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[ES] En 1972, el Centro Italiano di Sessuologia celebró en Sanremo un congreso en el que autoridades médicas y psiquiátricas de distintos países expusieron las teorías que enmarcaban las sexualidades no normativas como patologías de potencial peligrosidad,y las prácticas terapéuticas y quirúrgicas en que se utilizaban para «corregirlas» –o eliminarlas. Este evento fue elegido por el colectivo italiano FUORI! como primera acción de protesta revolucionaria, en colaboración con otros frentes. En el presente trabajo se contrastan fuentes no consultadas hasta ahora y se ponen en común –tanto aquellas a cargo de la institución, como la producidas por los colectivos– con el objetivo de aclarar ciertas polémicas sobre lo que se dijo en Sanremo. Concretamente, sobre las declaraciones del doctor español López Ibor a propósito de la realización de lobotomías a homosexuales en las prisiones franquistas., [EN] In 1972 the Centro Italiano di Sessuologia held a congress in Sanremo where medical and psychiatric authorities from different countries presented the theories that framed non-normative sexualities as potentially dangerous pathologies, and the therapeutic and surgical practices used to «correct» or eliminate them. This event was chosen by the Italian collective FUORI! as the first revolutionary protest action, in collaboration with other fronts. In this work, sources not consulted so far are contrasted and put together –both those provided by the institution and those provided by the collectives– with the aim of clarifying certain polemics about what was said in Sanremo, specifically, about the declarations of the Spanish doctor López Ibor regarding the execution of lobotomies on homosexuals in Franco’s prisons.

Social movements in Eastern Europe have a long history. Despite problems with defining the region, most scholars tend to locate it in the postsocialist countries of Europe, which re-gained independ ...

Visual analysis is the development of concepts and methods to study visual elements of the mobilization, framing, diffusion, and resonance of protest and social movements. In the early 1990s, the “visual turn” in the humanities and cultural studies inspired a theoretical debate about the “power of images” in political conflict (Muller & Ozcan 2007). While the visual turn resonated in international relations and media studies, especially in reaction to contentious global media events such as September 11, few social movement scholars have adjusted their focus to the visual realm. Although it is widely acknowledged that visible manifestations are a vital part of social movements and their reception in the public sphere, analysts of social movements have relied almost entirely on text-based concepts and methods. Keywords: culture; sociology of culture and media; movements; qualitative methods

Marxism and Social Movements: An Introduction, Colin Barker, Laurence Cox, John Krinsky and Alf Gunvald Nilsen PART 1: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS Marxism and Social Movements 1. Class-Struggle and Social Movements, Colin Barker 2. What Would a Marxist Theory of Social Movements Look Like?, Alf Gunvald Nilsen and Laurence Cox Social-Movements Studies and its Discontents 3. The Strange Disappearance of Capitalism from Social-Movement Studies, Gabriel Hetland and Jeff Goodwin 4. Marxism and the Politics of Possibility: Beyond Academic Boundaries, John Krinsky PART 2: HOW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS WORK Developmental Perspectives on Social Movements 1. Eppur Si Muove: Thinking 'The Social Movement', Laurence Cox 2. Class-Formation and the Labour-Movement in Revolutionary China, Marc Blecher 3. Contesting the Postcolonial Development-Project: A Marxist Perspective on Popular Resistance in the Narmada Valley, Alf Gunvald Nilsen The Politics of Social Movements 4. The Marxist Rank-And-File/Bureaucracy Analysis of Trade-Unionism: Some Implications for the Study of Social-Movement Organisations, Ralph Darlington 5. Defending Place, Remaking Space: Social Movements in Oaxaca and Chiapas, Chris Hesketh 6. Uneven and Combined Marxism within South Africa's Urban Social Movements, Patrick Bond, Ashwin Desai and Trevor Ngwane PART 3: SEEING THE BIGGER PICTURE Comparative-Historical Perspective 1. Thinking About (New) Social Movements: Some Insights from the British Marxist Historians, Paul Blackledge 2. Right-Wing Social Movements: The Political Indeterminacy Of Mass Mobilisation, Neil Davidson 3. Class, Caste, Colonial Rule, And Resistance: The Revolt of 1857 In India, Hira Singh 4. The Black International as Social-Movement Wave: C.L.R. James's History of Pan-African Revolt, Christian Hogsbjerg Social Movements against Neoliberalism 5. Language, Marxism and the Grasping of Policy-Agendas: Neoliberalism and Political Voice in Scotland's Poorest Communities, Chik Collins 6. Organic Intellectuals in the Australian Global-Justice Movement: The Weight of 9/11, Elizabeth Humphrys 7. 'Disorganisation' as Social-Movement Tactic: Reappropriating Politics During the Crisis of Neoliberal Capitalism, Heike Schaumberg 8. 'Unity of The Diverse': Working-Class Formations and Popular Uprisings From Cochabamba to Cairo, David McNally References

Legal institutions, elites, and norms played an important role in the development of social movements over the latter half of the twentieth century, yet social movement scholars have only recently begun to take notice. The subfield of law and social movements has developed in two separate but increasingly integrated fields—legal scholarship and social movement scholarship—and has developed around two broad sets of research questions. First, is litigation an effective strategy for social movements? Second, what role does law play in shaping the trajectories of social movements? Early research tended to focus on the question of effectiveness, but more recent scholarship has expanded to include analyses focusing on the dynamic role that law plays in shaping movement trajectories. Here we focus on how legal institutions and strategies have been incorporated into existing social movement theories. Keywords: collective behavior; government, politics, and law; movements

Do movements matter? The impact of movements on patterns of social change is one of the most enduring topics in the study of protest and social movements, and it has gained considerable attention in recent years. Understanding this complex topic requires careful attention to several interrelated issues including conceptualizing social change and appraising whether movements matter and, if so, how. Debates continue regarding how significant movements are for explanations of social change, the conditions under which movements matter, and the movement characteristics associated with greater or lesser impact. Keywords: political sociology; movements; social change

Scholars invoke the terms “millenarian,” “millennialist,” and “apocalyptic” to refer to movements and sects that embrace ideologies positing the (typically traumatic) end of one era, promising relief from the sufferings of this world and its present age, and purporting to give rise to salvation in a new “golden age,” “heaven on earth,” or realized utopian social order. The strikingly broad range of movements that adopt such ideologies includes peaceful conversionist movements and militant religious social movements undertaking “holy war,” anticolonial movements, agrarian movements, and modern revolutionary political movements. Moreover, movements vary widely in their scale of organization and significance—from those that attract little notice beyond their participants to movements within early Christianity, the Protestant Reformation, and contemporary Islam that have been civilizational, even world-historical, in their consequences. Despite the ancient Middle Eastern origins of apocalypticism and millennialism, non-Western religions and ideologies – for example, Buddhism–have on occasion provided independent inspiration for such movements. Sometimes too, non-Western movements (for example, the nineteenth-century Tai Ping Rebellion in China) have synthesized local cultural materials with millenarian Christian ideas. In short, as rich veins of case study and comparative research document, millenarian and apocalyptic movements vary in ideology, organizational form, scale, and trajectory. The broad range of cases poses an important theoretical challenge—whether to focus on shared characteristics, or alternatively, to theorize alternative types of such movements. Keywords: ideology; sects; social change; terrorism; utopianism

