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Social media is frequently an arena of intense competition among major political actors across the world. We argue that a fruitful way of understanding this competition is as coalitions among key actors and their networks of followers. These coalitions can both advance a shared political message and target mutual rivals. Importantly, coalitions can be tacit or explicit, and they do not necessarily depend on direct state manipulation or repression, although they often do. This makes a coalitional framework particularly valuable for studying complex political environments in which online actors blend cooperation and competition. Empirically, we show the value of this approach with novel data collection and analysis of Twitter and Facebook content from 2018–19 in Pakistan, with a focus on the dynamics leading up to and following the controversial 2018 general election. We map out networks of narrative alignment and conflict on Pakistani social media, providing important insights into the relationships among the major political parties, military, media, and dissidents. Future research can fruitfully explore the causes and effects of powerful social media coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three years that I spent at Royal Holloway, University of London between 1975 and 1978, as professor and head of the History Department, were among the happiest and most purposive of my entire academic life. This was due, in no small part, to my instant friendship with Francis Robinson. We soon realised that our interests converged to a remarkable degree, despite the gulf of almost two millennia between my own concern for the world of Late Antiquity and his with religion and politics in contemporary India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflicts. Its all-powerful military is engaged in a subterranean battle to maintain its power. Economically, the country persisted in troubled waters as it has been for most of its recent history. In domestic politics, the failed experiment of a hybrid regime under Ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan forced the military to part ways with Mr Khan and install a coalition government of 13 political parties through a no-confidence vote in parliament in April 2022. Mr Khan's political party is facing a severe crackdown in Pakistan after he accused the powerful military of his ouster from power. At the regional level, a favourable outcome in Afghanistan in the shape of the Taliban's takeover has not yielded any significant positive results for Pakistan. After concluding the Afghan conflict on a favourable note, paradoxically, the military establishment hints at a desire to shift away from geo-security to geo-economics in its foreign policy goals. At the extra-regional level, the military is walking a tightrope to balance its ties between the USA and China to offset any adverse consequences arising from its strategic partnerships with China over China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In this article, we explain a series of issues confronting Pakistan currently—including a deep economic crisis, political paralysis, and a resurgent terror threat—focusing on the military's ambitions in the region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests and demonstrations are the basic platforms to talk about the fundamental rights in a democratic society. It is the only way through which people can accomplish their legitimate rights. Pakistan has experienced small or large protests and demonstrations in both civilian and military regimes since its inception. The recent political dharnas (sit-ins) of 2014 and 2019 are observed by the PML-N (Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz) and PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf) governments respectively. Both dharnas were launched on the same grounds of accusation of rigging in the elections. This study will focus on the causes and features of PTI (2014) and JUI-F (Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazal) (2019) dharnas in Islamabad. How these political exigencies affect the political stability in Pakistan as well as their repercussions on democracy. Moreover, the military establishment has played a key role in the political history of Pakistan. Thus, this paper will try to find out the response of the military establishment towards these political unrests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's multipolar world, asymmetric power relations are common as nations compete to strive and gain greater access to scarce resources, such as influence and a positive national brand. Discussing the nuanced relationship between nation branding and public diplomacy, along with best practices for both, this article analyzes Pakistan's past international image through a historical sociopolitical lens as a case study. Then, it evaluates the country's public diplomacy efforts, including those linked to the U.S. war in Afghanistan, undertaken especially by the Pakistani government under Prime Minister Imran Khan. A growing congruence was detected between Pakistani and Western officials' communications, potentially signaling a change in perception of Pakistan, particularly in light of regional security and its relationship with the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam is the key character of Pakistan's national identity, but ironically, it has also become a tool used by different sectarian/jihadi outfits to perpetrate violence against different religious minorities in Pakistan. The targeted persecution of the Hazara Shia community in Balochistan certainly stands among such cases. Since 2003, a Sunni militant group, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), has been perpetrating targeted violence against the Hazara Shias in Balochistan. This paper explores why LeJ has been waging targeted violence against the Hazara community. Is it motivated solely by anti-Shia hatred or are other factors, such as local-level socio-political and economic