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Este artículo analiza la relación entre dos autores, Lord Acton y Balmes, en lo que entendemos que ha sido la gran cuestión de la política moderna: la nación y el problema del nacionalismo. Se citan los textos estrechamente relacionados con el tema y se han descartado aquellos más generales o, en el caso de Balmes, de carácter más dogmático o teológico. En el caso del autor español se han seleccionado sus escritos políticos aparecidos en los diferentes medios de prensa en los que colaboró a lo largo de su prolífica carrera. Ambos autores trataron de superar por elevación la dialéctica absolutismo-liberalismo, y propusieron, cada uno a su manera, un modelo de Monarquía Constitucional que no cediese ni al nacionalismo, ni al autoritarismo. Asumieron como propias ideas renovadoras acerca de la libertad política, adaptaron a sus circunstancias las formas políticas propias del federalismo estadounidense, y defendieron la tradición, la religión y el Estado frente a los que ellos entendían que eran las dos grandes amenazas de su época que crecían al amparo del nacionalismo: el individualismo racionalista y el autoritarismo estatalista. This article analyzes the relationship between two authors, Lord Acton and Balmes, in what we understand to have been the great question of modern politics: the nation and the problem of nationalism. Texts closely related to the subject are cited and those that are more general or, in the case of Balmes, of a more dogmatic or theological nature have been discarded. In the case of the Spanish author, his political writings that appeared in the different press media in which he collaborated throughout his prolific career have been selected. Both authors tried to overcome the absolutism-liberalism dialectic by elevation, and proposed, each in their own way, a model of Constitutional Monarchy that would not yield to nationalism or authoritarianism. They assumed as their own innovative ideas about political freedom, adapted the political forms of American federalism to their circumstances, and defended tradition, religion and the State against what they understood to be the two great threats of their time that were growing under nationalism: rationalist individualism and statist authoritarianism.

Nicht nur wegen des russischen Angriffskrieges gegen die Ukraine lohnt sich die Beschäftigung mit den baltischen Staaten, insbesondere mit Estland. Brennglasartig verdichtet lässt sich hier der Aufstieg des Rechtsextremismus beobachten: Mit der EKRE-Partei reüssiert ein Familienunternehmen, das erfolgreich einen nach der 1991 erfolgten Unabhängigkeit des Landes existenten Patriotismus in die Richtung eines xenophoben, revisionistischen Nationalismus gelenkt hat. Der Beitrag analysiert aus estnischen Primärquellen, wie in den letzten Jahren der Rechtsextremismus salonfähig werden konnte. Dafür sorgten etwa öffentlich geschürte Phantomdebatten um eine angebliche Massenimmigration 2015/16. EKRE dockt dabei an ungelöste und unaufgearbeitete Fragen der Vergangenheit an. Das schließt Reminiszenzen an den Faschismus ein. Erstaunlich ist, dass EKRE als Teil der Regierung ebenso akzeptiert wurde wie die Partei auch generell als wichtiger politischer Faktor im Land gilt. Der offenbar in Politik und Gesellschaft anschlussfähige Traum einer Ethnokratie wird in einem Land kultiviert, das vor allem durch die Konfliktline zwischen ethnisch estnischen und russischstämmigen Menschen geprägt ist. Not solely because of the Russian war against Ukraine, a closer look to the Baltic states, especially Estonia, matters. Here, the current rise of right-wing extremism via EKRE can be observed in compacted form: being a family business, the party turned the existent patriotism after the country gained reindependence in 1991 into the direction of xenophobic nationalism. The following contribution uses Estonian primary sources from recent years to analyse how right-wing extremism could become socially acceptable in the country. Virtual debates around the migration debate 2015/16 gave EKRE a lot of ground for mobilisation. More importantly, the party is dealing with unsolved taboos in the society such as the fascist past of Estonia. The embracement strategy for bringing EKRE into power and accepting the party as new influential political power factor indicates a certain acceptance. The dream of an ethnocracy is revitalized in a country which has been shaped by the cleavage between ethnic Estonians and Russians.

This article explores the issue of nationalism in the Indian context with a particular focus on the contemporary discourse. An effort has been made to explicate the ins and outs of the concept of nationalism and its types as identified by various scholars in the area. It is imperative to note that Indian nationalism as ingrained in the Constitution of India is essentially different from the nationalism adopted in the most monolithic countries of Europe and the Middle East. The contemporary nationalistic forces seem to invest efforts to consolidate the nationalistic identity of the country through discursive means. This article disambiguates the concept of nationalism and puts the contemporary nationalistic vision in proper perspective. Este artículo explora el tema del nationalismo en el contexto indio, poniendo el foco en el discurso contemporáneo. En él se ha hecho un esfuerzo para explicar los vaivenes del concepto y los distintos tipos de nacionalismo tal y como lo han definido distintos académicos de este área. Es importante señalar que el nacionalismo indio tal y como se entiende en la Constitución de la India es esencialmente distinto del que se ha adoptado en los países más monolíticos de Europa y Oriente medio. Las fuerzas nacionalistas contemporáneas parecen concentrar sus esfuerzos en consolidar la identidad nacionalista del país mediante recursos discursivos. Este artículo aclara el concepto de nacionalismo y nos aproxima al significado de la visión nacionalista contemporánea.

Earlier studies on party membership in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) led to the conclusion that political parties in new democracies are not inclined to build strong party organisations or invest in recruiting members. However, several recent individual country studies point to the opposite conclusions, indicating that there are significant cross ‑country variations in party membership figures across the post ‑communist region. By using a unique dataset on party membership in post ‑communist Europe, in this article we argue that the average membership level in CEE seems to be higher than in Western Europe. This holds true even when party membership figures for CEE countries are ‘corrected’ after conducting validity and reliability tests. Furthermore, we also find that party membership figures across CEE countries vary to a much higher degree than in established Western democracies. Our analysis shows that former Yugoslav countries are clustered at the top and other CEE countries at the bottom, leading to the conclusion that selection bias has been present in many studies on party membership that only included a limited number of post ‑communist countries. In order to explain higher levels of party membership in post ‑Yugoslav countries, we test three sets of explanatory variables, namely socialism, nationalism and clientelism. This exploratory study suggests that nationalist movements from the early period of transition, coupled with clientelistic politics, could serve as the most convincing explanation of high membership density in former Yugoslav countries.

