Transylvania with the Kingdom of Romania in the geopolitical context of the First World War, as well as Romania's joining the War on the side of the Allies. Through his activity, but also through his friendship and devotion to Romania and to the Romanian people, Emmanuel de Martonne led the way to a long and fruitful cooperation between French and Romanian geographers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

THE FIRST WORLD WAR WAS, MOST LIKELY, THE FIRST GLOBALLY MEDIATED CONFLICT. IN FACT, TECHNICAL INNOVATIONS IN TEXT AND IMAGE PRINTING, ADVANCES IN PHOTOGRAPHY, AND COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES, MADE IT POSSIBLE TO FOLLOW THE MAIN POLITICAL AND MILITARY EVENTS. THUS, PROPAGANDA ACTIONS GAINED PROMINENCE, ESPECIALLY ON THE PART OF THE BELLIGERENT COUNTRIES, WHICH USED NEWSPAPERS TO CONVEY THEIR MESSAGES TO THE PUBLIC. IN THIS REGARD, PHOTOGRAPHS AND IMAGES SERVED AS VISUAL SUPPORT IN DISSEMINATING NEWS ABOUT THE EVERCHANGING BATTLEFRONTS, PROVIDING READERS WITH MAPS THAT DEPICTED THE FRONTLINES, TROOP ADVANCES AND RETREATS, AND CHANGES IN THE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THIS GLOBAL CONFLICT. IN THE CASE OF PORTUGAL, WE CAN HIGHLIGHT THE CONTRIBUTION OF O COMÉRCIO DO PORTO, A DAILY NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED IN THE CITY OF PORTO. SINCE THE BEGINNING OF THE CONFLICT, IT PROVIDED EXTENSIVE JOURNALISTIC COVERAGE, RICHLY ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS, AND, IN SPECIAL EDITIONS, PHOTOGRAPHIC REPORTS. IN ADDITION TO FULFILLING THEIR INFORMATIVE FUNCTION, THE MAPS IN THE PORTO NEWSPAPER - MOSTLY OF BRITISH ORIGIN - PLAYED A ROLE AS VEHICLES OF ALLIED PROPAGANDA, SPREADING A UNIQUE TYPE OF "SUGGESTIVE" AND "GEOPOLITICAL" CARTOGRAPHY AMONG THE PORTUGUESE PUBLIC. THIS KIND OF CARTOGRAPHY WOULD CONTINUE TO DEVELOP IN THE DECADES THAT FOLLOWED, UP TO THE END OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR. THEREFORE, IN THIS TEXT, WE WILL ANALYSE THE MAPS PUBLISHED IN THIS NEWSPAPER, PAYING ATTENTION TO THEIR TYPOLOGY AND RESPECTIVE PROPAGANDISTIC MESSAGES, SEEKING TO IDENTIFY SOME OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF PORTUGAL'S EMBRYONIC GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTION. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Interrogation, premier ouvrage publié de Drieu La Rochelle, est une illustration singulière de la crise sémiologique ouverte par la Première Guerre mondiale : la violence des combats infligée à la nature et aux paysages ruraux pousse le sujet lyrique à négocier entre des représentations quasi inactuelles, héritées d’une longue tradition lyrique, et la brutalité d’un fait historique inédit qui requiert de nouvelles ressources et de nouvelles formes. Cette étude, centrée sur les deux descriptions les plus étoffées de l’environnement des combats au sein du recueil, entend montrer comment les paysages y constituent avant tout une construction textuelle et intertextuelle, visant à asseoir l’identité du sujet lyrique. Dans l’exercice de son chant, très empreint de culture religieuse chrétienne et mystique, le sujet parcourt les ruines d’un héritage romantique qu’il remodèle selon une sensibilité nietzschéenne, et que l’expérience des combats aura fortement entamé.

