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International audience; Latin American multiculturalist policies have increased the visibility of Amerindian groups through the term "culture," which has become the key for these groups to enter the national and international scene. Although this term is now often used strategically at the interface between indigenous and non-indigenous groups, another comparable term exists more specifically in Hispanic America. This is the term "costumbre," widely used among Amerindian people to designate a set of endorsed practices or those of others. Moreover, some Amerindian groups have incorporated this Spanish word into their own indigenous languages to refer to this type of practice. What then does the relation between these two terms within Amerindian groups indicate? Drawing on the ethnographic examples of two distinct and geographically separate contemporary groups—the Nahuatl-speaking people of La Huasteca in Mexico and the Yuracaré of the Andean foothills in Bolivia—this paper proposes a conceptual archaeology that demonstrates that, far from being interchangeable, these two terms are part of distinct logics stemming from two historical phases of institutional policies designed to integrate Amerindian populations. Their analysis reveals different forms of governance as well as different forms of appropriation of these terms by Indian populations.

Les serpents sont de ces animaux que Claude Lévi-Strauss appelait « bons à penser ». Chez les Nahuas/Maseualmej du bassin de la rivière Apulco, dans la Sierra Norte de Puebla (Mexique), les représentations des reptiles et des amphibiens se déploient à plusieurs niveaux : cognitif-empirique, pratique et cosmique. Le présent article explore ce dernier niveau et révèle, entre autres, une continuité structurelle frappante entre les attributs et fonctions de certains reptiles dans les représentations autochtones contemporaines et ceux qu’on associait à des divinités chez les Aztèques, au moment de la conquête espagnole, et ce malgré le changement des contenus. Par exemple, une fonction de Quetzalcoatl, hybride serpent-oiseau, celle d’« ouvrir la voie aux nuages de pluie », s’est reportée sur l’hirondelle qui « balaie le ciel » : redevenu reptile fantastique, kuesalkouat, tout comme le gecko, « appelle la pluie ». De même les fonctions nourricières de Tlaloc et de Chicomecoatl sont maintenant partagées entre Aueuejcho et les Foudres, qui « font pleuvoir », et les Talokej et le boa, qui protègent la croissance des épis. Les auteurs démontrent ici que, chez les Maseualmej d’aujourd’hui, la nature, plus particulièrement l’univers animal, se fond dans une surnature. De la même manière, la frontière entre l’humain et l’animal apparaît poreuse et traversée de liens mystiques qui se révèlent quand on examine les croyances à l’« âme double » (tonal)., Snakes rank among the animals which Claude Lévi-Strauss called ‘good to think about’. In this paper, we analyse the representations concerning reptiles and amphibians among the Nahua/Maseualmej who live in the Apulco River valley, in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, Mexico. In these representations, we distinguish three levels: empirical-cognitive, practical and cosmic. Here, we shall explore this third level. Our ethnographic research showed a striking structural continuity between the attributes and functions of some reptiles in contemporary indigenous representations and those linked with gods among the Aztec, at the time of the Spanish Conquest, in spite of the changes in content. For example, one function of Quetzalcoatl (hybrid of bird and snake) that of ‘clearing the way for clouds’ has been taken by the swallow, which ‘sweeps the sky’. Nowadays, under the form of a fantastic snake, kuesalkouat, along with the gecko, ‘calls for the rain’. In a similar way, the feeding functions of Tlakoc and Chicomecoatl are now shared between Aueuejcho and the Thunderbolts, which ‘make the rain to fall’ on the one hand, and the Talokej and the boa, which protect the growth of corn, on the other hand. Globally, our inquiries showed that among today’s Maseualmej, Nature, and particularly the animal kingdom, melts with a Supernature. In the same way, the frontier between human beings and animals is porous and crossed by mytical links as appears when we examine the beliefs related to the ‘double-soul’ (tonal)., Las serpientes son de esos animales que Claude Lévi-Strauss llamó “buenos para pensar”. Entre los Nahuas/Maseualmej de la cuenca del río Apulco, en la Sierra Norte de Puebla (México), las representaciones de los reptiles y anfibios se despliegan en tres niveles: cognitivo-empírico, práctico y cósmico. El presente artículo explora este último nivel. Llama la atención la continuidad estructural entre los atributos y funciones de algunos reptiles en las representaciones indígenas contemporáneas y las que se asociaban a varias divinidades entre los aztecas, en el momento de la conquista española, a pesar de los cambios intervenidos en los contenidos culturales. Por ejemplo, una función del dios Quetzalcóatl, híbrido de ave y serpiente, la de “abrir el camino a las nubes de lluvia” le corresponde hoy a la golondrina, que “barre el cielo”; mientras que kuesalkouat, reptil fantástico, junto con el geco, “llaman la lluvia”. De modo similar, las funciones alimenticias de Tlaloc y Chicomecóatl se reparten ahora entre Aueuejcho y los Rayos “que hacen llover”, por una parte, y los Talokej y la boa, por otra parte, que vigilan el crecimiento de los elotes. Los autores demuestran que entre los Nahuas/Maseualmej de hoy, la Naturaleza, sobre todo el universo animal, se fusiona con lo sobrenatural. De la misma manera, la frontera entre humanos y animales aparece porosa, cruzada por nexos místicos que se revelan cuando se examina las creencias relativas al “alma doble” (tonal).