Despite a lack of a traditional cinema culture, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has recently witnessed an increase in film production. This rise can be attributed to a number of factors, not least of which, is the opening of movie theaters, the establishment of international film festivals and the arrival of film companies. These ventures have helped nurture a nascent industry at its beginnings, promote a cinema culture and led to a rise in the number of Emirati filmmakers. These recent UAE productions are also an attempt at constructing the current Emirati identity, which finds itself at a crossroads between a past that for many needs to be preserved and the future which the young country aspires to be part of. In addition, some of the works, such as the short films produced by Nāyla Al-Khāja, call for social change, highlighting problems faced by this rapidly developing nation. The first section of the article begins with a brief history of Emirati cinema and a discussion on a number of short films and documentaries to highlight the development of film in the UAE, before examining the emergence and prevalence of ‘lighter’ popular genres, namely comedy and horror. These popular genres not only offer glimpses into the culture, but also play a role in defining the current identity.

This article proposes to make analysis of the problem of constructing a performative national identity of young Russians in the process of political participation. The research is based on the results of an empirical study. The purpose of this paper is to identify the typology of performative national identity based on the perception of the political image of the state. The methodological basis of the study is social constructivism; the representation of national identity is analyzed as a social performance. A focused group interview was chosen as the research method. Between July and September 2021 and January-March 2022, 9 focus groups were held with representatives of different categories of young Russians: teenagers (from 14 to 17 years old), adult youth, working youth, "Orthodox youth" in the St. Petersburg State Budgetary Institution "City Center for Social Programs and Prevention of Antisocial behavior among youth "CONTACT". The results of the study would help to reveal the difference in the representation of the national identity of Russian youth, depending on their political views and forms of political participation. Typology can be represented as a continuum, on one pole of which is the national identity as complex of political practices in the traditionalist model, on the other - in the globalist model. Also, the study showed a close relationship between the categories of "patriotism" and "national identity" in the context of the perception of various symbols used to construct historical continuity. The results help to identify and describe the existing types of performative national identity of modern Russian youth, which could contribute a lot to increase the effectiveness of educational work with youth., Статья предлагает рассмотреть проблему конструирования перформативной национальной идентичности молодых россиян в процессе политического участия на основе результатов проведенного эмпирического исследования. Целью данной работы является выявление типологии перформативной национальной идентичности на основе восприятия политического образа государства. Методологической базой исследования выступает понимание нации с позиций социального конструктивизма, репрезентация национальной идентичности анализируется как социальный перфоманс. Методом исследования выбрано фокусированное групповое интервью. В период июль-сентябрь 2021г. и январь-март 2022 года было проведено 9 фокус-групп с представителями разных категорий молодых россиян: подростки (от 14 до 17 лет), совершеннолетняя молодежь, работающая молодежь, «православная молодежь» на базе СПб ГБУ «Городской центр социальных программ и профилактики асоциальных явлений среди молодежи «КОНТАКТ». Результаты исследования позволили выявить различие в репрезентации национальной идентичности российской молодежи в зависимости от их политических взглядов и форм политического участия. Типологию можно представить в виде континуума, на одном полюсе которого находится понимание национальной идентичности в традиционалистской модели, на другом – в глобалистской модели. В том числе, исследование показало тесную связь категорий «патриотизма» и «национальной идентичности» в контексте восприятия различных символов, использующихся для конструирования исторической преемственности. Полученные результаты позволяют выявить и описать существующие типы перформативной национальной идентичности современной российской молодежи, что также необходимо для повышения эффективности воспитательной работы с молодежью.

Der Artikel unternimmt eine Relektüre des Werks von Samir Amin, indem er zwei aktuelle Forschungstrends verbindet: die "Wiederentdeckung" der Dependenztheorie (und von Samir Amin) durch Teile der Wirtschafts- und anderer Sozialwissenschaften und die Neubewertungen der internationalen emanzipatorischen Projekte der "Dritten Welt", wie Bandung und die Neue Internationale Weltwirtschaftsordnung. Dazu fokussiert er auf die Rolle, die die Nation in Amins Werk spielt und postuliert, dass eine Untersuchung dieses Problems uns helfen kann, eine antinationale Kritik zu entwickeln, die gleichzeitig erkennt, warum Nationen ein so wichtiger Hebel für marxistische Analysen aus dem globalen Süden waren. Amins Werk biete so den Schlüssel für eine neue, fundierte Kritik des nationalistischen Antiimperialismus. This article undertakes a re-reading of Samir Amin's work by linking two current research trends: the "rediscovery" of dependency theory (and of Samir Amin) within certain parts of economics and other social sciences, and the reassessment of "Third World" international emancipatory projects, such as Bandung and the New International World Economic Order. To this end, it focuses on the role that the nation plays in Amin's work and posits that an examination of this problem can help us develop an anti-national critique that simultaneously recognises why nations have been such an important lever for Marxist analysis from the Global South. Amin's work thus offers the key to a new grounded critique of nationalist anti-imperialism.

Funding: Chi Zhang is funded by the British Academy Postdoctoral Fellowship (PF20/100052). Patriotic campaigns and mass mobilization draw on existing xenophobic attitudes of the public, reinforcing the ‘us vs. them’ dualism between China and ‘the West’. However, patriotic campaigns are not always top-down, state-led, nor are they always primarily driven by political ideology. Patriotic content appeals to a growing nationalist audience who consumes a mixed feeling of perceived victimization at the hand of foreign aggression and the pride arising from being a Chinese citizen. This paper argues that the profitability of patriotic content circulating on social media exacerbated the tension between market-driven grassroots patriotism and state-led patriotic campaigns. The tension grows out of, and is manifested in, the online popular debate around economically driven, grassroots ‘patriotic’ content that can challenge the state state-led patriotic rhetoric. While the state sometimes strategically co-opts some patriotic contents into its own patriotic narratives, it also delegitimises other undesired ones through labels such as ‘high-level black’ (gaoji hei) or ‘low-level red’ (diji hong). These labels were initially used to differentiate meticulously crafted political satire and parody from incompetent, illogical and vulgar propaganda pieces that unintendedly blemish the state’s patriotic campaigns, but later evolved into an exercise of power to distance the CCP from undesired patriotic content. Publisher PDF

This paper considers the use of myths and symbols, and the culture and values that underpin contemporary Scottish Identity. Symbols and myths play very important role in contemporary Scottish national identity, and many have a centuries- old tradition and are clearly associated with Scottishness, while others, created much later, are an important element of national belonging for Scots. Interestingly, some of these symbols and myths are so prominent and expressive that they are associated with Scottishness around the world. Others, on the other hand, are less recognisable worldwide, but have significant efficacy in Scotland. The importance of symbols that underpin, define and re-enforce Scottish national identity cannot be understated. They are evidence of pride in being Scottish and of belonging to the Scottish nation. Symbols and myths enable Scots, both old and new to express their national belonging. Furthermore, they provide an important element of national cohesion and a sense of national identity in turbulent times. We consider the issue of the song, dress, land and flag of the nation, and how they contribute to a sense of Scottishness at home (and abroad) today.