grievances and the changing regional security environment, also playing a part in exacerbating the violence? The analysis reveals that although Sunni-Shia sectarian dimensions and regional geopolitical factors are still relevant in explaining the targeted persecution of Hazaras, they are no longer the sole instrumental causes behind the violence. It demonstrates that local level disputes over socio-economic resources and access to political power have now become more significant, to the extent that they are transforming the relationship between Sunni sectarian outfits and local ethnic communities in Balochistan, thus creating incentives for militant groups to promote religious hatred and sectarian intolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between March and May 1954, an election and two riots took place in East Pakistan, with far-reaching implications. On 30 May, the prime minister of Pakistan, in a bellicose tone, declared that 'enemy agents' and 'disruptive forces' were at work and imposed governor's rule for the first time in East Pakistan. The autocratic and high-handed attitude of the Central government in Karachi over the seemingly wayward East Wing was to become a portent of future conflicts between the province and the state, eventually leading to the unmaking of Pakistan in 1971. What precipitated the 1954 crisis? Who were the enemy agents and disruptive forces that the prime minister had alluded to? The reference was to the Bengali labourers in East Pakistan—the main protagonists of the 1954 Karnaphuli Paper Mill and Adamjee Jute Mill riots. These were the most violent industrial riots in the history of United Pakistan, if not the subcontinent. Using sensitive materials obtained from multiple archives, this article dismantles the conventional thesis that these riots were 'Bengali–Bihari riots', fanned by the flames of Bengali provincialism at the political level, or events instigated by the Centre to derail the democratic hopes of the Bengali population of Pakistan. A microhistory of the events demonstrates a more complex picture of postcolonial labour formations and solidarities; the relationship between state-led industrialization and refugee rehabilitation, and conflicting visions of sovereignty. This is a story of estrangement between employers and workers over the question of who were the real sovereigns of labour, capital, and Pakistan itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dual citizenship has been the subject of intense political debate in Pakistan barring the elected representatives, in parliament, the provincial assemblies and the presidency, from holding dual nationality. The perceptions that holding a foreign citizenship challenges the undiluted loyalty to country further engender question mark over their political participation in country's affairs. A qualitative study has been carried out in the city of Rawalpindi to explore the stance of Pakistani nationals on such exclusion of Pakistani dual citizens from mainstream politics of Pakistan asking should the individual's association to the state be an exclusive one? In this paper, in‐depth interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 male and female respondents (22 Pakistani citizens, 18 Pakistani dual citizens) and 6 constitutional experts. The results indicate distrust among Pakistani citizens when considering dual citizens' right of representation in general elections of Pakistan, stemming from a mistrust of their "split loyalties". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of Pakistan, the nation is gripped in political crises. Number of martial laws and rifts between civil and military leadership during democratic eras kept Pakistan under extraordinary political crises. During the two democratic regimes of Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim League (N) from 2008 to 2018, one more player came into the political scene of Pakistan due to the arrival of private electronic media. This study explores, assesses and recommends the required role of media in the civil military conflicts from 2008 to 2018. For this purpose ten experts were thoroughly interviewed and thematic analysis was applied to fetch the results. Findings revealed that it's the social responsibility of state institutions to legislate the new laws in order to specifically draw lines and enforce the current laws. Similarly in order to end monopoly of media houses, cross-media ownership should be banned and income generation models of Pakistani media should be revisited, so that socio-economic issues of the country are not ignored at the cost of the coverage of Civil Military issues and other popular content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan was created in the name of religion (Islam) as an independent country in 1947 on the basis of Two Nation Theory wherein the Muslims of Indian subcontinent could live, preach and profess their religion freely from the dominance of Hindus. After independence the state elites did not make any tangible programmes which could establish the country as an Islamic state. However, the state elites established religious ministry after 27 years of the establishment of Pakistan. The ministry was not established to implement or enforce religious programmes for Pakistan. Contrary it was established to control religious elites and their institutions which could be used for political gain. This paper is designed to illustrate the historical aspect of role of religion in Pakistan. The paper further will analyse how state elites used religion for political gains by politicising religion in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article charts the historical marginalization of Pashtun tribal areas to the periphery of the Pakistani state and undertakes an analysis of the recent movement for their integration in Pakistan's constitutional structure. It also analyzes contemporaneous developments in Pakistan's constitutional system, in particular the accommodation of a stronger form of federalism and the emergence of a powerful judiciary