Feminist movements, in the broadest sense, are collective efforts to improve the situation of women, and they have emerged in most parts of the world, beginning in the mid-nineteenth century and continuing into the present. Feminism has also influenced other social movements, such as the peace, environmental, global justice, reproductive rights, and gay/lesbian movements, through its ideologies, collective identities, tactics, and organizational forms. Scholarship on feminist movements has focused on their origins; different waves or cycles; feminist ideologies, collective identities, tactics, and organizational forms across time and place; and the impact of feminism on other social movements. Keywords: equality; feminism; gender; movements; women; United States of America; Europe; Eurasia

This paper explores the “new social movement” features of the Argentinean, Chilean, and Uruguayan student movements of the late 1800s and early 1900s. In doing so, it wrestles with two questions. First, why do such features, widely associated with post-industrial societies, appear at this relatively early stage of capitalist development? Second, what does their presence at that time suggest about the explanatory power of new social movement theory? The paper agrees with new social movement theorists’ contention that capitalism shapes the character of social movements but argues that the focus of the analysis should not be on development stages but rather on the impact of rapid global market integration processes, which have occurred at different times since the rise of capitalism. Such an approach illuminates why capitalist development may yield similar collective action patterns across different historical periods. Este ensayo explora las características de nuevos movimientos sociales de los movimientos estudiantiles en Argentina, Chile y Uruguay durante el “largo” siglo diecinueve. El artículo explora dos preguntas. ¿Por qué características asociadas a la acción colectiva del capitalismo postindustrial aparecen en los albores del capitalismo? ¿Que sugiere dicha presencia respecto del poder explicativo de la teoría de nuevos movimientos sociales? El ensayo argumenta que el valor de la Teoría de Nuevos Movimientos Sociales radica no solo en su énfasis en aspectos cultures e identitarios como otros han notado, sino también en su análisis de los efectos del desarrollo del capitalismo en los movimientos sociales. Sin embargo, el articulo propone que dichos análisis más que enforcarse en la noción de etapas capitalistas debe enforcarse en procesos de globalización, los cuales han ocurrido en diversos momentos de desarrollo capitalista. El articulo sugiere que dicha aproximación ilumina cuando y porque el desarrollo capitalista resulta en patrones de acción colectiva similares a través del tiempo. &nbsp

Social movement theorists have viewed various phenomena as aspects of the “institutionalization” of social movements. One meaning of institutionalization is that movements become established interest groups that are formalized in structure and headed by professional leaders. Along with formalization and professionalization, movements may also become institutionalized in the sense that their goals become conservative or mainstream. Another meaning of institutionalization is that movement ideas are incorporated into mainstream organizations or practices. And movements can be institutionalized in the sense that they operate within social institutions and organizations. All of these ideas are important to theories of the origins, development, and outcomes of social movements. Keywords: bureaucracy; institutionalization; movements

As has been well documented in the social movement literature, movements can take multiple forms. Accordingly, analyses of coordinated challenge tend to array social movements along a spectrum of variable dimensions. Snow and Soule 2010 suggest that social movements can be relegated to one of two general types of challenge, such that the challenge is either direct (including various forms of specifically targeted protest) or indirect (including movements that exit from or divest in authority). Indirect challenges—the less often examined form of collective action—relate to movements that are covert or ambiguous with respect to the action they employ; that may endeavor to actualize broad-based change through individual conversion; and finally, that bypass authority structures by literally “exiting” or withdrawing from undesirable systems or relations (Snow & Soule 2010). Keywords: political sociology; emigration; immigration; movements; revolution; sectarianism; sects; terrorism; utopianism

In the context of the new social movements, the Independent Living Movement (ILM) for people with disabilities commenced in the US in the 1960s and was further developed by the Social Model that em...

Dünyada giderek artan teknolojik gelişmeler, insan nüfusu, sanayileşme, hızlı üretim ve tüketim, çarpık kentleşme ve kontrolsüz üretim ve tüketim gibi unsurlar insan sağlığını tehdit eder boyutlarda çeşitli çevre sorunlarını gündeme getirmektedir. Dolayısıyla insan ve çevre sağlığının korunabilmesi, bilinçli üretim ve tüketimin gerçekleşmesi adına Sıfır Atık hareketi ortaya çıkmıştır. Bununla birlikte sosyal medya, yapısal özellikleri sayesinde çevre sorunlarına yönelik farklı ve yeni bir boyut kazandıran ortam konumuna gelmiştir. Bu araştırmada, Türkiye’de yeni benimsenen çevre(cilik) hareketi olarak nitelendirilebilecek sıfır atık hareketi kavramsal çerçevede ele alınarak, sosyal medya rolünün ve etkileşiminin incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Araştırma evrenini YouTube hesapları oluştururken, “T.C. Çevre, Şehircilik ve İklim Değişikliği Bakanlığı”nın Youtube hesabı amaca yönelik örneklem olarak seçilmiştir. Örneklem seçiminde Türkiye’de “Sıfır Atık” projesini başlatan ve en çok paylaşım yapılan kurumsal Youtube hesabı olması etkili olmuştur. Araştırmanın bulgularının elde edilebilmesi için harekete yönelik videolara MAXQDA 2020 programı aracılığıyla içerik analizi uygulanmış ve betimsel analizle birlikte veriler değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırma sonucuna bağlı olarak; YouTube, sıfır atık hareketini küresel ve yerel ölçekte gündeme getiren, zaman ve mekân sınırı olmaksızın kullanıcılar arasında etkileşimli olarak iletilerin hızlı ve kolay bir şekilde yayılmasına olanak sağlayan yeni bir sanal sosyal sorumluluk kamusal alanı oluşturmuştur., Global population growth, industrialisation, quick production and consumption, unplanned urbanisation, and unregulated production and consumption all contribute to various environmental issues that are hazardous to human health. Therefore, the Zero Waste movement has emerged to protect humans and ecological health and to realise conscious production and consumption. However, social media has become an environment that gives a different and new dimension to environmental problems, thanks to its structural features. This research it is aimed to examine the role and interaction of social media by considering the zero waste movement, which can be described as the newly adopted environmental(ism) movement in Turkey, within the conceptual framework. At the same time, creating the research universe, Youtube accounts, “T.C. The Youtube account of the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change was chosen as a sample. The fact that it was the most shared corporate Youtube account, which started the "Zero Waste" project in Turkey, was influential in selecting the sample. To obtain the research findings, video content analysis was applied through the MAXQDA 2020 program, and the data were evaluated together with descriptive analysis. Depending on the research result; Youtube has created a new virtual social responsibility public space that brings the zero-waste movement to the schedule on a global and local scale, allowing messages to be disseminated interactively between users, without time and space limits, in a fast and easy way.

In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.

Although populist leaders often employ an anti-elite discourse which presents the elite as unable or unwilling to represent ordinary citizens, we know very little about who elites actually think should be represented, or how this differs, if at, all from what ordinary citizens want. In this article we find that there is a considerable difference between the groups that voters want to see represented in parliament and those which political elites want to see represented. In particular, we find that political elites tend to hold far more ‘cosmopolitan’ preferences than ordinary voters, and prioritize the representation of greater diversity in parliament based on the groups politicised by the new social movements and identity politics of the 60s and 70s, such as women, ethnic minorities, LGBT and the disabled. By contrast, voters more often hold nativist preferences than political elites and more often prioritize the representation of groups such as the working class, and white local people. Moreover, British voters who hold nativist preferences of political representation are more likely to be politically alienated and more likely to support Brexit.

