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This article compares the stances on race and empire of four British who featured in the overseas missionary movement in this period. William Ward of the Serampore Mission brought some elements of his early political radicalism into his attack on Hinduism as a system of priestly oppression. The writer and BMS secretary Edward Bean Underhill blamed the Jamaican plantocracy for the plight of the former slaves after emancipation, and defended black Jamaicans against racist attacks on their character. In contrast, Herbert Sutton Smith, a BMS missionary on the Congo from 1899 to 1910, wrote a book about his years at Yakusu that is full of racial stereotypes. Finally, Joseph Booth, a Baptist from Derby who began his own self-supporting mission in Malawi in 1892, became an outspoken critic of British involvement in the region, while still retaining a theoretical hope that Queen Victoria would intervene on behalf of exploited Africans.

The abstract is available here: https://uscholar.univie.ac.at/o:1589243

The article studies the concept of the global social order as a subject of social research. The author starts with pointing at the changes in the structure and the character of the today's global social order (acceleration of exchanges and flows, gradual disappearing of a single hegemony, multipolarity) and claims that it is exactly capitalism that becomes a foundation for multipolar but yet unequal constitution of the global order. The article proposes to deal with the global social order as an example of a global subject – alternative to world system or global system – which can be placed in focus of social research. Also, the paper offers a definition to the notions of social order and global social order. Then the author provides several possible classification of the approaches to the study of the global social order, and then moves on to pointing out their mutual positions. The paper considers capitalism as a special form of global social order and suggests to analyze imperialism and neocolonialism as, on the one hand, the products of this order, and on the other hand, as instruments for its legitimation and hegemony. In the further research the suggested model can be used, first, for the improvements in the study of sociology's global subject, and, second, for deepening the knowledge about the process of (re)production of global social order.

El estado wari se expandió durante el siglo VII de nuestra era para colonizar una amplia área de los Andes e incorporar a varios grupos étnicos. Las relaciones establecidas entre los colonos patrocinados por el estado wari y los pueblos indígenas de estos nuevos territorios fueron diferentes por muchas razones. En este artículo, considero el grado de centralización política como un factor clave que marcó el impacto de la expansión wari a largo plazo en los grupos de estudio. Si bien es posible que todos los súbditos wari hayan sido obligados a participar en la economía política del imperio, algunos aspectos de su vida diaria pueden haber permanecido sin mayores cambios. Utilizando como ejemplo a la colonia multiétnica de Moquegua, examino qué atributos están relacionados con las prácticas wari adoptadas y qué aspectos se relacionan con sus respectivas identidades. L’état wari s’est développé au cours du septième siècle de notre ère pour coloniser une vaste région des Andes en incorporant de nombreux groupes ethniques. Les relations établies entre les colons parrainés par l’État wari et les peuples indigènes de ces nouveaux territoires furent différents pour des raisons diverses. Dans cet article, je considère le degré de centralisation politique comme un facteur clé qui a déterminé les impacts à long terme de l’expansion des Wari sur les groupes de sujets. Si tous les sujets des Wari ont pu être contraints de participer à l’économie politique de l’empire, certains aspects de leur vie quotidienne sont peut-être restés relativement inchangés. En utilisant la colonie multiethnique de Moquegua comme exemple, cet article examine quels attributs associés aux pratiques des Wari ont été adoptés et quels aspects de leurs identités respectives ont été maintenus. The Wari state expanded during the seventh century to colonize a vast area of the Andes and incorporate many ethnic groups. The relations established between Wari-sponsored colonists and the people indigenous to these new territories differed for a number of reasons. In this paper I consider the degree of political centralization as a key factor that determined the long-term impacts Wari expansion had on subject groups. While all Wari subjects may have been compelled to participate in the empire’s political economy, some aspects of their daily life may have remained relatively unchanged. Using the multi-ethnic colony in Moquegua as an example this paper examines which attributes associated with Wari practices were adopted and which aspects of their identities were maintained.

