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This article offers a pedagogical approach to introducing undergraduate students to hagiology by comparing medieval sanctity to modern celebrity. The bodies of saints and celebrities are important loci for the transmission of sanctity or celebrity from a person to the public and for the continuity of identity. Examples include St. Faith, St. Cuthbert, Kim Kardashian, and Marilyn Monroe. Using a comparative method allows students who are non-religious to better apprehend the unfamiliar practices and beliefs around the cult of saints and relics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 11th–12th centuries, extreme ascetic practices reappeared in Western Europe, in particular, the wearing of hauberks and heavy iron chains, associated with penitence and eremitism. This article discusses the charisma of three ascetic saints of the 12th century: Bernard the Penitent (d. 1182), Wulfric of Haselbury (d. 1154/55), and Godric of Finchale (d. 1170). Their hagiographies were written shortly after their death. The authors emphasize that they were revered as holy men already in their lifetime. Their charismatic power was revealed by miracles of healing and prophecy, sometimes in visions. The manifestations of their charisma continued and even increased after their death and were transmitted and spread through their relics. Their mortifications and the signs of their holiness are comparable to those of the stylites and other hermits of Syria of late Antiquity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a revisionist account of the early circulation of copies of the Madonna of Santa Maria Maggiore, known since the nineteenth century as the Salus Populi Romani. Traditionally, the propulsion of the image into global circulation has been attributed variously to Pius V or Francisco Borja, the third Superior General of the Society of Jesus. The article argues that the circulation of the Saint Luke Madonna, as it was known at the time, was closely tied to the martyr's cult that grew up around the Jesuit missionary Inácio de Azevedo and the so-called Brazil Martyrs, a group of Jesuits murdered by Calvinist corsairs off the Canary Islands in 1570. Azevedo had intended to carry a copy of the Roman icon to Brazil, a copy that perished at sea with Azevedo and the party of Jesuit missionaries. The article suggests that the popularity of the image among Jesuits in Europe and the overseas missions was fueled by the nascent martyr's cult that followed Azevedo's death. Painted copies of the Saint Luke Madonna came to function, together with relics of the Eleven Thousand Virgins of Cologne, as proxies for the missing material remains of the martyred Jesuits. The article argues that while the distribution of the image was globally extensive, circulation was restricted to an internal Jesuit martyr's cult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Poética Medieval is the property of Instituto Universitario de Investigacion en Estudios Medievales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article scrutinizes the use of liminality as a term to understand medieval dance practices. With the case of the feast day of St. Eluned described in Gerald of Wales Itinerarium Cambriae, I first present common ways that historians and theologians have used the term liminality in order to describe historical depictions of feasts of saints where more unruly forms of movement and dancing have happened. I then analyze this specific depiction by Gerald of Wales through a combination of a kinesic approach and a hermeneutics of suspicion and charity. This approach shows that earlier understandings of dancing always being a problematic element in traditions of Christianity in the west needs to be nuanced. After this, I turn to the critique that Caroline Bynum Walker has brought up, concerning the use of the term liminality in the medieval context. Taking her critique seriously, I return to the story of St. Eluned by focusing on the lived religion from the perspective of the female characters in the setting. Finally, I also bring in Vincent Lloyd's distinction between rituals and liturgy, to further strengthen how theological discussions can bring in more nuanced and important additions in how we may understand chaotic forms of medieval dance in new ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales de Historia del Arte is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Histórica: Historia Moderna is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El presente artículo considera el nue­vo patronazgo religioso de las ciudades y villas castellanas del manierismo y primer barroco como indicador de un cambio de mentalidad que dejó su huella en tres géneros narrativos que se superponen: las historias de ciudades, las hagiografías de los santos patronos y los relatos de traslados de sus reliquias. El héroe (y a menudo mártir) de los tiempos gentiles o de los infieles se convierte, en los tres casos, en vértice de un proyecto de identidad colectiva que en­cabezan las aristocracias locales. Un plan que apela a la recuperación de un pasado remoto y glorioso mediante la recreación arqueológico-mítica de figuras egregias de los tiempos legendarios: obispos (es el caso de Froilán, Atilano y Eugenio) o mártires (Fructuoso y sus hermanos). This article studies the new model of re­ligious patronage that sprang up in Spanish Castilian cities and towns during the late Renaissance and early Baroque periods, as the outward sign of a mentality shift that can be traced in three overlapping narrative genres: civic histories, hagiographies of pa­tron saints, and accounts of the translation of saintly relics. In all three narrative types, the hero (and often the martyr) of Roman or Islamic times became the focus of a new collective identity among local Spanish aris­tocrats, who sought to recuperate a remote and glorious past through the archeaologi­cal and mythical recreation of legendary figuras such as bishops (Froilán, Atilano and Eugenio) and martyrs (Fructuoso and his brothers). This goal was achieved by means of a narrative frame that guided readers through three key cultural and geo­graphical areas: the kingdom of León, the city of Segovia and the Toledan diocese.