During the 1970s, industrialized society seemed to be on the cusp of sweeping change, moving away from the Fordist ‘modern’ era and into an undefined ‘post-modern’ future. To contemporaries in Fran...

Resumo Este estudo objetiva analisar o discurso do movimento social “Direitos Urbanos” (DU) e compreender como esse movimento se articula para desafiar discursos hegemônicos do urbanismo moderno e promover discursos alternativos ao modelo neoliberal. Para tal, utilizamos o aporte teórico da teoria dos Novos Movimentos Sociais (NMS). A arqueologia foucaultiana, com o objetivo de identificar as estratégias de construção do discurso do DU a partir dos sujeitos que o constituem, foi utilizada. As análises indicaram o DU como um centro contra-hegemônico, resistente e combativo ao modelo de gestão urbana desenvolvido na cidade do Recife, afirmando um projeto alternativo de cidade. O DU possui hierarquia fluida, estratégias dinâmicas e contingenciais, atua em rede e aglomera-se para demandas específicas. Abstract This study aims to analyze the discourse of the social movement “Urban Rights” (UR) and understand how this movement is articulated to challenge hegemonic discourses of modern urbanism and promote discourses that are alternative to the neoliberal model. We used the theoretical contribution of the New Social Movements (NSMs) theory. Foucault's archeology was employed in order to identify the strategies for constructing the UR discourse based on the subjects that constitute it. The analyses indicated that UR is a counter-hegemonic and resistant center that combats the urban management model developed in the city of Recife, affirming an alternative city project. UR has a fluid hierarchy, dynamic and contingency strategies, operates in a network, and agglomerates for specific demands.

This discussion centers on a critical textual analysis of 10 episodes of The Shop: Uninterrupted, an HBO television series produced by and starring iconic Black American basketball player LeBron James. The aim is to provide a considered explication of representation activism: the anti-racist strategy keying on collapsing racial hierarchies through accenting positive Black representation, and so advancing greater Black inclusion, within mainstream media (Andrews, 2018; Gilroy, 2000; Godsil and Goodale, 2013). The politics and constructions of Blackness within The Shop exemplify the logical flaws, superficiality, and insipid practical outcomes of representation activism. Though The Shop proclaims to demonstrate Black liberatory representation, this analysis elucidates how The Shop’s centering of the Black celebrity elite as the agents of change falsely universalizes the experiences of everyday Black people; its pursuit of a mythological Black authenticity essentializes and romanticizes Black vernacular and identities; and its mediation through the White racial frame prohibits the articulation of an effective liberatory politics. The discussion concludes by challenging the possibilities of “positive” representation in capitalist media as a credible and sincere tactic of collective Black liberation (Hooks, 1992; Marable, 2015; Spence, 2015; West, 1994); instead, suggesting a grassroots-oriented approach prefigured on targeting the structural roots of racism.

EnglishThis investigation is set in the field of knowledge of Social Psychology, more precisely in the field of Political Psychology and Community Psychology. It analyzes cultural creation as a political expression—as political repertoires for expressing national construction and collective and individual identities, and the relationship they establish with the community, being those expressions characteristic of the emerging new social movements. Through a discussion process amongst thirteen cultural creators of different disciplines, all involved in social movements in favor of the language and the culture in the Basque Country, the paper analyzes the topics expressed in their works, the repertoires used for that task and their objective audiences. All this has been done looking at the value of micro-politics and strategies of emotional aspects, which can all become new definitions of the political, from a point of view of Political Psychology. The elements identified in the discussion process are, most of all, counterhegemonic discourses, individual and collective identities, sharing spaces, and aesthetic and political strategies. All elements agree on those new definitions. euskaraIkerketa hau Psikologia Sozialaren jakintza-esparruan kokatzen da, zehazki Psikologia Politikoaren eta Psikologia Komunitarioaren esparruan. Izan ere, sormen kulturala adierazpen politiko gisa landu da bertan. Herrigintza, identitate kolektibo zein indibidualak eta horiek komunitatearekiko duten harremana adierazteko errepertorio politiko dira. Adierazpen horiek sortzen ari diren mugimendu sozial berrien ezaugarriak dira. Euskal Herrian euskalgintzan eta kulturgintzan dabiltzan sormen-diziplina ezberdinetako 13 sortzaile kulturalen eztabaida-prozesu baten bidez, aztertu da haien sormen-lanetan aldarrikatzen diren gaiak, horretarako erabiltzen dituzten errepertorioak eta zein audientziatara zuzentzen diren. Horrela, mikropolitikaren balioa eta aspektu emozionalen estrategiak ikusi dira, zeinak Psikologia Politikoaren ikuspegitik, politikotasunaren definizio berriak izatera irits daitezkeen. Eztabaida-markoan, batik bat, diskurtso kontrahegemonikoak, identitate indibidual zein kolektiboak, hartu-emaneko espazioak eta estrategia estetikopolitikoak identifikatu dira; definizio berri horiekin bat etortzen direnak.

O artigo objetiva situar o debate inserido no campo teórico da Teoria Crítica entre Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser, tendo em vista suas principais publicações na década de 1990. Desde o modelo crítico formulado por Jürgen Habermas, a Teoria Crítica passou a dar uma ênfase maior às questões envolvendo a teoria política normativa, com foco nos novos movimentos sociais que surgiram após o maio de 1968. Nesse sentido, Honneth e Fraser apresentam novas contribuições para esta discussão, com vista à formulação de novas propostas normativas. Desse modo, a partir de uma análise qualitativa bibliográfica dos textos propostos, centraremos a exposição em torno dos conceitos de reconhecimento e redistribuição a fim de compreender a importância das principais questões postas pelos autores.

Spillover refers to the influences that social movements have on each other. Social movement spillover takes place through both direct and indirect paths through which one social movement affects another's ideology, frames, tactics, membership, organizational structure, or available cultural or political opportunities. These and related phenomena are also referred to as diffusion (McAdam & Rucht 1993; Soule 1997) and “spin-off movements” (McAdam 1995). The study of social movement spillover focuses on the paths, types, and mechanisms of influence. The types of social movement spillover can be broken down into two broad categories. First, movements can lead to new challenges, by changing the overall level of protest or opportunities for protest, sparking “spin-off” movements (McAdam 1995), or provoking countermovements. They can also affect or enable later waves of the same movement. Second, social movements can alter the form of other protests. Activists define themselves, frame their issues, develop tactics, and establish organizations with reference to what other collective actors have done. These effects can occur between movements that are contemporaries or across time. Keywords: collective behavior; civil rights; feminism; reform movements; student movements

LGBTI groups in Turkey glided from offline media to online media. This study investigates how the LGBTI movement changed utilizing social networking sites (SNS) and what kind of a communication culture has been established in the context of social movements of this transformation caused by SNS in Turkey. Triangulation methodology is used in this paper. Semi-structured interviews were performed with the administrators of LGBTI movement communities’ Facebook and Twitter pages, an online questionnaire was made with the page followers, and a non-reactive observation was made concerning SNS posts of the pages during Pride Week, which is the most important annual public sphere event of the movement. Communication practices that SNS provide to the LGBTI movement groups and use of these practices are interpreted and analyzed through collected data. This study has shown that the LGBTI movement in Turkey uses SNS as a space of action effectively with collective action, centralizes SNS with their actions and moves the new social movements’ features to the Internet as a way of enhancing its exposure in the public sphere.