El artículo analiza las relaciones entre Portugal y Galicia, durante las primeras décadas de siglo XX, como un posible ejemplo de irredentismo, que sustituye al iberismo del siglo XIX. La conclusión es que irredentismo portugués y reintegracionismo gallego fueron débiles y no estuvieron acompañados de una acción política e institucional comparable al de otras regiones europeas, especialmente las del norte del Mar Adriático. L'article analitza les relacions entre Portugal i Galícia, durant les primeres dècades de segle XX, com un possible exemple d'irredemptisme, que substitueix l'iberisme del segle XIX. La conclusió és que irredemptisme portuguès i reintegracionisme gallec van ser febles i no van anar acompanyats d'una acció política i institucional comparable a la d'altres regions europees, especialment les del nord de la Mar Adriàtica. This article analyses the relations between Portugal and Galicia during the first decades of the 20th century as a possible example of irredentism that substituted the Iberism of the 19th century. The conclusion is that Portugal's irredentism and Galician reintegracionismo were both very weak and were not accompanied by any political or institutional action comparable to that seen in other European regions, especially those north of the Adriatic Sea.

This article reconstructs the heated – local and national – debate around the consistent and pervasive foreign presence in the border territory of Lake Garda on the eve of the Great War. Here, the growing nationalistic tensions that preceded the conflict intertwined with the emerging hospitality industry. Tourism, seen as a social phenomenon, can thus offer a privileged perspective on the transformations of the general context of the time. Introduced by Austro-Germanic inhabitants of the lake at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the hospitality industry on Lake Garda flourished up to the eve of the Great War. There were, however, also opponents to this model of development. The dispute escalated to the point that, in the perception of the locals, the ‘outsiders’ turned into ‘enemies’ and Lake Garda increasingly became a disputed area: a symbol of the tensions of the time.

Nationality and ethnicity-based (cyber)bullying (NEBB) is generally understood as peer violence where the issues of nationality and ethnicity of the actors involved (mostly targets and perpetrators) come into play. Although central for this kind of bullying, the national, ethnic and cultural differences are not the only aspects that should be included in NEBB definition and measurement approach. Closer analysis of how specifically they may be involved and impact the dynamics and phenomenology of peer aggression suggests the need for establishing a set of criteria that may be implemented into operationalization strategies. This theoretical text presents the different level criteria that may be used for analysing and typologizing the phenomenon of NEBB. These include both behavioral and formal characteristics of hostile behaviours as well as specific issues concerning nationality and ethnicity of bullying actors and racist/nationalistic content. Then the impact of how aspects of the proposed criteria should be present in survey tools is discussed, in order to fully measure the specific types of nationality and ethnicity based bullying. Also the rationale is presented for including contextual aspects in both measurement strategies and interpretation of the results. &nbsp

The article serves as an analysis of Familia, a Polish independent fiction podcast from 2020 produced by the Teraz Poliż theatre as a response to increase of state supported homophobic propaganda in the recent years. By pointing out similarities and differences between the podcast in question and mainstream Polish audio series, as well as drawing comparisons to popular globally distributed independent audio fiction produced in English, the author aims to prove the unique position of Familia as a sole representative of a politically conscious podcast drama presenting a specifically Polish perspective on queer emancipation. The author then proceeds to analyse the narrative content of the podcast, presenting the ways in which the story plays with elements of traditional, Polish national identity, reframing them via a radical lens as potential symbolic tools for LGBTQ+ emancipation and antifascist resistance in everyday life, while at the same time warning of the limited scope of use for such tools.

The dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s sparked a wave of political and national emancipation in its republics that led to the creation of new successor states. This also applied to the former Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), which declared its independence on 27 July 1990. Even before this, however, a project concerning a wholly new and groundbreaking law was introduced in the country for public debate. According to the law, the Belarusian language – as the national language of the majority population – would become the one and only state and official language in the republic.

In the late Habsburg period, Fiume's municipal flag became the representative symbol of local patriotism. This article argues that local patriotism in Fiume was a form of identification that combined features of modern nationalism with loyalties to the Habsburg Empire. With the disappearance of the dual monarchy and the subsequent transition period (1918–24), the Fiumian flag was redefined and contested both as a symbol of Italian irredentism realised through annexation and of Fiume's independence by local autonomists. Thus, the article demonstrates how local patriotism survived the empire's dissolution and how attachment to a locality was a significant feature of European political life in general during that period.

In his recent (2020) book, Matthew Shum offers an important rereading of the life, work and contemporary significance of Thomas Pringle, the Scottish South African poet and activist. The book’s challenge stems from three interrelated lines of energy. First is the author’s tracking of Pringle through the three locations of his activity: Scotland, the Cape, London. Second is the argument that Pringle was not from birth or early conviction the liberal champion he is remembered as in South Africa. Third, Shum warns against seeking in Pringle a model for the settler presence in post-colonial South Africa today. A comparison with two near-contemporary Scottish poets, fellow “Borderers”, who both also had colonial experience, leads this essay to a conclusion that acknowledges Shum’s account of the challenge our reading of Pringle offers to South Africa today.

RESUMEN El artículo analiza la manera como el liderazgo populista de Donald Trump impactó en la política exterior de Estados Unidos. En tal sentido, se señala que, como un presidente jacksoniano y con un enfoque propio, en tanto hombre de negocios, Trump puso en práctica un estilo diplomático marcadamente nacionalista y personalista, que tuvo entre sus principales víctimas al multilateralismo y al orden liberal internacional, al mismo tiempo que asumía un relevante rol como referente de una nueva derecha radical. ABSTRACT The article analyzes how the populist leadership of Donald Trump affected US foreign policy. In this sense, it points out that, as a Jacksonian President and with his own approach as a businessperson, Trump put into practice a markedly nationalist and personalistic diplomatic style, which had multilateralism and international liberal order among its main victims. At the same time, Trump assumed a relevant role as a benchmark for a radical new right.