International audience; Since the 1980s, anthropologists have been valorizing the notion of working together with their research participants to produce knowledge. But what happens when the anthropologist's notion of collaboration differs radically from that of the people with whom he or she wishes to collaborate? My initial attempt at such collaboration with indigenous Nahua people in a Mexican village seemed to fail miserably, yet, over time, the situation changed. Reflecting on the misunderstandings surrounding our discussions on the first drafts of my book about the village provides a glimpse of the cultural context in which the interaction was forged. It raises questions about literacy, the authority of knowledge, and my interlocutors’ views of social relationships. In particular, an understanding of the local notion of work proved crucial to grasping the evolution of these exchanges. The latter revealNahua ontologies as well as my own.; Desde los años ochenta, los antropólogos han valorizado la noción del trabajo conjunto con los integrantes de sus investigaciones para producir conocimientos. Pero, ¿qué sucede cuando la noción de colaboración de los antropólogos difiere radicalmente de la de las personas con las que pretenden colaborar? Mi intento inicial de tal colaboración con un grupo indígena nahua de un pueblo mexicano pareció fracasar miserablemente, sin embargo, con el tiempo, la situación cambió. Reflexionar sobre los malentendidos que rodearon nuestras discusiones acerca de los primeros borradores de mi libro sobre este pueblo permite vislumbrar el contexto cultural en el que se forjó la interacción. Plantea preguntas sobre el alfabetismo, la autoridad del conocimiento y los conceptos de mis interlocutores sobre las relaciones sociales. En particular, la comprensión de la noción local de trabajo resultó crucial para entender la evolución de estos intercambios. Estos últimos revelan ontologías nahuas, así como las mías propias.

Background This study documents cycad-human relationships in Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras over the last 6000 years. The impetus was acute need for a better understanding of previously undocumented uses of cycads in this region, and the need to improve cycad conservation strategies using ethnobotanical data. We hypothesized that cycads are significant dietary items with no long-term neurological effects, are important to religious practice, and contribute to cultural identity and sense of place, but that traditional knowledge and uses are rapidly eroding. Guiding questions focused on nomenclature, food and toxicity, relationships to palms and maize, land management issues, roles in religious ceremony, and medicinal uses, among others, and contributions of these to preservation of cycads. Methods From 2000 to 2017, the authors conducted 411 semi-structured ethnographic interviews, engaged in participant-observation in Mexican and Honduran communities, and carried out archival research and literature surveys. Results We documented 235 terms and associated uses that 28 ethnic groups have for 57 species in 19 languages across 21 Mexican states and 4 Central American nations. Carbohydrate-rich cycads have been both famine foods and staples for at least six millennia across the region and are still consumed in Mexico and Honduras. Certain parts are eaten without removing toxins, while seed and stem starches are detoxified via several complex processes. Leaves are incorporated into syncretic Roman Catholic-Mesoamerican religious ceremonies such as pilgrimages, Easter Week, and Day of the Dead. Cycads are often perceived as ancestors and protectors of maize, revealing a close relationship between both groups. Certain beliefs and practices give cycads prominent roles in conceptions of sense of place and cultural heritage. Conclusions Cycads are still used as foods in many places. Though they do not appear to cause long-term neurological damage, their health effects are not fully understood. They are often important to religion and contribute to cultural identity and sense of place. However, because most traditional knowledge and uses are rapidly eroding, new community-based biocultural conservation efforts are needed. These should incorporate tradition where possible and seek inspiration from existing successful cases in Honduras and Mexico. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1186/s13002-018-0282-z) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Based on ethnographic data collected from 1993 to date, I seek to demonstrate that contemporary Nahua develop certain aspects of their lives in the context of an economy of gifts. Nahua reciprocity expresses this in the basic economic form of "aid", called quipalehuiya locally. I argue that this "aid", given as goods or services, is reciprocated through social networks and provides a foundation for the model of interdependence that completely links this population with its social and ecological environment.