PurposeThis article explains the process of construction and configuration of the Brazilian social imaginary on the global '68 using the daily press as source material.Design/methodology/approachIt looks at the narratives conveyed by the press about the condition, situation, motivations, aspirations and capacity for action of young university students. The analysis is focused mainly on the usage of totalitarian language and permits an in-depth view of the reality of life in Brazil at the time and the role played by the students in the resistance to the dictatorship. It also includes an analysis of how other students' protests of 1968 – in Poland and Mexico – were portrayed through the media, and how they helped to shape the collective imaginary about Brazilian university students, situating it in a conjuncture of broader dimensions and connections.FindingsThe youth of Brazil, Poland and Mexico were represented as active political and social subjects, capable of defying, and sometimes profoundly upsetting, the established order. Violence and the discourse of violence were constant unifying elements in the narratives created by the daily press. This helped generate an image of university students which portrayed them as a rebellious, revolutionary and/or subversive sector of the population, responsible for one of the most extensive and profound social and political crises which those countries had experienced in decades.Originality/valueThis is the first study of the Brazilian reception of the '68 Polish and Mexican students' protest and its implications for the social narrative of students' resistance in Brazil.

The aim of this article is to analyse the political outcomes of the LGBT* movement in Poland, referring to civil unions, marriage equality, adoption, homophobic and transphobic hate crimes and Gend...

This study focuses on the changing meanings of COVID-19 in three prominent Dutch newspapers: De Telegraaf, De Volkskrant and NRC Handelsblad. We focus on the volatility of meanings, and how certain meanings stabilize and create a path dependence in how our society understands COVID-19. We combine a topic-model analysis of about 19,000 newspaper articles published from December 2019 to August 2020 with a qualitative content analysis. The results show how COVID-19 changes from an external threat to an internal risk, how COVID- 19’s meanings and categories-at-risk are dynamic, and how certain perspectives dominate the public debate at the expense of others. For example, the suffering of COVID-19 patients became secondary to the suffering of nonpatients and a probabilistic, administrative perspective on the virus. Such dominant definitions of the problem are directed by the government’s policy. There is also critique. We see that newspapers’ attention for Viruswaanzin, Viruswaarheid, and Red Team rises in the summer of 2020, although their coverage is then still quite marginal. We expect that these organizations are part of new social movements which can increasingly gain importance and form an interesting area for new research.

Bu çalışma, 60’lı yılların sonlarından itibaren yeni bir paradigma çerçevesinde değerlendirilmeye başlanan toplumsal hareketlerin siyasal bir harekete dönüşümünü örnek olaylar üzerinden incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Toplumsal hareketler literatüründeki genel kabullerden biri; eski ve yeni toplumsal hareketlerin siyasetle ilişkili olma bakımından birbirinden farklılık sergilediğidir. Eski toplumsal hareketlerin, siyasi bir partinin çatısı altında örgütlendiği, yeni toplumsal hareketlerin partiler üstü bir yapı sergilediği kabul edilir. Bu çalışma, yeni toplumsal hareketlerin siyasi motivasyonlarla bir araya gelmemesine rağmen siyasi bir harekete dönüşme potansiyeli olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Bu doğrultuda İspanya’da ortaya çıkan Indignados Hareketi ve Lübnan’da ortaya çıkan Beyrut Medineti Hareketi örnek olay olarak ele alınmıştır. Farklı coğrafyalarda ortaya çıkan ve yeni toplumsal hareketlerin siyasi bir harekete dönüşmesine örnek olan bu hareketlerin incelenmesi neticesinde; yeni toplumsal hareketlerin, ortaya çıkış motivasyonu yahut coğrafya fark etmeksizin siyasi bir harekete dönüşebileceği görülmüştür. Çalışma neticesinde elde edilen sonuçlardan bir diğeri de yeni toplumsal hareket neticesinde ortaya çıkmış olan siyasi hareketin başarı elde etmesinin bulunulan ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısına bağlı olmadığı olmuştur., This study aims to examine the transformation of social movements into a political movement, which has been evaluated within the framework of a new paradigm since the late 60s, through case studies. One of the general acceptances in the social movements literature is that old and new social movements differ from each other in terms of being related to politics. It is accepted that the old social movements were organized under the roof of a political party by bringing together individuals with the same ideology and the new social movements brought together individuals from all ideologies and displayed a non-party structure. This study is shaped by the idea that new social movements have the potential to turn into a political movement, although they do not come together with political motivations. In this direction, the Indignados Movement in Spain and the Beirut Madinati Movement in Lebanon are handled as case studies. As a result of examining these movements that emerged in different geographies and set an example for the transformation of new social movements into a political movement; it has been observed that new social movements can turn into a political movement, regardless of the motivation for emergence or geography. Another result of the study is that the success of the political movement that emerged as a result of the new social movement does not depend on the political and social structure of the country.

The appropriation of virtual space by the so-called “new social movements” implies recognizing a specific type of communication that is far from the use that the subject gives it within the production and reproduction of his world of life, or from the use that the capital or the State itself. The case of the use of these technological developments by the feminist movement is an example of the convergence between offline and online actions, which gives way to a multiplicity of strategies in order to materialize their demands and specify the utopia that mobilizes them. In this sense, the purpose of this work is to identify and analyze the underlying interaction-communication network in the hashtag # el9ningunasemueve created by the Mexican feminist movement. For this, the traceability of said hashtag was performed through data mining and the structure built with the Social Network Analysis (ARS) method was analyzed in order to identify the relevant indicators such as grade level, intermediation and centrality.

Reality pandemic Covid-19 has a significant impact on the social, economic, political, and cultures around the world. Covid-19 which hit Indonesia has brought organic collective awareness from civilians through social movements. Initiatives from citizens to help one another are based on three things; the existence of a collective identity, a sense of injustice, and solidarity. This research focuses on two social movements initiated by ‘Solidaritas Pangan Jogja’ (SPJ) and ‘Jaringan Lintas Iman Tanggap Covid-19’ (JIC). The basic principles of mutual assistance, spontaneous collective awareness, and the same social needs form a pattern of solidarity and social movement in these two organizations. Therefore, this research focuses on the process of forming social awareness patterns that are manifested through collective behavior. This research uses a qualitative approach through case studies. Social solidarity and social movements are two concepts that are used as a basis for data analysis. There are two differences between the SPJ and JIC movement patterns. This research uses a qualitative approach through case studies. Social solidarity and social movements are two concepts that are used as a basis for data analysis. There are two differences between the SPJ and JIC movement patterns. The SPJ movement can be categorized as a conventional social movement with an orientation towards creating collective and cross-class social awareness. Whereas the JIC movement is a kind of new social movement which using the basics of the collectivity to understand norms and religious values. While the similarity of the two movements is always to prioritize the distribution of human values that are sustainable. The determining factor for the formation of a collective movement depends not only on the material resources available, but rather on the strength of ideas and cultural resources. That is about the articulation and collective construction of a new relationship (or redefinition) between the person as an individual and the person (as an ulama or cleric, citizen, and family). The SPJ movement carries the value of nativism while the JIC movement is a representation of the growth of new social movements that arise because of the spread of religious values in the social, cultural, economic, and political dimensions as citizens.Keywords: Pandemic Covid-19, Solidaritas Pangan Jogja (SPJ), Jaringan Lintas Iman Tanggap Covid-19 (JIC), Social Capital, Social Movement

Voluntary simplicity (VS) is the contemporary version of an ancient notion where inner growth is prioritized over riches and material accumulation. The VS lifestyle is often discussed as a more sus...