This thesis explores the critical reception of Indian author Amitav Ghosh in the national contexts of India, the UK, the US, and Australia. It examines the reasons why this author's works have been evaluated somewhat differently or similarly by critics in four major countries. In order to explore the reasons behind different analyses of Ghosh’s most significant works, the thesis examines the socio-cultural, historical, and political setting of India and three Anglophone countries on the eve of British colonialism. To make the thesis more focused, four notable novels of Ghosh are selected that reflect the troubled legacy of colonial experience and the discourse of formerly colonised societies, people, and ideas. In these selected novels, reconstruction of identities, diaspora, exile, displacement, gender-based violence, and ecological devastations are more meticulously explained than in Ghosh's other novels. However, the factual data or evidence used in this thesis introduces several distinguished academic publishers, scholars, universities, literary journals, and book reviews based on four selected countries: India, the UK, the US, and Australia. The major emphasis I have given is on a selection of scholarly articles that have made analytical, in-depth, as well as clear analysis of Ghosh’s works, but some of the book reviews of Ghosh are also included in my research, published in the London Review of Books, The Times, New Statesman, The New York Times, and Transnational Literature. All the critics examined in this thesis from each nationality independently epitomise their national evaluation of Ghosh’s significant works. It is interesting to note that, analysing Ghosh’s reception in four national contexts, this thesis finds theoretical alignments of the ideas of nationalism, imperialism, cosmopolitanism, and utopianism.

Motherlogs is a series of letters and journal entries that chronicle memories of my grandfather as I brace myself before, during and after his death. These letters vary in theme and tone, going from thoughtful, linear recollections to obscure, absurd and even meaningless memories. The letters have no clear chronological order. They are rift with emoticons, un-funny jokes, Ho Chi Minh quotes, childhood photos, my dorm room altars in hundreds of iterations, Spotify playlists, memories of what my grandpa missed while he was gone, and reenactments with him inserted. As someone whose family’s displacement to the U.S. is the direct result of war, my family made the decision to bring my grandfather’s urn home to Vietnam as opposed to burying him in the States. In my grandmother’s mind, the U.S. will never be home — there is no assurance that future generations will stay. As a result, these letters will serve as both a eulogy to grandpa and a log of my eternal homecoming to Vietnam.

During the Secret War concurrent with the Vietnam War era, the U.S. dropped over 270 million cluster bombs on Laos, making it the most bombed country per capita in the world. To this day, approximately 80 million unexploded ordinances remain in Laos. America’s Secret War on Laos continues to impact the livelihood and well-being of Laotian citizens today, yet there has been little conversation regarding what justice looks like for these people. In my thesis, I argue that the U.S. is culpable for wartime damage to Laos, that there is both legal and moral justification for transitional justice in the region and that reparations are the most appropriate transitional justice mechanism. My research seeks to answer the question: Based on the material needs of the Laotian people, what model of reparations is most appropriate and feasible? In other words, what form should these reparations take, to whom should they be directed, and how should they be administered? Through interviews with Laotian citizens, I hope to provide a snapshot of the war's continued impact on the Laotian people and their visions of justice and reparation for the Secret War. My interviews inform the design of a comprehensive model of reparations specifically tailored to address the needs of the Laotian people as they pertain to the lasting consequences of the war. I also evaluate the political feasibility of reparations through a comparative analysis of reparations implementation in other international case studies. Ultimately, I hope to establish a design precedent that encourages the pursuit of ambitious justice processes, especially for those peoples who continue to struggle against imperialism and its enduring impact.