Este es un análisis de cincuenta cuestionarios entregados a estudiantes de primer año del Departamento de Educación Primaria de la Universidad de Ioannina, sobre el tema de la 'Escuela Secreta' (Krypho Scholeio), y se enfoca en temas de epistemología y cultura histórica (Grever & Adriaansen, 2017; Stathis, 2004). La investigación se apoya en investigaciones empíricas previas sobre la evaluación de narrativas históricas conflictivas por parte de alumnos y estudiantes (Afandi & Baildon, 2015; Chapman, 2016). Los hallazgos favorecen la existencia real de la escuela 'secreta' mientras que los estudiantes/participantes, cuando se les preguntó cómo interpretan la existencia de diferentes puntos de vista sobre este tema, se refirieron más a la existencia de un "sesgo" en relación con el pasado, y a un menor medida, a diferentes “perspectivas”, que representan a diferentes grupos e intereses, ya sea en el pasado o en el presente. This is an analysis of fifty questionnaires given to first-year students of the Department of Primary Education of the University of Ioannina, on the subject of the ’Secret School’ (Krypho Scholeio), and focuses on issues of epistemology and historical culture (Grever & Adriaansen, 2017; Stathis, 2004). The research is supported by previous empirical research regarding the evaluation of conflicting historical narratives by pupils and students (Afandi & Baildon, 2015; Chapman, 2016). The findings favor the actual existence of the ’secret’ school while students/participants, when asked how they interpret the existence of different views on this issue, referred more to the existence of “bias” in relation to the past, and to a lesser extent, to different “perspectives”, representing different groups and interests, either in the past or the present.

Recent polling suggests that, in Scotland, Brexit seems to be having an impact on the political behaviour of some who voted to remain in the Union in September 2014, so much so that Scottish National Party (SNP) members and supporters now believe independence is at last within touching distance. Even psephologist John Curtice, who, up until recently, cautioned against reading too much into a possible link between the two issues, agrees. However, isn’t it a fact that the SNP were talking about holding a second independence referendum as early as late 2014 and again in the wake of the Brexit vote, in mid-2016, when by definition few pro-Union Scots had already changed their mind? Not only this, but as evidenced by the Brexit “saga”, it may well be that referendums – although they are fundamentally democratic exercises – raise more (thorny) questions than they can answer. As for Wales, a leave-nation by a margin of some 5 per cent in the 2016 EU referendum, it, too, has seen a pro-independence surge, but the lessons to be drawn from this are probably far from obvious.

This article examines how common histories were represented in Yugoslavian schoolbooks in 1960s–1970s Serbia and Croatia. National discourse analysis is used in combination with Benedict Anderson’s notion of imagined communities to define central themes in the sources. Yugoslavia’s Marxist education aimed to create socialist citizens and pioneers beyond national boundaries. At the same time, schoolbook authors used nationalisms as keys to evoke a class consciousness. These “national filters” in describing class struggle relate to tribal nationalisms in the 60s. In the 70s, socialist patriotism gradually replaced tribal narratives in schoolbooks. Schoolbook authors were however still (re)creating nationalities for seemingly instrumental purposes to accomplish a revolution. This article shows how supranational Yugoslavism(s) was constructed and negotiated and how tensions between socialism and nationalisms were mediated via mass education.

The Iranian revolution took many experts and scholars by surprise. Iran had been one of the most rapidly industrializing third-world countries and possessed a powerful, loyal army and secret police able to repress and demobilize all opposition. Compared to many other twentieth-century revolutions, armed struggle played little role in the overthrow of the Pahlavi dynasty, which came to power in 1925 when Reza Shah Pahlavi ousted the previous dynasty. Instead, Iran's urban population, organized in part through mosque networks, carried out the mobilization and collective actions that formed the basis of the revolution. More importantly, the revolution's outcome diverged sharply from other modern revolutions where revolutionary movements fought in the name of secular ideologies, such as nationalism or socialism. Iran's revolution, in contrast, produced theocracy. Keywords: development; ideology; inequality; protests; rebellion; Iran

The origins of nationwide organized protest against first segregation and then apartheid in South Africa can be traced back to the founding of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) in 1912. After the Union of South Africa was established in 1910, the political rights and economic security of black people came under increasing attack. Following the defeat of the Boer Republics in the Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) reconciliation with the defeated Afrikaners was achieved at the expense of black South Africans. Laws restricting African landownership and African mobility underpinned a system of racial segregation devised to compel Africans to become wage laborers on white farms or in white-owned mines and industries. Keywords: civil disobedience; civil rights; human rights; labor; nationalism; South Africa

Popisu unutarnjega neprijatelja Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije 1984. godine dodana je kategorija građanske desnice pod kojom je komunistički režim podrazumijevao skupine i pojedince koji se u postjugoslavenskim interpretacijama tretiraju kao kritička inteligencija. Zbog njezina intelektualnoga sastava režim je građansku desnicu sredinom i u drugoj polovici 1980-ih godina smatrao svojim najopasnijim protivnikom. Takva je ocjena bila uobičajeno pretjerivanje sustava koji je osporavanju svojih dogmi pridavao osjetno veće značenje no što su to one doista bile. Na temelju dostupnih izvora, prvenstveno gradiva Saveza komunista i službi sigurnosti, u ovom se radu pokušava odgovoriti na pitanje što je građanska desnica i koliko je uopće bila utemeljena ta kategorija., A new category – the civil right – was added to the register of internal enemies of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, which the communist regime understood to be the groups and individuals who have been considered the critical intelligentsia in post-Yugoslav interpretations. The direct reason for its introduction was the assessment that the intellectual opposition and enemies across Yugoslavia were uniting to achieve a partnership position vis-a-vis the League of Communists. The assessment was unfounded, the intellectual opposition, irrespective of how we define it (dissidents, critical intelligentsia, and the like) had very little influence or strong association. It was limited to intellectual reviews and magazines whose circulation was small and whose humble influence could be measured in numbers as several hundred interested people. The regime considered the civil right as its most dangerous opposition in the middle and second half of the 1980s due to its intellectual constitution. Such an assessment was the usual exaggeration of the system which had a habit of giving unacceptable phenomena a decidedly greater significance than was the case. The civil right should be approached as a phenomenon that can be the stimulus for research on intellectual history in the non-liberal society of the last few years of socialism. This new type of enemy greatly “benefited” nationalists, a significant number of whom were assigned into the civil right category, which subsequently meant milder treatment as accusations of nationalism were the severest qualification of the regime in the 1980s, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia. Serbian and Slovene nationalism benefited the most from the new category. The greater part of the civil right from the mid 1980s was already holding posts, which were undoubtedly nationalist, as early as 1989.