Comparative analysis of the antibullfighting agenda in Bogotá, Lima, and Quito sheds light on the relation between new social movements and left parties. It suggests that, although a social movement is important to the visibility of the agenda, the key variable in achieving a ban on bullfighting in the three capitals has been a decisive left leadership that is not shy about confrontation with traditional elites.Un análisis comparativo de la agenda contra la tauromaquia en Bogotá, Lima y Quito devela la relación entre los nuevos movimientos sociales y los partidos de izquierda. Sugiere que, aunque la existencia de un movimiento social resulta importante para visibilizar dicha agenda, la variable clave para lograr la prohibición de la tauromaquia en las tres capitales ha sido un liderazgo decisivo por parte de la izquierda, que no se ha mostrado tímida cuando se trata de confrontar a las élites tradicionales.

Collective alternative everyday practices (CAEPs), such as commu-nity gardens, clothing swaps or repair cafés, have become a prominent sight in the critical-creative milieus. So far, CAEPs have been mostly conceptualized in terms of prefigurative politics, i.e. as the strategy to change society through an everyday conduct that fully reflects idealized notions of the Self and society. However, there is increasing evidence of practitioners who engage in rather irregular, spontaneous ways and remain bound to an unsustainable consumer lifestyle. Scholars have identified such volatile participation as a problem for mobilization, but have not answered a) how the lack of continuous embodiment can be understood from a social movement perspective, and b) what the political quality of this behaviour might be. In this article, I address these research questions by drawing on theories of the late-modern subject and existing qualitative studies. Late-Modern Subject Theory assumes that individuals increasingly construct themselves through the market and in a multi-faceted way, due to processes such as commercialization, flexibilization and acceleration. From that perspective, volatile participants attempt to mobilize an idealized Self but are unable to do so persistently, due to the structural constraints (such as lack of time resources) and personal liberties (such as excess of consumer options) that define everyday life in late-modern society. The result are figurations of utopia that are bound to fail, but repeated ever again. These ‘refigurations’ maintain a political ele-ment through conveying a critique of and an alternative to the status quo, if only for a moment.

Feminist kuramın başat öznesi olarak kadının toplumsal hayattaki her türden sorununu gündeme getirmesi modern dönem ideolojik yaklaşımlarıyla tarihsel-düşünsel bir süreklilik içinde gelişmiştir. Siyasal, sosyal ve iktisadi alanda cinsler arası eşitliği savunan feminist kuram esas öznesi olan kadının bu eşitlenme çabasını konu edinen bir içerik oluşturmayı çabalar. Bu çalışmada feminist kuram içinde yer alan çeşitli feminist akımlar şeklinde bir sınıflandırma uygun görülmüştür. Bu sınıflandırmanın öne çıkan belirgin izlekleri dörde indirgenmiş olup bunlar; liberal feministler, marksist feministler, radikal feministler ve ikili sistem kuramcılarıdır. Doğal haklar doktrini üzerinden kadın öznesini sorunsallaştıran liberal feminist kuramcılar toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğini kapitalizm içi tartışma konusu yapmaktadırlar. Liberal feministler çözümü yine kapitalist sistem içi çözümlerde aramışlardır. Buna karşılık Marksist feministler ise tarihsel materyalist bakış açısıyla yabancılaşma, iş bölümü, sınıf temelli sömürü biçimleri üzerinden feminist kurama katkıda bulunmuşlardır. Yeni toplumsal hareketler bağlamında ortaya çıkan radikal feministler ve ikili sitem kuramcılarının esin kaynakları Marksist kuram olmak ile birlikte onu aşan bir çerçeve ile feminist kuram içinde belirgin bir iz bırakmışlardır. Partiyarkal sistemi tartışmanın merkezine koyan radikal feministler her türden eşitsizliğin bundan kaynaklandığını ve çözümün partiyarkal sistemin ortadan kaldırılması olarak görmüşlerdir. Buna karşın hem kapitalist sistem hem de patriyarkal sisteminin toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğine yol açtığını öneren ikili sistem kuramcıları ise çözüm önerisini bu iki sistemin değiştirilmesi üzerine kurgulamışlardır. Bu çalışmanın esas konusu farklı feminist kuramların toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğinin politik ekonomideki görünümlerine nasıl bir perspektif ile baktıklarını açığa çıkarmaktır. Bu bağlamda kuramcıların metinlerinin analizi üzerinden ve esas olarak ikili sistem kuramcılarının önerisinden hareketle bir çerçeve oluşturulmaya çalışılmıştır., Feminist theory, which advocates gender equality in the political, social and economic spheres, strives to create content that mainly discusses women's efforts in achieving gender equality. Feminist theory handles with the issues such as productive/unproductive labor market, domestic labor/non-domestic labor, wage inequality based on gender, division of labor based on gender which are the primary subject matters of the integrated field of gender and political economy through the theoretical currents developing in this body of knowledge. Feminist theories questions these issues without isolating themselves from their originary ideological perspectives. Differentiated feminist theories are reduced in four currents in this study to be analyzed in terms of their views on these above issues. Liberal feminist theorists, problematizing the female subject through the doctrine of natural rights, discuss gender inequality within capitalism. In contrast, Marxist feminists have contributed to the feminist theory on alienation, division of labor, class-based forms of exploitation using the historical materialist perspective. Radical feminists and gender binary system theorists, emerging from new social movements, have been inspired by the Marxist theory; however, they have left a significant trace in the feminist theory, surpassing this inspiration. Radical feminists, whose focal point in discussion is the patriarchal system, have observed that any kind of inequality is derived from this approach and that the solution is the eradication of the patriarchal system. On the other hand, gender binary system theorists suggesting that both capitalist system and patriarchal system leads to gender inequality have built the solution on transforming this binary system. The main subject matter of the present study is to exhibit the perspectives of different feminist theories on the reflections of gender inequality in political economy. The study tries to clarify how these four feminist theoretical currents approaches the primary subjects of feminist economics such as labor market, domestic and non-domestic labor processes, division of labor based on gender, wage inequality based on gender. In this context, the researcher attempted to form a framework, based on the analysis of texts written by theorists and mainly on the suggestion of gender binary system theorists., Феминистская теория, защищая гендерное равенство в политической, социальной и экономической сферах, стремится создать контент являющийся предметом усилий женщин для социального равенства. В феминистской теории рассматриваются такие вопросы, как производительный/непроизводственный рынок труда, домашний/не домашний труд, неравенство в оплате труда по признаку пола и организация разделения труда по признаку пола с учетом тенденций, развивающихся в рамках теории. Феминистские движения сделали эти вопросы примечательными, не отступая от своих идеологии. В этом исследовании рассматриваются четыре вида феминистских течении. Либеральные теоретики-феминисты, которые выдвигают женскую тему посредством доктрины естественных прав, делают гендерное неравенство предметом споров в рамках капитализма. С другой стороны, марксистские феминисты, внесли свой вклад в феминистскую теорию с учётом социалистических подходов, анализируя отчуждение, разделение труда, классовую эксплуатацию и историческую материалистическую точку зрения. Радикальные феминисты, обсуждая патриархальную систему, отмечают, что из него исходят все виды неравенства и что решением этой проблемы является ликвидация патриархальной системы. С другой стороны, теоретики бинарной системы предпологают, что как капиталистическая, так и патриархальная система вызывают гендерное неравенство. На основе этого они построили свою теорию для изменения обоих систем.Основной целью этого исследования является показать перспекиву феминистского движения на основе политического содействия и экономического развития по гендерному признаку. При этом, целью исследования является показать, как четыре феминистских течения подходят к приоритетным вопросам феминистской экономики, как рынок труда, неравенство в оплате труда по признаку пола, внутренние и внешние трудовые процессы и разделение труда по признаку пола. Так как, все они является одной из основных приоритетов политической экономии. В этом контексте была предпринята попытка проанализировать труды теоретиков и раталковать их предложения по поводу бинарных систем.