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Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prime Minister Robert Borden created the Wartime Elections Act in September 1917 – a move that granted temporary voting rights to women who had close relatives serving in the military. Their votes were positioned as key to winning the war because it was assumed that newly enfranchised wives and mothers would support Borden's controversial conscription plans to reinforce their husbands and sons at the front. Suffragists across the country were divided by the act's limited enfranchisement and its connection to conscription. This turmoil reached its pinnacle in Montreal, a city that was at the centre of nationalistic and ethnic strife caused by the war, and triggered rifts within the city's largest Anglophone women's organization, the Montreal Council of Women. One result of this tension was the impeachment trial of the council's long-time president, Dr Grace Ritchie-England, for her criticism of the Wartime Elections Act and conscription during the 1917 federal election. Calling attention to the resistance of and conflicts between middle-class club women who were normally viewed as hegemonically supportive of the war effort widens our understanding of women's disparate opinions and activism during the First World War and the fragile nature of suffragists" political unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The First World War inflicted suffering upon hundreds of thousands of Canadian families between 1914 and 1918. In response, the state modernized its pension system to partially alleviate the postwar suffering of these families, reflecting the changing role of government in the lives of Canadians. To receive a pension after the war, Canadian veterans and dependants had to prove their postwar suffering arose directly from the battlefield, yet not all who qualified were accorded the same treatment. Unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, external administrators were appointed to oversee the expenditure of pensions given to Indigenous veterans and dependants to ensure they were spent responsibly. Disabled Indigenous veterans and dependants recognized this as a profoundly discriminatory system – reducing them to their "Indian" identity – and drew from the nineteenth-century language of imperial nationalism and patriotism to demand equitable compensation and treatment from the state. Understanding the experiences of death and disability as intimately as the racist discrimination they faced, they envisioned their place as equals within the larger community of Canadian war casualties even though settlers and the state refused to recognize them as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Après l’échec subi aux Dardanelles, les Alliés décidèrent d’envoyer des troupes en Grèce et les premiers contingents de l’armée d’Orient débarquèrent à Salonique au mois d’octobre 1915. L’armée d’Orient se déploya à travers la Macédoine grecque jusqu’en janvier 1921. Cette région abritait des populations variées: Turcs, Bulgares, Serbes, Albanais, Tziganes, Koutso-Valaques, Juifs sépharades, Grecs, chacun s’exprimant dans sa propre langue. Ainsi l’armée française d’Orient s’imposa sur un territoire au peuplement très divers, qui de surcroît venait de quitter l’empire ottoman pour être rattaché à la Grèce. Ce caractère multiculturel rendit le contact entre l’armée d’Orient et le pays particulièrement complexe. En arrivant dans la rade de Salonique, les soldats avaient inévitablement mobilisé leurs référents culturels ainsi que tout un imaginaire nourri de stéréotypes. Rattachaientils la Grèce à son passé antique prestigieux, ou se tournaientils plutôt vers un orientalisme considéré comme plus attirant car plus fantasmagorique? Les clichés véhiculés dans l’esprit des soldats français par la culture classique des humanités et par le courant orientaliste ontils pu résister au choc d’une interculturalité polysémique ? L’analyse de la Revue franco-macédonienne, écrite par les soldats de l’armée d’Orient, et l’étude de souvenirs publiés ou inédits, laissent largement apparaître la profonde déception des soldats français, qui ne comprirent pas la configuration culturelle du territoire macédonien, et qui restèrent prisonniers d’impressions subjectives et de réactions émotionnelles. La Grèce rêvée avant le départ ne résista pas à la confrontation avec la réalité, qui fut alors rejetée de façon virulente par de nombreux soldats.