brandishing robust judicial review and fundamental rights jurisdictions, which have provided both the backdrop and impetus to the integration of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in Pakistan's constitutional system of governance. The article asserts that this case study of FATA's integration demands an acknowledgment of the deeply political and inherently transitional nature of constitutionalism in Pakistan, and arguably many other parts of the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent months there has been an effort to reignite debate about the suitability of a federal parliamentary system and argue that it needs to be replaced by a centralized presidential form of government. This has led to sharp reactions from those who favour a continuation of parliamentary government in Pakistan especially with regard to the strong federal provisions of the Eighteenth Amendment (2010) to the Pakistani Constitution, which granted greater autonomy to the provinces and undid many of the changes imposed by military rulers. This paper examines the original version of this debate from Pakistan's experience in the 1950s and 1960s with the aim of identifying and discussing the rationales of those in favor of a presidential Pakistan and the price that the country paid for undermining parliamentary government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1969 saw the release of the Pakistani political fantasy film Zerqa , directed by socialist filmmaker Riaz Shahid. At once a leftist critique of the Ayub Khan regime and an endorsement of Palestinian armed struggle, Zerqa refracted Pakistan's political crisis through the question of Palestine. This paper historicizes Zerqa against Pakistani and third-worldist creative responses to Palestine in the 1950s and 1960s. Through textual analysis of the film and its ephemera, I argue that Zerqa 's approach to solidarity, gender, and the figure of the Arab-Jew both captures the nuances of the identities imbricated in the Palestinian struggle and universalizes Palestine toward its own political ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan claims to maintain neutrality in the Iran–Saudi rift. Sustaining this approach, however, has been problematic against a backdrop of intensifying Iran–Saudi rivalry. Pakistan's choices suggest a tilt towards Saudi Arabia. Based on extensive fieldwork in Islamabad, this paper focuses on the meanings and uses of neutrality in Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper argues that Pakistan cannot be neutral due to its stronger cultural, economic and defence ties with Saudi Arabia but it promotes this rhetoric due to a combination of demographic, geographic and geopolitical factors. Islamabad's claim of neutrality serves the dual purpose of the national interests in relation to domestic and foreign affairs. Based on its economic, sectarian and geopolitical realities, Pakistan desires a neutrality in the Iranian-Saudi rivalry but it is very difficult because it has strong and multifaceted relations with Saudi Arabia. Based on the assessment of Pakistan's foreign policy choices, we argue that Pakistan continues to lean away from Iran towards Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan was established in the name of Islam for the Muslims residing under the control of British India in 1947. This study focuses on the grass root level effects of uncivil language of political leaders used in the electoral campaigns and telecasted on television. The research method was survey and purposive sampling technique was used for data collection from nine towns of Lahore from the Muslim citizens who actually participated in the GE 2018. The theoretical support was taken from The Speech Act Theory and Psycho-Linguistic Theory. The study revealed that the impact of uncivil language of political leaders is witnessed at grass root level as 36.9% citizens re-used the negative phrases of political leaders in their social circles as χ²(4) = 26.809, p < .05. Hence, the hypothesis “Muslim citizens re-used negative political terms and phrases coined by their party leaders against teachings of Islam” was fully supported by this research study and literature. Negative statements of political leaders repeated on television were also re-used by the citizens in their routine life (by 43.1%) showing a significant effect as χ²(4) = 33.464, p < .05. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognizing constraints Pakistani women legislators face despite their entry into politics on a 17 per cent quota in national and provincial assemblies, it is time to rethink how quotas can lead to their political mainstreaming. This article explores quota legislators' views on their own accountability and empowerment based on the first online survey in Pakistan with 200 women in the assemblies (2013-18). Findings show quota legislators resist classification as male proxies and view themselves as accountable to notional voters, although they are indirectly elected. Many report silencing and harassment by male colleagues. Cross-party women's caucuses in each assembly have a mixed track record of facilitating substantive representation, undermined by religious parties and class differences. Respondents favoured further affirmative action mechanisms to increase their political voice, e.g. additional quota requirements within parties, more tickets for general seats and participation in key decision-making bodies of parties. A trajectory for women in politics to move from quota seats (in local bodies and assemblies) to general seats is not yet in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political transformation of civil society-state relations in Pakistan. Topics explored include the military and economic power associated with the traditional elites in the country, the working relationship between non-government organizations (NGO) and the state during the administration of former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf, and the outlook for civil liberties and equal rights in the country.