Les élections législatives espagnoles du 26 juin et du 20 décembre 2015 comme l’élection présidentielle française de mai 2017 conduisent à poser un certain nombre de questions autour des phénomènes politiques qui se développent depuis quelques années en Espagne et en France ou, plus largement, dans les Etats constitués et dont la souveraineté repose sur le suffrage dit « universel » et l’exercice du pouvoir sur la démocratie de délégation, la démocratie parlementaire. Ces phénomènes sont le plus souvent classés comme NMS (nouveaux mouvements sociaux) dans la mesure où ils rejettent dans leur discours la forme-parti, tant en matière de structure (centralisée, hiérarchisée) que de fonctionnement, en particulier dans les prises de décision qui dépassent l’échelon local. Sont-ils une manifestation parmi d’autres d’un mouvement de crise et de rénovation du système des partis politiques ou sont-ils symptomatiques d’une période de grand reclassement idéologique mondial ? Telles sont les questions qui se posent au moment d’observer et d’apprécier les situations locales. À partir des deux exemples de la France et de l’Espagne, nous tenterons de développer une réflexion évidemment parcellaire, sur la nature et le discours de ces NMS, y compris pour se demander si les traiter comme tels n’est pas aller trop vite en besogne. The Spanish legislative elections of June 26 and December 20, 2015, as well as the French presidential election of May 2017, lead to a certain number of questions around the political phenomena that have been developing for several years in Spain and France or, more broadly, in constituted states whose sovereignty is based on so-called « universal » suffrage and the exercise of power on delegation democracy, parliamentary democracy. These phenomena are most often classified as NMS (new social movements) insofar as they reject in their discourse the party-form, both in terms of structure (centralized, hierarchical) and functioning, particularly in decision-making that goes beyond the local level. Are they one manifestation among others of a movement of crisis and renovation of the political party system or are they symptomatic of a period of great global ideological reclassification? These are the questions that arise when observing and assessing local situations. Using the two examples of France and Spain, we will attempt to develop an obviously fragmentary reflection on the nature and discourse of these NMS, including the question of whether treating them as such is not to be too hasty. Las elecciones parlamentarias españolas del 26 de junio y del 20 de diciembre de 2015 y las presidenciales francesas de mayo de 2017 plantean una serie de interrogantes sobre los fenómenos políticos que se vienen desarrollando en los últimos años en España y Francia o, más ampliamente, en los Estados constituidos cuya soberanía se basa en el llamado sufragio « universal » y cuyo ejercicio del poder se basa en la democracia delegativa, la democracia parlamentaria. Estos fenómenos se clasifican a menudo como NMS (nuevos movimientos sociales) en la medida en que rechazan la forma de partido en su discurso, tanto en términos de estructura (centralizada, jerárquica) como de funcionamiento, en particular en la toma de decisiones que va más allá del nivel local. ¿Son una manifestación entre otras de un movimiento de crisis y renovación del sistema de partidos políticos o son sintomáticos de un periodo de gran reclasificación ideológica global? Estas son las preguntas que surgen al observar y evaluar las situaciones locales. A partir de los dos ejemplos de Francia y España, intentaremos desarrollar una reflexión evidentemente fragmentaria sobre la naturaleza y el discurso de estos NMS, incluyendo la cuestión de si tratarlos como tales no es demasiado precipitado.

The rise of multiple new social movements (NSMs) across the globe, such as the #Black-Lives Matter movement in the United States, the wave of feminist protests in Latin America organised by the #NiUnaMenos movement and the international #MeToo claim, have renewed academic debate about the role that information and communications technologies (ICTs) play in the emergence and eventual success of social movements. Optimistic interpretations have attributed to ICTs the power of enabling new forms of protest and civil organisation, amplifying the voices of marginalised voices, reducing transaction costs in collective actions, and allowing movements to be more inclusive and horizontal. On the opposite side,pessimistic approaches have claimed that ICTs have negative effects on NSMs because theypromote a shallow commitment with the causes, demobilise individuals from taking real action, increase the fragmentation of political agendas and, instead of supporting emancipatory goals, enable new forms of control and commercial exploitation of data. This paper discusses critically the findings of previous research around the contradiction of the role of ICTs in NSMs, presents concrete cases of social movements where technologies have played a key role and assesses the factors that explain their ability or limitations to have a real effect onthe political landscape.

The article deals with the phenomenon of urban activism as a manifestation of «grassroots» self-organization of city dwellers. The logic of the emergence of the centers of urban activism in the postmodern cultural situation has been determined, which is marked by the processes of deconstruction of the principles of modernity, in particular the principle of universal rationality. The possibility of conceptual arrangement and cognitive analysis of urban activism through the lens of the study of «new social movements», which is, on the one hand, a catalyst for social change, and on the other, a representation of current trends of postmodernism.

Turkey under the AKP governments constitutes an exemplary case for understanding how centralized religion, authoritarianism, and economic logic of neoliberalism interrelate. AKP uses state-guided religion to legitimize its neoliberal economic policies and create docile, economized citizens. This article specifically focuses on how pious Muslims resist AKP’s religious neoliberalism by focusing on actions and deliberations of Labor and Justice Platform members. Our discussion, which consists of face-to-face interviews with the members of this social movement, delineates the group’s justice-oriented, egalitarian, and pluralist orientation of Islam and depicts their dialogues with power – embodied in AKP’s domination of Islamic discourse in Turkey. We discuss how group members reinterpret religious concepts such as kader (fate), kısmet (destiny), and sabır (patience) that the AKP uses as micro-discursive mechanisms to create economically compliant citizens. We also discuss the specific frames of resistance they develop in order to break out from the resilience and adaptation that AKP has embedded in its narratives of economy and work. These frames include a sharp criticism of market Islam, a challenge to political Islam and dissent against state Islam. Theoretically, the article refers to neoliberal governmentality and explores its contestation – an understudied concept in Foucauldian studies.

En 1970 se aprobaba en España la Ley de Peligrosidad Social que condenaba penalmente las relaciones homosexuales. Ese mismo año, en diversas ciudades de Estados Unidos, se celebraban las primeras marchas del orgullo en recuerdo de la revuelta de Stonewall (1969), que tardarían siete años en encontrar su réplica en nuestro país (Barcelona, 1977). Así, 2017, 2019, 2020 son fechas en las que resuenan décadas de lucha en la historia del activismo LGTBIQ+. A propósito de tales conmemoraciones, se propone un balance historiográfico con las aportaciones recientes más significativas, un estado de la cuestión en el que debe incluirse también la serie de televisión Nosotrxs somos como relato visual histórico de ese nuevo movimiento social., In 1970, the Law on Social Danger and Rehabilitation was passed in Spain, legislation that made homosexual relations a criminal offence. In the same year, in various cities in the United States, the first pride parades were held in memory of the Stonewall riots (1969), which found a response in our country seven years later (Barcelona, 1977). 2017, 2019, 2020 are landmark dates in the decades of struggle in the history of LGTBIQ+ activism. With regard to these commemorations, we propose a historiographic assessment of the most significant recent contributions, a state of affairs in which the television series Nosotrxs somos, a visual historical account of this new social movement, should be also included.