Among the traumas associated with the First World War, Giraudoux was particularly sensitive to amnesia, to the point of making it the main subject of a novel: Siegfried et le Limousin. Adapted to the scene in 1928, this novel contributed to author's fame and inaugurated his collaboration with Louis Jouvet. In fact, the principle of forgetfulness persists throughout the whole Giraudoux's work: comical, dramatic or poetic, and it is also the main pretext for a meditation on memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper firstly exposes the different types of Military Ambulances (temporary wartime hospitals) which the Americans in France were able to relate to and identify with in 1914. It also focuses on the philanthropic funding and management of these institutions. By 1914 the United States had decided to remain neutral in World War I. Although this decision was embarrassing for the Parisian American Community, the latter behaved in a sovereign way and acted according to their philanthropic habitus to reproduce with improved techniques what had been set up by previous generations during the American Civil War (1861-1865) and the French Paris siege (1870-1871). The American Ambulance Service, located in the premises of the Pasteur High School in Neuilly, was a success. It was led and managed by the experienced officers of the American Hospital who were made up of the elite in the community. Medical services were not sufficient. The American Ambulance Service was also needed to organize the motorized transportation of the (French and British) wounded, which meant collaborating with ambulance drivers and American drivers working for American universities (American Ambulance Field Service); Chief Officers, Managers, General Practitioners, Surgeons and volunteer nurses were all American, the technical staff was American, the funding (including what came from lower classes) was American. Efficiency was guaranteed. Between 1914 and 1917, the American Hospital, the American Ambulance and the American Ambulance Field Service were unique opportunities to observe American philanthropy abroad deploying in total liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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1917 : le vent qui souffle de l’Est soulève les espoirs de la paix, d’une transformation sociale et politique du continent en guerre et même d’une « révolution mondiale ». L’explosion de février 1917 et ses suites auront un impact d’autant plus important que l’intégration des mondes ouvriers était incomplète avant la guerre. Le cas italien en constitue un exemple probant, car c’est en Italie, plus précisément à Turin, qu’a lieu l’épisode insurrectionnel le plus important hors de Russie.

L’agitation sociale en Allemagne peut apparaître paradoxale. Si la contestation politique ne s’exprime que de façon contenue au début de l’année 1917, l’insatisfaction des foules ouvrières face à l’effort imposé par la Première Guerre mondiale est cependant déjà vive. Le mois d’avril 1917 représente néanmoins une charnière à partir de laquelle le consentement organisé par les institutions politiques et sociales est massivement contesté. Le franc rejet de la guerre peine toutefois à s’exprimer publiquement face à un pouvoir capable d’imposer sa force coercitive. Cela explique qu’il n’a pas été perçu par l’historiographie avec toute son intensité.

En 1924, est votée en France la loi sur « l'emploi obligatoire des mutilés », qui contraint les entreprises de plus de 10 salariés à employer au moins 10 % d'invalides de la Grande Guerre. Cette loi fait l'objet de discussions depuis 1916 et ne sera appliquée qu'à partir de 1928. Elle suscite de nombreuses oppositions, notamment de la part des employeurs. Ils estiment que 10 % est un taux trop élevé, qui ne correspond pas aux véritables besoins en matière d'emploi de mutilés de guerre. L'enjeu de cet article est de montrer comment l'ignorance statistique et l'incapacité des pouvoirs publics à évaluer véritablement ces besoins d'emploi, corrélées à la rigidité du quota prévu par la loi, jouent un rôle fondamental dans l'opposition à l'emploi obligatoire des mutilés de guerre. L'ignorance est non seulement une faiblesse pour l'application d'une politique publique volontariste, mais elle est aussi un argument utilisé par les opposants à cette loi. In 1924, the law on "compulsory employment of disabled soldiers" was passed in France, which forced companies with more than 10 employees to employ at least 10% of WW1 disabled veterans. This law is discussed since 1916 and will not be applied until 1928. It gives rise to many oppositions, particularly from employers. They estimate that 10% is a too high rate, which does not correspond to the real employment needs of war disabled. The aim of this article is to show how statistical ignorance plays a fundamental role in the opposition to the compulsory employment of war cripples. It is based on the incapacity of public authorities to evaluate the number of unemployed disabled veternans. Thus, the rate of 10% is considered arbitrary. Ignorance is not only a weakness for the application of a voluntarist public policy but it is also an argument used by opponents of this law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les lois en faveur des mutilés de guerre adoptées en France à la suite de la Première Guerre Mondiale ont considérablement modifié les cadres de l'assistance sociale ainsi