This article is a study of A Imprensa de Lisboa, a periodical created by professional associations of journalists, printers and distributors of Lisbon newspapers in 1921, during a period in which they were on strike. This conflict brought a significant portion of the Portuguese capital’s press to a standstill, except for a handful of publications, namely those created in that same context. Alongside and against A Imprensa de Lisboa, newspaper companies published O Jornal. Meanwhile, A Batalha, the official organ of the General Confederation of Labour, to which the unions on strike were affiliated, continued to be published. The aim of this research is, firstly, to analyse the relation between the goals of the strike and A Imprensa de Lisboa’s coverage not only of the conflict itself, but also of a set of other topics and events seen as matters of interest to a wider public opinion, i.e. beyond the interests of the industrial working class. Secondly, it aims to identify similarities and differences between the agenda and contents of A Imprensa de Lisboa and A Batalha, to clarify to what extent the strategy pursued by the former meant keeping a distance from the points of view commonly voiced in the workers’ press.

Prior to the Katastrofe (Yiddish for ‘Holocaust’), Warsaw was the world’s capital of Yiddishland, or the Ashkenazic civilization of Yiddish language and culture. In the terms of absolute numbers of Jewish inhabitants, at the turn of the 20th century, New York City surpassed Warsaw. Yet, from the perspective of cultural and political institutions and organizations, Warsaw remained the center of Europe’s Jewish life. This article offers an overview of the rise of Warsaw as such a center, its destruction during World War II, and the center’s partial revival in the aftermath, followed by its extinction, which was sealed with the antisemitic ethnic cleansing of Poland’s last Jewish communities in 1968. Twenty years after the fall of communism, beginning at the turn of the 2010s, a new awareness of the Jewish facet of Warsaw’s and Poland’s culture and history has developed during the past decade. It is a chance for a new opening, for embracing Jewish culture, Yiddish and Judaism as inherent elements of Polish culture and history This country’s history and culture was not created exclusively by Catholics, as ethnonationalists are wont to claim incorrectly. Hence, the essay is intended to serve as a corrective to this anachronistic preconception. Publisher PDF

International audience; Despite the significant contextual differences between semi-nomadic herders in Kyrgyzstan and sedentary peasants in Mexico, a comparative study, based on ethnographic fieldwork, of the impact of patrimonialization on the two groups reveals similar processes of heritage marking. However, within this similarity this cross-analysis identifies two contrasting modes of domination that occur as a result of this analogous heritage process. By examining the local application of the heritage concept, as well as the connections that exist between the type of society, its history and the ethno-cultural management at work, this paper demonstrates how patrimonialization can stimulate divergent political mechanisms in the relationship between the State and the social groups concerned.

ETA is the acronym for Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Basque Country and Freedom), a separatist armed group seeking an independent socialist state for the Basque Country. According to ETA supporters, the Basque homeland (Euzkadi or Euskal Herria) is made up of seven provinces (Vizcaya, Guipuzcoa, Alava, Navarra, Basse-Navarre, Soule, and Labourd) currently under Spanish and French sovereignty. ETA is mainly operative in Spain where it has been responsible for over 820 deaths, many of them members of the Spanish security forces or politicians who oppose ETA's separatist demands. Keywords: identity politics; nationalism; regionalism; terrorism; violence; Spain

In 1908, as a result of the efforts of the Committee of Union and Progress, II. Constitution was declared. Immediately after the announcement, an atmosphere of relative freedom began to prevail. However, with the full power of the Committee of Union and Progress in 1913, all opposition centers within the Ottoman borders were suppressed. This pressure process continued until the end of the First World War. With the Armistice of Mondros signed after the war, both the Union and Progress Power and the Ottoman Empire were de facto ending. The Armistice period was characterized as a period of uncertainty until a permanent peace treaty was signed with the consent of the parties. In this process, it was unclear what the fate of the war-lost Ottoman Empire would be. During this period, other minorities, including the essential elements of the Ottoman Empire, such as Turks and Kurds, were also making various attempts with the Entente States regarding their status. These attempt were guided by the Wilson principles. In this uncertain environment of the Armistice, the negotiations with the Allied Powers were primarily aimed at preventing the Armenian threat in the East and the Greek threat in the West. Period, association, club, publications, etc. These efforts carried out within the framework of formations also make it possible to analyze the nationalism of that period. The aim of this study is to analyze Turkish and Kurdish nationalism within the framework of the uncertainty of the terms of the Armistice, based on the literature review method. In addition, it is to make determinations about the similarities and differences of nationalisms in this period., 1908’de İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti’nin çabaları sonucunda II. Meşrutiyet ilan edildi. İlanın hemen ardından göreli bir özgürlük atmosferi hâkim olmaya başladı. Ancak 1913’te İttihat ve Terakki’nin iktidara tam olarak sahip olmasıyla birlikte Osmanlı sınırları içindeki bütün muhalefet baskı altına alındı. Bu baskı süreci Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesine kadar devam etti. Savaştan sonra imzalanan Mondros Mütarekesi ile hem İttihat ve Terakki İktidarı hem de Osmanlı Devleti fiili olarak son buluyordu Tarafların rıza göstereceği kalıcı bir barış antlaşması imzalanana kadar Mütareke dönemi bir belirsizlik dönemi vasfına sahipti. Bu süreçte savaş mağlubu Osmanlı Devleti’nin akıbetinin ne olacağı belirsizdi. Bu dönemde Türkler ve Kürtler gibi Osmanlı’nın asli unsurları da dâhil olmak üzere diğer azınlıklar da kendi statüleriyle ilgili olarak İtilaf Devletleri ile muhtelif girişimlerde bulunuyorlardı. Bu girişimlere Wilson İlkeleri yön veriyordu. Milli Mücadele öncesi Mütareke’nin bu belirsiz ortamında İtilaf Devletleri ile yapılan görüşmeler öncelikli olarak Doğu’da Ermeni, Batı’da ise Rum tehdidini önlemeye yönelikti. Dönemin dernekleri, kulüpleri ve yayınları gibi oluşumlar çerçevesinde yürütülen bu çabalar ayrıca o dönemin milliyetçiliğinin analizini de mümkün kılmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, literatür taraması yöntemine dayalı olarak Mütareke şartlarının belirsizliği çerçevesinde Türk ve Kürt milliyetçiliğini analiz etmek; bu dönemdeki milliyetçiliklerin benzerlik ve farklılıklarına yönelik tespitlerde bulunmaktır.