The social structure and class conflicts caused by the Industrial Revolution were the main sources of first social movements. In the 20th Century, as the conflict issues moved towards the third generation human rights axis, among new social movements which came up around cultural and social issues, ecological movements were the ones with an intense number of participants. Ecological movements which started as isolated attempts, extended their struggle arena considering the networking opportunities enabled by technological developments. This research aims to analyze the social network usage of ecological organizations which operate in Turkey. An in depth analysis of Twitter use of ecological groups has been made including their purposes, frequencies of Twitter usage, prominent environmental issues and actors. Content analysis has been used in order to determine the differences and similarities in Twitter using practices and to find out the prominent issues. On the other hand, relationships among actors who are active on the ecological network has been determined by social network analysis. The sample of the study has been formed by taking Ecology Union, formed by the gathering of 55 local ecological organizations, as its framework. The social network analysis reveals that the Ecology Union has limited effect in the network and Northern Forests Defence (Kuzey Ormanlari Savunmasi) is the most dominant actor. Through content analysis, it has been observed that ecological organizations use Twitter mostly to form ecological agenda and to inform their followers about the platform’s actions and related developments. However, genuine tweets posted are limited. Another outcome of the research is that in Turkey’s ecological network, Twitter is used only to a limited extend to activate masses.

The concept of NewSocial Movements (NSMs) is a concept that has been used for referring to socialmovements that have started to change in form and content since the late 1960s.Being no longer class-based, NSMs, focusing on problem areas such as humanrights, environment, peace and social gender, are open to participation ofindividuals from every social class. In general, media has always been animportant force which, in addition to reaching to large masses, alsoqualitatively affects social movements and produces ideology. Without a doubt,new communication technologies have also deeply affected NSMs. Becomingwidespread with the introduction of new media into our lives, use of socialmedia has created a new form of public space, has increased the effectivenessof NSMs, has influenced advocacy practices and has facilitated popularizationof messages of protest and rights claiming in a faster, easier and moreeconomical manner. In this study, the form and the effects of emergence of NSMsin new media will be discussed within the context of Northern Forests Defense(KOS). In the study, through employing themethod of document review, which is within the qualitative research tradition,KOS’s websites, social media profiles and posts from its social media accountswill be analyzed., Yenitoplumsal hareket (YTH) kavramı, 1960’ların sonlarından itibaren içerik vebiçim değiştirmeye başlayan, sınıf temelli olmaktan çıkarak, her sınıftanbireyin katılım sağlayabildiği insan hakları, çevre, barış, toplumsal cinsiyetgibi sorun alanlarına odaklanan toplumsal hareketleri anlatmak üzerekullanılmaya başlayan bir kavramdır. Genel olarak medya her zaman, genişkitlelere ulaşması yanında, niteliksel olarak da toplumsal hareketlerietkileyen, ideoloji üreten önemli bir güç olmuştur. Şüphesiz yeni iletişim teknolojileride YTH’yi derinden etkilemiştir. Yeni medyanın hayatımıza girmesiyleyaygınlaşan sosyal medya kullanımı yeni bir kamusal alan biçimi ortayaçıkarmış, YTH’nin etkinliğini artırmış, savunuculuk yapma pratiklerinietkilemiş, protesto ve hak arama amaçlı mesajların daha hızlı, kolay veekonomik biçimde yaygınlaştırılmasını sağlamıştır. Bu çalışmada yeni toplumsalhareketlerin yeni medyaya taşınma biçimi ve etkileri Kuzey Ormanları Savunması(KOS) hareketi üzerinden ele alınacaktır. Çalışmada nitel araştırma geleneğiiçerisinde yer alan doküman incelemesi yöntemi kullanılarak, KOS’un web sitesi,sosyal medya profilleri, sosyal medya hesaplarından yapılan paylaşımlar analizedilecektir.

The basic problem of development is equity to the smallest lines. This homework is not only the responsibility of the village government, but is an obligation for all people. Efforts to increase development need a continuous awareness building, covering various aspects and all parties. For rural people who still have many limitations, a simpler pattern is needed in creating a movement of empowerment. To facilitate development access for the community. Through the process of self-reflection which includes the stages of sensory knowledge, the stage of reasoning, and the stage of the ratio of Gedangsewu UMKM activists can begin to build awareness. All the step are the basis for managing the movement of empowerment based on development morality. With awareness-based activities, activists are able to interpret collective challenges, in order to create common purpose, by strengthening collective solidarity and identity, in order to preserve political resistance from a lifestyle that clings to a system that is rolling. Then efforts need to create independence from the mind to the step of empowerment.

Technological, cultural, political and economic developments with social change have transformed the form of social relations and brought new structures and conceptualizations. In this study, postmodern movements, which have been changed by technological innovations, are examined specific to Yellow Vests. Organizational forms, structures, agendas and horizontal communication of social movements that transform by the new communication technologies are studied. The study focused on the conversion of social movements by asserting the postmodern aspects of the Yellow Vests, which started in France and globalized in a short time via new technologies. In this context, to compose a general perspective on Yellow Vests, the news in the media is examined. Moreover, by the content analysis with Orange3, the tweets of “@_Gilets_Jaunes_” are assessed so as to understand the agenda and how Yellow Vests shapes the movement by the new communication technologies. Emotions and the general subjects of tweets are examined. This study aims to demonstrate how the movement emerged from traditional to postmodern with a descriptive approach by focusing on prominent themes and the organizational form of the Yellow Vests. According to the findings, it is possible to indicate that the Yellow Vests used new communication utilities to mobilize the movement as well as to convey their demands..&nbsp, Technological, cultural, political and economic developments with social change have transformed the form of social relations and brought new structures and conceptualizations. In this study, postmodern movements, which have been changed by technological innovations, are examined specific to Yellow Vests. Organizational forms, structures, agendas and horizontal communication of social movements that transform by the new communication technologies are studied. The study focused on the conversion of social movements by asserting the postmodern aspects of the Yellow Vests, which started in France and globalized in a short time via new technologies. In this context, to compose a general perspective on Yellow Vests, the news in the media is examined. Moreover, by the content analysis with Orange3, the tweets of “@_Gilets_Jaunes_” are assessed so as to understand the agenda and how Yellow Vests shapes the movement by the new communication technologies. Emotions and the general subjects of tweets are examined. This study aims to demonstrate how the movement emerged from traditional to postmodern with a descriptive approach by focusing on prominent themes and the organizational form of the Yellow Vests. According to the findings, it is possible to indicate that the Yellow Vests used new communication utilities to mobilize the movement as well as to convey their demands.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to introduce prolonged therapeutic community action research and compare research on new social movements in both Latin America and throughout the Australasia Southeast Asia Oceania Region where the later region’s new social movements emerged in large part from Therapeutic Community Outreach. Design/methodology/approach The qualitative method used combined prolonged depth interviews, action research, gathering warm data (N Bateson) and archival research and triangulated the findings. In writing this paper, a connoisseur derived narrative method is used consistent the socio-cultural contexts involved. Findings The characteristics and significant implications and values of these new social movements are outlined. These new social movements are not taking familiar forms with political power as an identifier – rather, a core feature is their transformatory potential in re-forming socio-cultural and socio-psychic patterns of everyday social relating penetrating the micro-structures of society. New forms of social movement are lively in unexpected public places within everyday socio-cultural life. Research limitations/implications The research implications extend to providing processes used in pioneering TCs in Australia in the 1960s. Practical implications Co-action outlined may be a resource for therapeutic communities under threat in parts of the world. Social implications The transformatory potential within new social movements is not political, but socio-cultural and any focus on power relations would miss this shift. Originality/value The action research overviewed in this paper is perhaps a unique example of prolonged engagement in integrated action research on TC processes over more than 60 years.