Religious authorities in many Muslim-majority countries have argued that the suspension of communal prayers during an epidemic does not contravene Islamic law. In Pakistan, such measures have proven difficult to enforce, in part because many religious leaders in the country have opposed the closure of places of worship and the limits placed on public religious gatherings. The question is why? This paper suggests that the distrust of the state in matters of religion in Pakistan can be traced back to the colonial era, and that the political developments following independence have amplified frustration and mistrust between political and religious authorities in the country. Significant sources of contention in matters of religion and state remain unresolved under the prime ministership of Imran Khan. At the same time, the pandemic has thrust earlier conflicts into the spotlight and exposed contests over opinion, expertise, and authority in matters of religion and public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth in democratic activities has changed the political scenario of Pakistan. The current study was aimed to identify the youngsters towards their participation in democratic paractices and political activities. The novelity of presnt study is to introduce a new theory of 'Youth-Inn' which indicated the continuous youth participation and involvement in community problem solving, peers motivation, influence public to do vote, and other political matters. The phenomena of this study are based on the present political scenario of Pakistan and youth participation in building the political structure. The study was quantitative in nature and data were collected through random sampling techniques, hundreds of respondents participated from two provinces of Pakistan, which are Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The objective of the study is to highlight the performance of youth activities, contribution to the political participation, their role in political parties and interests in political and social matters. The findings of the study suggest that youth in Pakistan are increasingly participating in democratic, social and political activities, which are their basic and core responsibility to take apart and do sufficient steps for the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In authoritarian states, emerging democracies, and well-established democracies alike, alternative accounts that contest official state narratives are common. Why do people believe such accounts even in the absence of supporting evidence? While this question has been explored in the United States, relatively little research has assessed it in other contexts. Through a survey experiment carried out in Pakistan, this article tests the impact of cues by political parties on belief in such conspiracy theories. The results provide evidence in favor of partisan cueing: When alternative narratives are endorsed by political parties viewed favorably by the respondent, they are more likely to be believed. I suggest that political parties are able to capitalize on misinformation and a lack of trust in official institutions for tactical advantage. Results differ by subgroup: Higher income and urban respondents are swayed more by their own party source than are lower income and rural individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's progress toward full democracy is dependent upon many variables. One major obstacle to establishment of a mature democracy is widespread corruption, which penetrates deep into the institutions of governance and accountability. Three civilian governments (1958–1971, 1977–1988, 1999–2008) have been overthrown by the military, and three (1988–1990, 1991–1993, 1994–1996) removed by elected presidents on charges of 'public corruption.' The extensive literature on causes of corruption in Pakistan has focused on the most apparent reasons, which include politicized bureaucracy, weak institutions, and incompetent political classes. No attention has been paid to the role of the National Accountability Ordinance (NAO), a legal framework under which the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) has been operating since November 1999. This study is the first to highlight the NAO's role in spreading corruption. Rational choice theory and the economics of crime are applied to evaluate Pakistan's anti-corruption law, particularly the settlement system. The study concludes that flaws in the law in an environment where the NAB lacks institutional autonomy result in the benefits of a crime outweighing the costs for an offender. In other words, awareness of gaps in the law increases corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2016, Pakistani social media celebrity Qandeel Baloch was asphyxiated by her brother and gained posthumous celebrity in the West where her death was sensationally categorized as an honor-killing. Yet Qandeel was a celebrity in her own right among South Asians long before her death. Through skillful use of social media, she created new forms of public space and used them to challenge dominant social norms and political practices. I examine Qandeel's "do-it-yourself activism"—her innovative use of the digital public sphere to position herself as a worthy representative of Pakistani nationality; to critique long-established norms governing gender, class, and sexuality; and to expand the boundaries of national belonging in Pakistan to include culturally rebellious women of limited economic means. By examining Qandeel's audacious means of standing for Pakistan, her deployment of marriage proposals as a mode of subversive political activism within the political party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (Pakistan Movement for Justice, PTI), and her use of visual culture ("selfies") to challenge the moral authority of a powerful Islamic cleric, I theorize a form of political activism grounded in women's agency that deploys celebrity to illuminate and politicize injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several articles published within issue on topics including image-savvy militant leaders' impact on civilians, Denial of Organizational Involvement, and role of militaries in both domestic politics and policy formulation in Pakistan.