Cet article vise à mieux comprendre la position de l’essayiste Michel Roy au sujet des relations entre l’Acadie et le Québec à un moment charnière de l’histoire, soit deux ans après l’élection du Parti québécois et deux ans avant le premier référendum pour l’indépendance. L’analyse spécifique du chapitre 5 de L’Acadie perdue (1978) suggère que le destin commun de l’Acadie et du Québec est inéluctable et que, selon Roy, l’Acadie doit s’intégrer à un Québec indépendant., This article seeks to understand more clearly the position of the essayist Michel Roy on the subject of relations between Acadie and Québec at a turning point in history, two years after the election of the Parti québécois and two years before the first referendum on independence. A specific analysis of the fifth chapter of L’Acadie perdue (1978) suggests that the common destiny of Acadie and Québec is an inescapable fact and that, according to Roy, Acadie must integrate into an independent Québec.

Through a discourse-theoretic approach, this paper problematises the under-theorised chameleonic quality of populism. While populist politics is often expressed as construction of the people against the elite, this paper argues that the political should rather be sought in how populism revives itself despite (and through) constant discursive shifts. It examines the interrelations between populism, identity and foreign policy, inserting 'dislocation', the transitory moment of disruption in the discursive field, as the main enterprise of populist politics. Empirically, the paper scrutinises how Turkish President Erdoğan switched from conservative democratic to Islamist to nationalist discourses, each with repercussions in the field of foreign policy, and sustained the populist moment through successive dislocations. In particular, it focuses how the 'Ottoman' myth spelled different populisms and foreign policy discourses in different periods of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi - AKP) rule.

Trust is crucial to the public’s compliance with policies and rules released by governments, particularly in times of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. However, it remains unclear whether and to what extent late adolescents’ interpersonal and institutional trust fluctuated from the pre-COVID-19 pandemic to the lasting phase of the COVID-19 pandemic. The present study uses three-wave longitudinal data from the Youth Got Talent (YGT) project to address this gap (n = 1,423; 43% boys; Mage = 17.85, SD = 1.95). Latent basis growth curve models showed that interpersonal trust remained relatively stable over time. In contrast, institutional trust temporarily increased from pre-COVID-19 pandemic (Fall 2019) to the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic (Spring 2020) and subsequently, decreased during the lasting phase of the COVID-19 pandemic (Fall 2020). These results enhance our understanding of trust among late adolescents and have implications for policies aiming to manage the COVID-19 pandemic.

Scientific research leaves no doubt that criminal National Socialism is not an archetype of nationalism or a national doctrine. It is a common view that the nationalist ideology was born in revolutionary France and the United States of America. For political reasons, the truth about the diametrically different nature of Western nationalism – primarily French and Anglocentric – on the one hand, and German on the other, is blurred. In the era of the spread of globalist cosmopolitanism ideology, national ideas are treated as the greatest danger to the progress of humanity. Badania naukowe nie pozostawiają wątpliwości, że zbrodniczy narodowy socjalizm nie jest archetypem nacjonalizmu ani doktryną narodową. Powszechnie uważa się, że ideologia nacjonalistyczna narodziła się w rewolucyjnej Francji i Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Z powodów politycznych zaciera się prawda o diametralnie odmiennym charakterze zachodniego nacjonalizmu – przede wszystkim francuskiego i anglocentrycznego – z jednej strony, a niemieckiego z drugiej. W dobie rozprzestrzeniania się ideologii globalistycznego kosmopolityzmu idee narodowe traktowane są jako największe zagrożenie dla postępu ludzkości.

Submitted by Fábio Baqueiro Figueiredo (fbaqueiro@ufba.br) on 2022-08-11T12:51:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 183713-Texto do artigo-567281-1-10-20220718-1.pdf: 392165 bytes, checksum: 7b3eaf4b6f452ccb3c1ab57b4c546648 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Isaac Viana da Cunha Araújo (isaac.cunha@ufba.br) on 2022-08-15T13:48:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 183713-Texto do artigo-567281-1-10-20220718-1.pdf: 392165 bytes, checksum: 7b3eaf4b6f452ccb3c1ab57b4c546648 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2022-08-15T13:48:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 183713-Texto do artigo-567281-1-10-20220718-1.pdf: 392165 bytes, checksum: 7b3eaf4b6f452ccb3c1ab57b4c546648 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2022-07 Este artigo busca examinar os processos de organização e a implementação da Campanha Nacional de Alfabetização promovida em Angola no período imediatamente posterior à independência, tomando-a como uma janela para investigar os dilemas e conflitos que marcaram o nascimento da nova nação e a consolidação do Estado, especialmente no espaço urbano, num contexto de legitimidade contestada e de proliferação de diferentes agendas políticas e interpretações sobre o significado da independência. Utilizando principalmente a cobertura da imprensa escrita e publicações oficiais, este artigo analisa a influência cubana na concepção organizacional e pedagógica da campanha,a fragilidade operacional do Estado em constituição, a atuação política autônoma dos estudantes das cidades – e os esforços do governo para enquadrar seu entusiasmo revolucionário – e a utilização da campanha como uma alavanca para a construção de um sistema universal de educação básica em Angola. This essay examines the organization and implementation of the National Literacy Campaign promoted in Angola immediately following independence, using it as a vantage point to investigate the dilemmas and conflicts that marked the birth of the new nation and the consolidation of the State, especially in the urban area, amidst contestedlegitimacy and proliferation of different political agendas and interpretations of what independence should mean. Based on the written press and official publications, the article explores the Cuban influence in the Campaign’s organizational and pedagogical conceptions, the State-in-the-making operational frailty, the autonomous political agency of urban students—and the governmental efforts to curtail their revolutionary enthusiasm—, and the employment of the Campaign as a lever to build a universal basic education system in Angola.