Recalling his work as cofounder and contributor toUniversities and Left Review, or the ULR group, in the lead-up to the founding of cultural studies during the 1950s, Stuart Hall noted that much of that work had to do with the United States. “In geopolitical terms we were of course neutralists, hostile to the politics emanating from the State Department in Washington,” Hall wrote, “but culturally we were nonetheless attracted by the vitality of American popular life, indeed to the domain of mass culture itself.” If the ULR group and similar collectives shared an “anxiety about the stupendous power of the booming consumer capitalism of post-war America,” they were also united by an appreciation for the ways the “vitality and raucousness of American culture certainly loosened England's tight-lipped, hierarchical class cultures and carried inside it possibilities – or the collective dream? – for a better future, which we felt was a serious political loss to deny.” Not unrelatedly, by the 1960s and 1970s, cultural studies and certain quarters of American intellectual life were proceeding along comparable tracks. Many American scholars and at least some working in cultural studies moved toward social history that emphasized the “hidden experiences of subordinated groups and classes.” Undertaken in concert with the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s, this version of social history would ramify widely, furnishing the very questions and analytic habits of many fields, not least American studies.

O presente artigo pretende trazer três teorias, sobre cidadania, sobre movimentos sociais e sobre as teorias do reconhecimento de Nancy Fraser e Axel Honneth, teorias produzidas no “norte”, no sentido de ver sua validade heurística para a compreensão das questões contemporâneas do Brasil. Pretende-se mostrar que trazem grande aporte para a análise da esfera pública brasileira desde a redemocratização do país. Partindo de uma sociologia histórica, vai ser enfatizada a transformação que vem acontecendo nos acordos normativos da esfera pública, no que concerne tanto à emer- gência de movimentos sociais quanto ao questionamento das desigualdades persistentes no Brasil em torno da questão racial. Vai ser defendido que o ideário de direitos é instrumento poderoso para a conquista de nova cidadania, e que a teoria do reconhecimento representa importante chave analítica para a compreensão dos novos movimentos sociais.

This study aims to determine how much influence the Komunitas Motor Literasi as a Social Movement on the Development of Civic Literacy in Serang City. This study uses a quantitative approach, namely research whose data is in the form of numbers. The method used in this research is descriptive quantitative research method that is by finding information about the existing symptoms, clearly defined the objectives to be achieved, planning the approach, collecting data as material for making reports. The main data collection technique uses questionnaire techniques with questionnaire instruments and is supported by documentation observation and study. The subjects of this study were the people in Serang City who visited the Komunitas Motor Literasi which consisted of 84 respondents.The results of the data processing, the Komunitas Motor Literasi as a social movement has a strong influence on the development of civic literacy in Serang City, with a total score of 5097 or if presented in the amount of 80.90% and equal to 0.688 of indicators of relevance, the latest collection of books and new social movements . Then based on the results of the calculation of the data, the results were 0.473 (r-square) which showed that the Komunitas Motor Literasi as a social movement contributed 47.3% to the development of civic literacy in Serang City while the remaining 52.7% was influenced by other variables that could not be explained in this research.

Foreword - Juan Diaz Bordenave Introduction - Jan Servaes Participatory Communication and Research in Development Settings PART ONE: GENERAL PERSPECTIVES Linking Theoretical Perspectives to Policy - Jan Servaes Communication, Participation and Development - Majid Tehranian Comparative Political Ideologies PART TWO: METHODOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Development Communication Theory in the 'Wake' of Positivism - Thomas L Jacobson Participatory Communication Research with New Social Movements - Jan Servaes A Realistic Utopia Participation Approaches to the Research Process - Randall Arnst The Indigenous Farmer and the Scientific Researcher - Njoku E Awa Issues in Participatory Research in Africa Animation and Leadership - Colleen Flynn-Thapalia Participation in Community Communication - Cicilia Maria Krohling Peruzzo PART THREE: FROM THEORY TO PRACTICE Grass-roots Communication in West Africa - Daniele Mezzana Powerful Grass-roots Women Communicators - Sara Stuart and Renuka Bery Participatory Video in Bangladesh Popular Theater in Sickness and Health - Pradip N Thomas Observations from India Mobilizing Communities for Participation and Empowerment - Sylvie I Cohen Fitting Projects to People or People to Projects? - Rutger-Jan Schoen Conclusion - Thomas L Jacobson Prospects for Theoretical Development

By using theoretical frameworks of Medium theory and New Social Movement Theory, this study analyzed how The Globe and Mail news articles published from January to May 2009 depicted the transnational social movement efforts of the 2009 Tamil protest in Toronto. The method of content analysis was applied to the following research question: How do new articles from The Globe and Mail newspaper portray the transnational social movement (TSM) efforts of the Tamil Diaspora in Canada? This study found that (1) overall there was a negative coverage of the Tamil transnational social movement; and (2) the emphasis was mostly placed on the Tamil protest's alleged affiliation and support for a banned terrorist group. This paper will conclude that the news articles of The Globe and Mail presented a distorted message of the Tamil protest in the articles to attract readership rather than inform the audience, in a neutral method, about the protest events that were occurring at that time. Hence, future research should seek to expand on this study by doing a longitudinal and comparative analysis of the relationship between media and the Tamil transnational social movement.

This article examines the role of music as a repertoire of contention and as a framing device used to challenge the political legitimacy of the rulers and strengthen the collective identity of the participants in “Aksi Bela Islam” (ABI), a demonstration held in Jakarta at the end of 2016. Rizieq Shihab, one of the key actors of ABI, wrote two songs known as “Si Ahok Durjana” and “Mars Aksi Bela Islam”. This paper argues that the success of mass mobilization during ABI cannot be separated from the creative use of media and popular culture—including music. The key actors of ABI used music and popular media as framing devices to communicate cognitive meanings, mobilize potential adherents, delegitimize authorities, instill emotional feelings and awaken the collective identity of Muslims. This paper applies social movement theory that emphasizes the significance and role of cultural factors in the dynamics of social movements.

This chapter explores midwifery activism in Mexico in the context of social movement theory and advocacy networks. Based upon multiple empirical sources and fieldwork, the chapter discusses the activism of the so-called autonomous midwives, who defend midwifery in the context of a set of human rights as a contested terrain. Hence, the chapter shows the ways in which midwives act as political actors, not only in defending their profession, which certainly forms a significant political dimension in these struggles, but also in the sphere of professional and women’s rights. The chapter argues that the concept of new social movements, which emerged during the 1980s, remains topical in addressing the question of the link between human rights and social movements. It may also serve as a tool to investigate how women engage with political activism. By exploring the reemergence of the autonomous midwives in Mexico from the 1990s onwards, the chapter shows that the notion of autonomy is a key concept in illustrating the collective action of Mexican middle-class midwives and as part of their role in broader women’s movements for human rights. The chapter concludes by outlining different forms of autonomy, understood as both collective and individual self-determination and self-government, running from professional to (personal) bodily and (public) political ones.