Este artigo, baseado em uma pesquisa participativa de longo prazo, quer mostrar como a defesa do território pelos Nahua de Cuetzalan não se limita a enfrentamentos. Eles se manifestam através de séculos de apropriação material, política e simbólica do seu território. Às grandes transformações que lhes foram impostas – como a conquista espanhola, a desamortização do común de naturales e a chegada de comerciantes e agricultores mestiços – responderam preservando e adaptando a sua agricultura camponesa. Politicamente, combinaram a luta jurídica pacífica e a ação direta. Simbolicamente, carregaram de significado cada parcela de seu território através de uma rica toponímia, intimamente conectada à sua memória coletiva. Nossa abordagem etno-histórica permite compreender a construção de construção de identidade indígena e o ecossistema cuetzaltecos, construção que ajudou sua organização para o controle da produção, nas décadas anteriores. Também compreender a mobilização atual contra os megaprojetos turísticos, minerários e hidroelétricos na região.

Pasado y presente se mezclan en la literatura nahua contemporánea. La mitología prehispánica está presente en muchos de los cuentos nahuas que relata Doña Luz Jiménez. Son resultado de la fusión entre tradición prehispánica y colonial, donde se recogen valores y creencias ancestrales todavía en uso en las regiones actuales. Los ritos más íntimamente ligados a la vida y a los campesinos sobrevivieron, fueron reinterpretados simbólicamente después de la conquista y se han articulado con la religión católica dominante de diversas maneras, mostrando una extraordinaria riqueza de prácticas y creencias prehispánicas en los relatos de Doña Luz y hasta el día de hoy., Past and present mingle in contemporary nahua literature. The pre-Hispanic mythology is present in many of the nahua tales recounts Doña Luz Jiménez. They are the result of the merger of pre-Hispanic and colonial tradition where ancestral values ​​and beliefs are reflected still in use in the current regions. The rituals more closely related to life and peasants survived, were reinterpreted symbolically after the conquest and were articulated with the dominant Catholic religion in various ways, showing an extraordinary wealth of practical and prehispanic beliefs in the stories of Doña Luz and up today.

HLA class I and class II alleles have been studied in 60 unrelated people belonging to Mayos ethnic group, which lives in the Mexican Pacific Sinaloa State. Mayos HLA profile was compared to other Amerindians and worldwide populations’ profile. A total of 14,896 chromosomes were used for comparisons. Genetic distances between populations, Neigbour-Joining dendrograms and correspondence analyses were performed to determine the genetic relationship among population. The new specific Mayo HLA haplotypes found are: HLA-A*02-B*35-DRB1*1406-DQB1*0301; HLA-A*02-B*48-DRB1*0404-DQB1*0302; HLA-A*24-B*51-DRB1*0407-DQB1*0302 and HLA-A*02-B*08-DRB1*0407-DQB1*0302. However, the typical Meso American HLADRB1*0407 represents a 40% of all DRB1 alleles. While common HLA characteristics are found in Amerindian distant ethnic groups, still new group specific HLA haplotypes are being found, suggesting that a common founder effect (i.e. high DRB1*0407) is noticed. Moreover, new HLA haplotypes are almost certainly appearing along time probably due to specific pathogen (?) selection for diversity. Mayo language is close to the Tarahumara one (another geographically close group); notwithstanding both groups are not genetically close according to our results, showing again the different evolution of genes and languages, which do not correlate. Finally, Sinaloa is one of the Mexican States in which more European genes are found. However, the results presented in this paper, where no European HLA genes are seen in Mayos, should have a bearing in establishing transplant programs and in HLA and disease studies.

Apresentaremos neste artigo algumas das principais características de duas tradições históricas indígenas: a nahua e a inca. Em seguida, analisaremos comparativamente suas ações, reações, transformações e continuidades diante de desafios históricos similares e contemporâneos: as conquistas e as colonizações castelhanas do Altiplano Central Mexicano e dos Andes durante os séculos XVI e XVII. This article presents some of the main characteristics of two indigenous historical traditions: the Nahua and the Inca. The author offers a comparative analysis of indigenous actions, reactions, adaptations, transformations, and continuities as they faced similar, contemporaneous challenges: the Spanish conquest and colonization of Central Mexico and the Andes during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.