This essay examines some turns in the Pakistani political career of the Dalit leader Jogendranath Mandal between 1947 and 1950 when he resigned as a government minister and left the country. The imperatives of Dalit emancipation interacted with concerns about the position of minorities, thereby revealing the conditions by which difference became legible in the new state. In the creation of Pakistan, Mandal had seen a promise of furthering Dalit emancipation, but this vision could not withstand the state's view of an undifferentiated Hindu minority population. By tracing Mandal's trajectory, this essay follows both the promises offered by Pakistan and the slow closure of such alternative possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research has been done on political dynamics within the Christian community in Pakistan itself, a lacuna I begin to address through survey research among Christian and Muslim students in Lahore. I ground this study in a detailed discussion of the existing literature on Pakistan, and comparative political research on national attachment of minorities elsewhere. I am particularly interested in assessing to what extent Christian students in Lahore have a strong sense of belonging and connection to the national community or feel marginalised from it. In fact, I find that Christians do have a strong sense of connection to their Pakistani identity, but are more inclined toward military rule and less interested in and knowledgeable about politics than their Muslim counterparts. Intra-Christian differences based on income level and denomination are apparent as well: Christian students from wealthier backgrounds have higher levels of political interest and knowledge, whereas poorer students and those affiliated with Pentecostal denominations have less political engagement but higher levels of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Indian and Pakistani Punjab, this paper focuses on how, despite membership in or conversion to majority religious communities, former untouchables in both countries continue to experience caste-based discrimination. In India, a rights-based idiom for caste politics is limited by fragmentation within the Dalit community and the compromises required by electoral politics, while the imposition of a totalising Islamic identity by the state has resulted in the erasure of caste from the political discourse in Pakistan. This paper suggests that class-based mobilisation may be a better route to Dalit empowerment on both sides of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on the move of Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf to withdraw support for Islamic militants in Kashmir, India. Views on Musharraf's action; Functions of the military in Pakistan.

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Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the poetry of poet and journalist Faiz Ahmed Faiz (1911-1984) to discuss exile and imprisonment as a gateway to nature. Also cited are a brief history of Pakistan's government including the creation of military regimes due to U.S. influence, Faiz's campaign promoting democracy and civil liberties, as well as some Faiz's poems as a prisoner like "Captivity."

The demand for the creation of Pakistan was based on a historical narrative built around the centrality of the Muslim community in India and its distinctiveness in terms of religious beliefs, cultural traits, and historical traditions. A particular understanding of the past was, in other words, central to the idea of Pakistan. As a result, soon after independence in 1947, a group of eminent historians got together to set up the All Pakistan History Conference. It received official support and patronage as the new state was eager to shape a historical narrative that could strengthen the argument for a distinct Muslim identity. This article looks at the development of this historiography in Pakistan. Unlike existing studies on this topic, which simply point out the 'flaws' in the history textbooks used in Pakistan, I will argue that the dominant historical narrative to be found in these textbooks—or even in many scholarly works produced in Pakistan—is a form of master narrative that has a longer history that dates back to the colonial period. Drawing upon such sources as historical texts produced in Pakistan, recently declassified documents of the Cabinet Division, and proceedings of the All Pakistan History Conference, I will delineate the features of this master narrative, the intellectual history of ideas that shaped it from the colonial to the post-colonial period, and the political exegesis whereby it gained structural dominance in Pakistan that was replicated for intellectual, ideological, and statist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We investigate the cross scalar linkages between every day violence and global war on terror in the context of urban Pakistan. We draw upon intensive research undertaken in the twin cities of Rawalpindi/Islamabad and Karachi to highlight how marginalized Pashtun and Bengali Rohingya communities experience state and everyday violence in the context of the global war on terror. Focusing on the gendered aspects of infrastructural and spectacular violence, we argue that every day violence too, is deeply politicised and inflected by national and global level geopolitics. Following Hannah Arendt, we conceptualize violence as a manifestation of a loss of power. Accordingly, drawing upon ethnographic evidence we demonstrate how even domestic violence takes on a public and a political valence. We argue that performances of masculinities and femininities are, in fact, imbricated with geographies of exclusion, marginalization and state policies. The routinization of violence in everyday spaces draws attention to the DNA like relationality of the local with the geopolitical at the global and national scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government's role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is focused on the impact of religion on the electoral pattern of the people of Punjab. Religion as a determinant of voting behavior is best expressed in the votes secured by the religious parties. Thus, religious parties vote in Pakistan and Punjab is studied to build an argument. Religion has a strong impact on human life. It influences each act and attitude of the individual especially in developing countries. In Pakistan; religion has a solid affect in shaping the political attitudes and beliefs of the individuals. It is one of the key elements of politics.2018 general elections saw a sudden rise in the vote bank of religious political parties. It witnessed a 2.17 % increase in the religious vote country wide and 1.32% increase in Punjab. Tahreek Labbaik Pakistan appeared on the scene as a radical Sunni Islamic party, it mobilized the barelvi vote bank to great effect. And it emerged as the third largest party of Punjab, in terms of votes polled. 