This study demonstrates that two types of language ideologies (linguistic nationalism and feminine language normativity) influence how Japanese contemporary novels represent non-Japanese characters’ speech. It investigates the role of gender and observes that novelists only infrequently assign highly gendered utterance-final forms to non-Japanese characters when they speak in Japanese. This tendency is more salient among the representations of male non-Japanese characters. Masculine expressions seem to belong to a set of linguistic resources that are considered available only to the Japanese. This exclusivism, i.e., linguistic nationalism, might explain the lack of highly masculine forms among non-Japanese characters in novels. As for the relatively frequent assignment of gendered language for female characters, the normativity of feminine language makes it part of the basic language of all female speakers including non-Japanese individuals. In addition, feminine expressions are not as strongly associated with authenticity as masculine expressions.

The debate on supposed fascist influences on Afrikaner nationalists, particularly the mainstream National Party (NP), as opposed to more extremist groups, has mostly centred around alleged links or parallels with Nazi Germany, or whether anti-British sentiment was more key. An often overlooked influence was similarly mainstream, historically anti-British Irish nationalism. Comparing Daniel Malan and the Purified and later Reunited NP with Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil (FF) in the 1930s and 1940s, this study addresses similarities in areas such as republicanism, language, religion, neutrality, and authoritarian tendencies, but argues that constitutionalism tempered clerical and political authoritarian influence. Malan and the NP differed in their approach to neutrality from De Valera and FF, who were also less affected by the era’s antisemitism.

The article offers an analysis of three plays concerned with the issue of community and its condition in the world dominated by economic, political, refugee, and identity crises. In distinct but strikingly similar ways, Timberlake Wertenbaker’s Credible Witness (2001), Jez Butterworth’s Jerusalem (2009), and Anders Lustgarten’s Lampedusa (2015) challenge the European consensus about justice, democracy, and community, showing characters who experience the disintegration of the communities they live in and who struggle to form new ones. The three playwrights document ways in which individuals stage their own act of resistance to the disintegration of the community. They also show how they seek to discover what unites them at the time of trial. The theoretical framework for the analysis involves such European and postcolonial thinkers as Ivan Krastev and Dipesh Chakrabarty. Krastev offers a view that the united Europe is facing a similar demise to the one incurred by the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Exclusion and crisis of solidarity are among those maladies which Krastev points out as fundamental for the decomposition of European identity. Chakrabarty, in turn, analyses the Eurocentric imagination from the perspective of the history of colonized India. Developing ideas on community (Jean-Luc Nancy, Benedict Anderson, Roberto Esposito), the article suggests that the characters created by Wertenbaker, Butterworth, and Lustgarten are forced to occupy the position of the outsiders. They decompose the “Eurocentric” cultural narrative and need to recast their sense of belonging, by forming new relations and private communities.

Recent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation-state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation-states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation-state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation-states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past.

Following the demise of the Ottoman Empire and the advent of republican Turkey, the Ecumenical Patriarchate has struggled to maintain its existence and its ecumenical role, despite the obstacles that the Republic of Turkey has set before it. Yet, challenges have abounded within the Orthodox world as well. The Patriarchate has viewed Russian involvement in Orthodox ecclesiastical affairs with suspicion, if not outright opposition. This is like its former stance regarding Russian involvement in Orthodox religious affairs in the Balkans and the Middle East throughout the nineteenth century. This competition has been rekindled since the end of the Cold War, as the Patriarchate has grown in importance as a global actor. The Ukrainian ecclesiastical crisis, which brought the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Moscow Patriarchate to loggerheads, provides an additional opportunity to measure the extent of Russian influence on the Orthodox Church. This article explores the history of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the republican Turkish era and the challenges it has faced. It also examines the dynamics that have developed since the end of the Cold War in its relations with Russia and Turkey through its confrontation with the Moscow Patriarchate particularly in light of the Ukrainian ecclesiastical crisis. This study aspires to shed light on the extent of Russian influence on Orthodox ecclesiastical affairs and explore the role of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the global era.

This paper explores the narrativization of sports icons within the context of nationalist discourse. The authors explore New Zealand media coverage surrounding the death of Colin Meads in August 2017. Meads, a former all Black rugby captain, coach and administrator, media pundit, and corporate spokesman, was a high-profile public icon. His death was met with saturation national media coverage. The authors’ cultural studies informed analysis of Meads’ narrativization is twofold. First, the authors contextualize the cultural scripts surrounding him prior to his death. Second, they critically read media narrativization following his death within the context of narratives of nation. They explore this mediation in the context of intersecting themes of rurality, Whiteness, masculinity, and rugby. Print media coverage widely articulated Meads to the nation as the archetypical “kiwi,” liturgized his contribution to rugby during and after his playing career, and his “no-nonsense” character. In doing so, it reinforced a selective national narrative, premised on a combination of both remembering and forgetting. This narrative reaffirms White-settler, male heroism, and rugby as central to New Zealand nationhood and assuages contemporary national anxieties and the cultural hierarchies they entangle.

This essay reviews Ran Hirschl’s City, State: Constitutionalism and the Megacity, a study of ‘the great constitutional silence concerning one of the most significant phenomena of our time: urban agglomeration and the rise of megacities’ and which maintains that the solution to contemporary urban problems crucially depends on a ‘constitutional emancipation’ of the city. The essay argues that Hirschl is unable to deliver on his major claim. Launching his thesis on a skewed account of the development of the political role of the city, a one-sided presentation of the constitutional order of the modern state, and a failure to appreciate the impact of urbanization on the city’s standing as a unit of government, Hirschl ignores the work of public lawyers on the challenges of metropolitan government and argues, unconvincingly, that these challenges can be resolved once we turn to the abstractions of constitutional theory.

The history of human rights in Indonesia is long and complex. Since the colonial era, human rights were not fully recognized and Indonesians were treated as slaves and excluded from political life. After independence in 1945, Indonesia recognized human rights in its constitution and joined the United Nations (UN) in 1950. During the Soekarno administration, human rights were considered part of Indonesia's ideology of nationalism and socialism. However, during the New Order era under Soeharto, human rights were ignored and often violated by the government and security forces. In the early 1990s, a reform movement emerged that demanded the recognition and protection of human rights. This sparked change in Indonesia and in 1998 Soeharto stepped down from power. Since reformasi, Indonesia has made much progress in promoting and protecting human rights, including the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission in 1993 and the ratification of a number of international treaties related to human rights. Nonetheless, many human rights violations still occur in Indonesia, such as violence and discrimination against minority groups and a lack of civil and political freedoms in some areas. As a developing democratic country, Indonesia still has challenges in protecting and promoting human rights as a whole. However, with the support of civil society, human rights organizations, and the commitment of the government, Indonesia can continue to improve and enhance human rights protection in the country.