que les situations possibles pour les personnes invalides. En permettant aux invalides de guerre de travailler si tel était leur choix tout en touchant une pension inaliénable, en s'appuyant également sur des grilles d'évaluation nouvelles des invalidités comme dommages fonctionnels, ces lois ont ouvert des espaces de liberté et de critiques inédits pour les invalides. Plus qu'un changement global dans le traitement, les représentations sociales ou les trajectoires de ceux-ci, car les innovations restent dispersées, fragiles et variables, c'est à l'instauration d'un nouveau cadre et d'un nouvel espace des possibles, celui du handicap au sens strict du terme, que l'on assiste au cours de l'entre-deux-guerres. On voudrait l'esquisser ici. Les nouvelles lois en sont les principales conditions de possibilité, il s'étend entre les deux Guerres Mondiales du statut d'exception des Anciens Combattants à la revendication d'une égalité de droit à tous les invalides, il s'exprime dans des expériences inédites de l'invalidité, rares mais partagées et reprises, formulées par les mutilés de guerre puis les invalides civils. The laws adopted in France in favour of war-disabled people following the First World War have significantly changed the social assistance frameworks and the possible situations for disabled people. By allowing war-disabled persons to work if they choose to do so while receiving an inalienable pension, and also by relying on new disability assessment grids as functional damages, these laws have opened up new spaces of freedom and unprecedented criticism for the disabled people. More than a global change in the treatment, social representations or trajectories of these, because innovations remain scattered, fragile and variable, it's the creation of a new framework and a new space of possibilities that is witnessed during the interwar period: the disability in the strict sense of the word. We would like to sketch it out here. The new laws are the main conditions of possibility of this; it extends between the two World Wars from the exceptional status of Veterans to the claim of equality of right to all the disabled; it's expressed in rare but shared and repeated experiences, formulated by the mutilated Veterans and then the civilian invalids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a form of homage to her cousin killed in action, Willa Cather wrote an ambiguous novel, in which the need to glorify WWI soldiers is mingled with a disenchanted depiction of the United States. At the end of the novel, the lofty ideals that permeated the American nation during the conflict do not seem to have put an end to the consumerism that was already rampant before the war. In her attempt to resuscitate an idealism that seemed to have deserted the modern world, Cather was accused of sentimentalism by the literati of the time as well as many critics of the following decades, despite the book's considerable popular success. Some critics, however, later pointed out that the many ironies of the narrative should dissuade the reader from hastily equating the author's perspective with that of Claude, the protagonist. By looking at the many echoes that Joan of Arc's story finds in the novel, I shall argue that her story symbolizes both the ideal and its loss, the former now irrevocably confined to a legendary past. We shall see in particular how the voices that Claude encounters in Nebraska serve to designate France as a far-off land that could accommodate all of his ideals, and how the voices that he eventually hears in France actually belie his idealized vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cette contribution offre une lecture de Danse des morts (1917) de Pierre-Jean Jouve (1887–1976) et de La Symphonie Héroïque (1921) d’Henry-Jacques (1886–1973). Ce qui nous intéresse en analysant ces deux recueils poétiques exemplaires qui dénoncent tous les deux l’absurdité d’un conflit particulièrement violent et déshumanisant, c’est la recherche poétique d’une esthétique éthique pour versifier les horreurs de la guerre. Selon nous, l’analyse critique de Danse des morts et de La Symphonie Héroïque ne se justifie pas seulement par des raisons d’ordre éthique mais aussi par des critères d’appréciation esthétiques. Pendant que Jouve choisit une forme rythmée de poème dialogué qui s’inscrit dans la tradition médiévale de la danse macabre, Henry-Jacques construit, sur le mode classique de la symphonie et avec une multitude de pièces lyriques, un grand poème épique sur la guerre.

Le Feu, sous-titré Journal d’une escouade est un roman de guerre inspiré par le vécu de son auteur, Adrien Gustave Henri Barbusse. Il paraît intégralement à la fin de novembre 1916 aux éditions Flammarion. Il reçoit la même année le Prix Goncourt. Ce roman a été traduit en slovène en 1921 par Anton Debeljak, sous le titre Ogenj (dnevnik desetnije). Dans cette contribution, nous nous demanderons s’il existe des parallèles culturels entre la Première Guerre mondiale vécue en France et en Slovénie. Notre but sera également de mettre en valeur les difficultés face à la traduction de l’argot militaire. Nous commencerons par des données générales sur l’écrivain, puis le contexte historique et culturel qui ont donné naissance à son œuvre. Nous poursuivrons en précisant la présence des termes issus de l’argot militaire dans le roman et, enfin, nous aborderons les procédés adoptés pour traduire l’argot en slovène.