2018 general elections also witnessed the rise of Milli Muslim League which was a political wing of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, who were previously rejecting the parliamentary form of government and were critical of voting in elections. The increase in the influence of the various spiritual gaddi nasheen in the electoral politics of Punjab was also a prominent factor during the 11th general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's July 2018 parliamentary election brought to power the right-wing Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf, headed by former cricket star Imran Khan. The victory of Khan, who rails against political elites and against corruption, fits with the global trend of rising support for extremist populist leaders. Yet it also reflects the particular realities of Pakistan's hybrid regime. Khan became a serious contender thanks in large part to his alliance with the military, which had grown increasingly antagonistic toward the rival Pakistan Muslim League of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif (ousted over corruption charges in mid-2017 and later jailed). Serious accusations of fraud and a range of military machinations marred the 2018 electoral contest. Although the July vote formally marked Pakistan's second peaceful turnover of power, the country's political system may be most accurately classified as a pseudodemocratic façade covering the reality of continued military tutelage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study will highlight the Shah Inayat's role as a political activist Sufi in eighteenth century Sindh. Shah Inayat of Jhok, popularly known as Shah Shaheed played a significant role in the political and socio-religious history of eighteenth century Sindh. This study on Shah Inayat as a Sufi political activist employs descriptive-analytical approach. It will try to narrate and analyze how Shah Inayat played his role as a Sufi political activist in the establishment of a just society in the then Sindh. The era of eighteenth century was very critical for Sindh in political, social and religious terms. The people of Sindh were not enjoying equality in the society. Kalhora, a local clan was ruling Sindh at that time and it was tyrannical and autocratic in its nature. The feudal lords and religious clerics {mullahs) were enjoying powers in society under their rule. In early eighteenth century, Shah Inayat became the custodian of Sufi Islam. He raised his voice not only against the tyrannical, autocratic and sectarian rule but also confronted the landlords for the peasant's rights. However, there is a common perception regarding Sufis' role in society that they remain confined to the esoteric aspect of life. They renounce temporal life and focus only upon spiritual experiences and intellectual development. Hence, they remain aloof from the worldly engagements. In fact, it is not true, there are many Sufis who give equal importance to the both esoteric and exoteric approaches of life and maintained a satisfactory balance between them. In this regard, Shah Inayat is one of the best examples before us. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), is said to be aTakfiri group, is mainly grabbed from Sunni areas of Syria and Iraq. Some other Muslim states also have their participation in IS by different means. Saudi Arabia and Turkey are in list of countries that were in foundation of Islamic State. In start they were in Syria and Iraq but now have their affiliations in many regions and countries. The Islamic State (IS) is a big threat to Middle East and world. It is argued that many European and Pakistani nationals are also part of Islamic State. Pakistani Talban's have affiliations with Baghdadi, and it is trouble for Pakistan in future. The proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia is problem for Pakistan and Muslim world because both are supporting their allies and muscles. 300 Saudis have killed in Syria in February 2014, which also is the highest number of loss of life among Saudi nationals. In March 2014, a Saudi official said that 1,200 Saudi citizens have traveled to fight the Assad regime. US has also its role in IS and following duel policy against IS in Iraq and Syria. Russia is strong supporter of Asad and has launched a military and air strike against anti Asad forces. The main purpose of this research is to analyze process of evolution of Islamic State (IS) and its impacts both political and strategic not only on the Middle East but on Pakistan also. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, there is an increasing trend of structural reforms in the administrative system of South Asian countries. In this region, the traditional bureaucratic model of public administration prevails in retrospection of colonial and postcolonial periods (Haque, 2003). The new agenda is to transform the traditional public sector model with business-like practices in line with the current global movement for such a transition. The central theme of this paper revolves around the institutional complexity faced by public sector organizations in line with institutional pressures. It also explicates how organizations respond to the complexity created by multiple and conflicting logics. This paper explores institutional complexity of federal training institutions of Pakistan by investigating the way these organization adopted the new proposed logic of civil service reforms. It describes how new management practices are introduced in training institutions and how well they are interpreted and adopted by these organizations. This study is based on 18 semi structured interviews from the senior and middle line management of federal training institutions. Participants are purposively selected as unit of observation and data is analyzed by using thematic analysis. In this regard, this study presents a scientific insight to federal training institutions and their adoption of market logic. Cultural institutional perspective has appeared to have high explanatory power to explain this phenomenon. This paper argues that organizational characteristics like size, its position in the field, its legal entity, and its linkages with the ministry are important determinants while studying relationships between complexity and organizational responses. The paper recommends further empirical research on the current topic by linking organizational responses to institutional complexity to organizational outcomes and to contextualize these findings in other settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bureaucracies often post staff to better or worse locations, ostensibly to provide incentives. Yet we know little about whether this works, with heterogeneity in preferences over postings impacting effectiveness. We propose a performance-ranked serial dictatorship mechanism, whereby bureaucrats sequentially choose desired locations in order of performance. We evaluate this using a two-year field experiment with 525 property tax inspectors in Pakistan. The mechanism increases annual tax revenue growth by 30–41 percent. Inspectors whom our model predicts face high equilibrium incentives under the scheme indeed increase performance more. Our results highlight the potential of periodic merit-based postings in enhancing bureaucratic performance. (JEL C93, D73, H71, H83, J45, M54, O17) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports published within the issue which include the tribal conflict in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), neopatriomoniliasm, and political development in Pakistan.