The aim of this article is to show the diffusion, survival and influence of the Christian medieval legendary in a corpus of historiographic sources. In this case, it is about how the tales of the Sevillian Saints Justa and Rufina, included in the Pasionario Hispánico, the most important hagiographic-liturgical collection in Spain and widely known in the Visigoth and Mozarab epochs, became ecclesiastical and urban stories, adapted and updated in function of the lay and ecclesiastical values and ideals. Thus, we consider that the religious and cultural tradition that grew up around the above-mentioned saints from the late antiquity was kept alive through written works. These served a clearly edifying purposes for faithful and devout Christians, with narrations that served to exalt their hometown, the city of Seville, ennobled by the illustrious patrons who, with their "tangible presence" demonstrated through their relics and miracles, sacralised it and protected its inhabitants during the Reconquest and everyday necessities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wśród dzieł Grzegorza spotykamy także kilka historycznych świadectw czci kobiecych relikwii i używania imion świętych kobiet w tytułach świątyń i klasztorów. Fragmenty te zwykłe mają znaczenie drugorzędne, choć np. w przypadku św. Felikuli świadectwo Grzegorza jest jednym z ważniejszych. Kobieta w oczach Grzegorza może być wzorem świętości, miłości, nadziei, otrzymuje dary Boże, na płaszczyźnie relacji z Bogiem jest nawet w możności przewyższyć mężczyznę.

Copyright of Studia Histórica: Historia Moderna is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The episodes surrounding the death of a saint are described that mark stages in recognizing sainthood and establishing a place of worship and pilgrimage. Hagiographic accounts are the main sources of information for the medieval and modern periods about the stakes in each of the episodes described; they also establish de facto a model for the making of a saint. In the effort to describe this model and understand deviations from it, we notice an evolution in saint worship between ancient times and the contemporary period.

Maxime was bishop of Riez (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence) after having been abbot of Lérins. His worship spread immediately after his death at the end of the 5th century. The exemple of Maxime illustrates the plasticity of the cult of a monk and bishop based on an ancient collection of hagiographical works. Worship is attached to a local diocesan identity but soon merges with a classic set of prestigious models that widely circulate through collections of saints’lives and martyrologies. Maxime has been the object of various appropriations, especially in Flanders, in the Viennois, and in northern Italy, the sources of which are examined here. The hagiographic file of Maxime needs a reconstitution and a rereading on various levels.

Maxime was bishop of Riez (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence) after having been abbot of Lérins. His worship spread immediately after his death at the end of the 5th century. The exemple of Maxime illustrates the plasticity of the cult of a monk and bishop based on an ancient collection of hagiographical works. Worship is attached to a local diocesan identity but soon merges with a classic set of prestigious models that widely circulate through collections of saints’lives and martyrologies. Maxime has been the object of various appropriations, especially in Flanders, in the Viennois, and in northern Italy, the sources of which are examined here. The hagiographic file of Maxime needs a reconstitution and a rereading on various levels.