In 1870, Italy acquired its first colonial holding through the purchase of the Port of Assab in today’s Eritrea. This acquisition was not the purview of the newly formed Italian state, but through the motivations of an Italian citizen to claim land on the African continent before there was “no land left to colonize.” What follows is a decades-long colonization process that slowly occupies Eritrea, Somalia, and for a time Ethiopia, in the Horn of Africa. This history, an understudied colonial story, is further ignored by pushing the early colonial period of Italy to the margins, as it lacks a unified colonizing mission sponsored by the government or military. Broadly, Italian colonial history is considered to be impactful to narratives of African colonization only during the Fascist era, beginning in 1922. Yet, the Italian Fascist colonial policy emerged from earlier ideas and practices, taking cues from the failures and successes of the Liberal Colonial Era (1870-1922). This thesis attempts to examine the disparate threads of colonial thought and practice of Italian citizens, laborers, elites, and explorers in the 19th century. Three major themes emerge as 19th-century Italian colonization takes shape: the influence of nationalism and Risogamento, the impact of Italy’s involvement in transnational infrastructural projects, and the transformation of the world through modern technologies of the railroad, steamships, and the telegraph. Journal articles from the Society of Italian Africa, and a photography collection taken in 1920 reveal the different strains of arguments around creating a colonial project. This archival documentation highlights what is important to different groups and the motivations towards colonization. Tracing the physical and ideological spaces of the early Italian Colonial Empire from the shores of Italy, to ports around Eastern Africa, and into the interior of the continent, this thesis will bring new light to an understudied era of Italian colonization.

Canada has engaged in a range of efforts to stop human trafficking within and across it borders. Federal and provincial governments have spent considerable funds in this regard, and have studied the issue to come up with perceived solutions. In this article, we explore Canada’s two national House of Commons standing committee consultations on trafficking, in 2006 and 2018. Using critical discourse analysis to examine the consultation transcripts and written briefs, we identified several significant shifts in both the language used and the areas of focus advanced by witnesses, in particular: the modified emphasis from international to domestic trafficking; the changing nature of vulnerability and victimhood; and an increased focus on youth sexual exploitation. We propose that what is being expressed is an iteration of Canadian sexualized nationalism and national sexual morality. These results have policy implications, especially with respect to promoting just, peaceful, and inclusive societies at a time when there are mounting pressures to restrict migration that often dovetail with concerns over human trafficking. Indeed, the way concerns over trafficking are expressed in Canada appears as a fear over women’s sexual agency and vulnerability as well as a need protect “our” boundaries from incursion, whether territorial or moral.

Will the religious confrontations with secular authorities around the world lead to a new Cold War? Mark Juergensmeyer paints a provocative picture of the new religious revolutionaries altering the political landscape in the Middle East, Asia and Eastern Europe. Impassioned Muslim leaders in Egypt, Palestine and Algeria, political rabbis in Israel, militant Sikhs in India, and triumphant Catholic clergy in Eastern Europe are all players in Juergensmeyer's study of the explosive growth of religious movements that decisively reject Western ideas of secular nationalism. Juergensmeyer revises notions of religious revolutions. Instead of viewing religious nationalists as wild-eyed, anti-American fanatics, he reveals them as modern activists pursuing a legitimate form of politics. He explores the positive role religion can play in the political life of modern nations, even while acknowledging some religious nationalists' proclivity to violence and disregard of Western notions of human rights. Finally, he situates the growth of religious nationalism in the context of the political malaise of the modern West. Noting that the synthesis of traditional religion and secular nationalism yields a religious version of the modern nation-state, Juergensmeyer claims that such a political entity could conceivably embrace democratic values and human rights.

This dissertation has three primary aims. The first is to decentre Euro-America in the Anglophone literature of radio broadcasting during the Interwar Period, and the second is to decentre China in the Sinophone literature on early-period broadcasting before 1949. As radio was a global medium, a history of one without the other would be incomplete. The third aim of this dissertation is to decentre Shanghai in the study of Chinese radio history. To this end, it introduces the history of the Central Broadcasting Station, i.e., Nationalist Radio. Founded by the Chinese Nationalist Party in 1928, Nationalist Radio was the inspiration of a conservative group of revolutionaries within the party called the CC Clique, whose belief in scientism led them to place radio broadcasting at the centre of the party state. During the Nanjing Decade (1928–1937), the CC Clique employed radio as both a tool of governance to promote political tutelage and a weapon of war to mobilise the nation as broadcast propaganda became a fourth front in modern warfare. The mission of Nationalist Radio was one of nationalisation in all senses of the word, which echoed developments in the global oecumene as countries mobilised on the fourth front. This dissertation looks at how the CC Clique carried out the radio nationalisation of China in three phases between 1928 and 1937. In the first phase, the CC Clique used broadcasting technology to unify the party state. As radio became a mass medium in China, the CC Clique embedded propaganda into entertainment to expand the reach of party-state broadcasting to a general audience from 1933 to 1935. During the third phase in 1936 and 1937 as China prepared for war against Japan, the CC Clique established a party-state broadcasting system and nationalised the industry in the name of radio education. Using primary sources from Mainland China, Taiwan, and abroad, this dissertation investigates the spirit of Nationalist broadcast propaganda to show how the CC Clique used radio broadcasting as a tool of governance and a weapon of war during each phase of radio nationalisation. This dissertation shows that CC Clique officials consolidated effective party-state control over a factious industry that they inherited in 1928 and established a national broadcasting network in 1937. It also shows that the spirit of political tutelage, i.e., broadcast propaganda, changed as the CC Clique focused on the radio nationalisation of the party state, the audience, and the industry., Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies; Churchill College; Council of the School of Arts and Humanities

Data de publicació electrònica: 02-04-2023 The main thrust of the scholarship on nationalism has so far been concerned with its origins. But nationalism also has effects. Whether it underpins the nation-building efforts of states, is mobilised by counter-state forces or is used in everyday life, nationalism might implicate a wide range of substantive outcomes, including political regimes, public goods provision, citizenship and immigration laws, and different patterns of conflict. Yet—with a few notable exceptions—the consequences of nationalism have received significantly less scholarly attention. In response, the aim of this Exchange is to create a new dialogue between different strands of scholarship around what we know and do not know about the consequences of nationalism. We organise this Exchange around the following questions: (1) What is nationalism? (2) How can we measure nationalism? (3) What are the consequences of nationalism? (4) What are new research frontiers?