Pakistan has power shortages and the buildings in Pakistan consume 54% of generated electric power, while the country is at the 7th place in the list of countries most affected by extreme weather events. Pakistan not only has to produce more power but also must employ renewable energy resources to achieve the task to have a sustainable future. The government of Pakistan has already forsaken the task to produce power at a national level and has sublet this job to independent power producers. The prime investments of Pakistani people are in the real estate business with private real estate giants operating in the country. In this research, a net-zero energy housing society (NZEHS) has been analyzed in the future economic hub, the city of Gwadar at the Arabian Sea. Abundant renewable resources are available at Gwadar city with a global horizontal irradiance of 5.19 kWh/m2 day and an average wind speed of 5.19 m/s. A combination of photovoltaic (PV) and wind turbines has been selected with installed capacities of 32.2 MW and 25.5 MW, respectively, to generate energies of 55.9 GWh and 49.0 GWh annually for an electrical load of 101.3 GWh. The net present cost of the system is 149 Million US$ with a Levelized cost of energy of 7.91 CUS$/kWh. The capital cost for this project is 92.4 Million US$. In this NZEHS, each customer must pay 0.0132 MUS$ to get free electricity for 25 years with a simple payback of 4.78 years and a discounted payback period of 5.79 years. This sustainable society will reduce the energy demands from residential loads to provide power for smaller industries to improve economics and reduce unemployment in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to analyze the situation of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in the context of Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). It analyzes how a suitable public policy mechanism needs to be devised and implemented by replacing the old and an irrational FCR in FATA. It extensively examines the theoretical and conceptual perspectives on the public policy, the policy formation and policy factors. The Parsons' seven steps model of policy framework has been theorized on the study for developing the appropriate policy. The qualitative methodology has been used to get in-detail and in-depth information about the governance mechanism and prevailing issues of FATA. There are three main elements; first getting familiar with the problem, second relevant players and third devising a policy. The study proposes that new public policy for FATA must be carried out with the consultation of the official (legislative, judiciary and executive) and unofficial stakeholders (civil society, media, ethnic groups, public opinion etc). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan inherited administrative institutions from its predecessor colonial state. These institutions were highly centralized, developed over a time period of many centuries and bequeathed intact. Contrastingly, the political and representative institutions and traditions that Pakistan inherited were moribund because they could not experience smooth sailing and hence not evolved over a reasonable time span. Unfortunately political parties could not develop democratic culture which paved the way for civil and military bureaucracy to overcome established institutional structure. By holding very strong power, the institutions of civil and military bureaucracy continued to override what they found in the form of representative. The tide could not be turned and Pakistan went through more than three decades of dictatorships. Media also faced the same fate and could not play the role of healthy criticizer for government as was due on it being the fourth pillar of state. The media can play its constructive role in democracy only if there is encouraging environment that allow them to do so. Democracy and media both suffered not being in good and strong hands during this period. This research paper is an effort to explore, evaluate and analyze the role of Dawn newspaper in responding to the fourth military coup of Oct 12, 1999. The media outlet studied under this research paper is an English daily newspaper "Dawn". It is an analysis of the role of Dawn in public opinion making, developing political consciousness among Pakistani masses and playing the role of healthy and balanced opposition for military coup of Oct 12, 1999. The findings reveal that despite the friendly behavior of Musharraf government towards media, the response of Dawn to fourth martial law of country's history was very careful and reserve unlike other newspapers of Pakistan. Dawn not only remained stick to its policy of neutrality but also analyzed the events very critically. This research paper is a qualitative analysis of the response of Pakistan's relatively reliable and unbiased newspaper Dawn towards the fourth military coup and political developments mainly, Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO), judicial validation of the military coup and Legal Framework Order (LFO). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local government reform in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province between 2001 and 2009 is examined through the lens of multi-level governance. The reforms were initiated by the military-led government of Pervez Musharraf and entrenched the power of the federal government. The reforms of 2001–09 were similar to the reforms implemented by the governments of Ayub Khan in the 1960s and Zia-ul-Haque in 1979. The article argues that three different military governments pursued similar programmes of constitutional reform to secure themselves in power. We conclude that devolution may not always enhance democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral coordination is central to the creation of national party systems under firstpast- the-post rules, but there are instances where we see such coordination fail even at the constituency level. In this article, we argue that electoral coordination requires partisan control of patronage distribution by local bureaucracies. In electoral constituencies in which bureaucrats do not hold a monopoly over the distribution of patronage, we might see constituency-level electoral fragmentation. In constituencies in which the bureaucracy controls patronage, however, effective coordination yields Duvergerian equilibria. We formulate and test this argument through constituency- and precinct-level analysis of Pakistani elections and additional evidence from Indian elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Fairclough (1989), discourse is shaped by social practices and in return it reveals power ideologies. Pakistan's political position in post 9/11 scenario is significant in relation to American war on terror. The present study is an effort to understand image making of Pakistan by the discourse of Pakistanis, foreigners who visit Pakistan and to some extent media as depicted in Thinner than Skin by Uzma Aslam Khan. Fairclough's model of discourse analysis with micro, meso and macro levels will be used to unfold American political ideology of thrusting war on terror upon Pakistan. Moreover, in socio-cultural perspective, status of Pakistani woman will be compared with American empowered woman through critical discourse analysis. The research is an endeavor to reveal discursive power practices both in political and socio-cultural domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is significantly weakened and dislodged from former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) yet, it has relocated to bordering areas in Afghanistan under ideological umbrella of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and gets operational and logistics support through Afghan and Indian intelligence agencies. ISIS, having been greatly marginalized in the Middle East is struggling to gain foothold in Afghanistan with TTP as its proxy to execute the deadly terrorist attacks in Pakistan. The presence of ISIS in Afghanistan not only poses threat to Afghanistan but its collusion with TTP threatens Pakistan's internal security as well. Pakistan's sacrifices go in vain if cooperation from Afghanistan and the US forces is not forthcoming in defeating ISIS and TTP operating from Afghanistan. The article argues while domestic reforms and effective implementation of National Action Plan (NAP) by Pakistan is important to quell extremism and terrorism from urban centres, the cooperation from regional countries, harbouring TTP is vital for the elimination of scourge of terrorism from the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty first century has witnessed a new kind of war, "War on Terror". Pakistan joined this war after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and became a front line state in this war. Resultantly, Pakistan had to end its support for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban did not accept that policy shift and in reaction began attacking almost every place and segment of society right from military to politicians, mosques to parks, and hospitals to schools. The relationship between media and terrorism is indispensable because terrorists need media coverage and publicity, and media needs shocking and sensational news stories. Given this backdrop, this study intends to investigate two research questions. First, "What reasons of terrorist attacks were discussed in the editorials of major Urdu and English newspaper of Pakistan?" and second, "What solutions were suggested in the major Urdu and English newspaper of Pakistan?" Two newspapers, daily Dawn (English Newspaper) and daily Jang (Urdu Newspaper) have been selected for this study. Content analysis has been used as methodology and editorials published during 2001 to 2016 constitute the population for this research study. The results show that shift in foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan was discussed as a major reason of terrorist attacks and similarly, as solution, review of foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan was discussed in highest number of editorials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Afghanistan shares a common religion, race, history, ethnicity and geography with Pakistan, yet the relations between both have never been smooth and remained estranged. The nature of Pak-Afghan relations saw many ups and downs in past decades and has always been flimsy and they are found in murky waters. Since Pakistan's independence, there have been concerns and determination to have jovial and friendly relations between both the countries. The relationships between the two neighbors can be described as challenging and complex. The detriments that mainly manipulate these relationships have been questionable and experienced ebb and flow for historical and geopolitical reasons with the exception of brief interludes. This distrust at times bordering on hostility continues to date although some has been done to improve the working relationship by third parties i.e., US and EU. In the changed regional context of post 9/11 developments carry hallmark significance in the world history as it has brought both the countries at the brink of major national disasters. The post 9/11 scenario provided an opportunity to Pakistan to renew its diplomatic ties and political relations with Afghanistan and to reconsider her Afghan policy. This paper aims at discussing the core problems and highlights the future prospects of Pak-Afghan relations in post 9/11 scenario, as it brought a drastic change in world in generally and in this region particularly. It is a turning point in history when Taliban government was ousted as a result of American military action in Afghanistan. The study will explore and reveal its overall impact on both the countries with the existing diplomatic relations, areas of hostility and economic relations with making suitable recommendations for strengthening political stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]