First emerged as a religious term to designate the end of the world, the idea of apocalypse has evolved into manifold connotations that is associated with any cataclysmic event(s) and case(s) that end(s) up with the complete destruction of the present state with a new beginning. Although it is more often affiliated with the destruction(s) caused by climate crisis and advancements in science and technology, the destruction of a culture through cultural clash(es) between two opposing cultures, namely the East and West, and the results out of these that dehumanise the representatives of the weaker side/East can also be included in the analysis of apocalypse in a broader sense in the context of culture. It is within this focus of interest that E. M. Forster’s masterpiece A Passage to India (1924) has been evaluated as an example for the cultural apocalypse throughout the research, as a result of which the Indians - even their country - is plunged into total apocalypse and become subservient and considered nothing rather than a swine. Controlled under a civil station and isolated from the luxury and comfort the British are free to relish, Indians are drawn as character who are bereft of any freedom and respect from the British in their own land. Thus, the economic and political causes behind the ideology of imperialism that is also intertwined with capitalism in India have been considered as major consequences of the cultural clash that arise as a cultural apocalypse in the lives of native Indians., İlk olarak dünyanın sonunu belirtmek için dini bir terim olarak ortaya çıkan kıyamet fikri, yeni bir başlangıç için mevcut durumun tamamen yok edilmesiyle sona eren her türlü felaket olay(lar) ve vaka(lar) ile ilişkili çeşitli çağrışımlara dönüşmüştür. İklim krizi ve bilim ve teknolojideki ilerlemelerin neden olduğu yıkım(lar) ile daha çok bağlantılı olmasına rağmen, bir kültürün Doğu ve Batı olmak üzere iki karşıt kültür arasındaki kültürel çatışma(lar) yoluyla yok edilmesi ve bunlardan çıkan sonuçların zayıf/Doğu tarafın temsilcilerini insanlıktan çıkarması, kültür bağlamında daha geniş anlamda kıyamet analizine de dahil edilebilir. Bu ilgi odağıyla, E. M. Forster'ın başyapıtı Hindistan'a Geçiş (1924), araştırma boyunca kültürel kıyamete örnek olarak değerlendirildi, ki bunun sonucunda Hintliler’in - ülkeleri Hindistan’ın bile - tam bir kıyamete sürüklenir ve ve Hintliler boyun eğen ve bir domuzdan başka hiçbir şey olarak görülmemektedir. Bir sivil istasyon tarfından kontrol edilen ve İngilizlerin zevk almakta özgür olduğu lüks ve konfordan izole edilen Hintliler, kendi topraklarında İngilizlerden herhangi bir özgürlük ve saygıdan yoksun karakterler olarak olarak çizilmektedir. Böylece, Hindistan’daki kapitalizmle de iç içe olan emperyalizm ideolojisinin arkasındaki ekonomik ve politik nedenler, yerli Hintliler’in yaşamlarında kültürel bir kıyamet olarak ortaya çıkan kültürel çatışmanın başlıca sonuçları olarak kabul edilmektedir.

This paper aims to define the way Egyptians perceived the boundaries of their land and reassesses the impact of Egyptian colonialism during the Ramesside period (c. 1292–1069 BCE). During this era, expansive wars, diplomatic action and land administration/governance reforms led Egypt to control a large part of modern Israel, Palestine, Lebanon and Syria. To refer to this period, historians often use the terms Egyptian “empire” and Egyptian “imperialism”, extending terminology coined in the 19th century to describe modern cases of political dominance to Late Bronze Age Egypt. Furthermore, traditional scholarship also presents Egypt’s borders in such a way that Egypt appears as a solid territory with fixed borders, despite evidence pointing to a different model of geographical division. Seeking to explore whether the use of modern terms on ancient Egypt may be an anachronism, this paper reviews the scholarship on (a) Egyptian records documenting conquests and (b) contextual archaeological evidence from the southern Near East itself. This review highlights differences between modern and ancient conceptions of land domination. Finally, Egyptian border-related terms are used in a strictly local symbolic cultural context but not in the one of international diplomacy. As for Egypt’s boundary, it was mostly formed as a buffer zone rather than a borderline.

In 1899, the British colonialist Cecil Rhodes went to Berlin to negotiate about his fantastical ‘Cape-to-Cairo’ telegraph and railway scheme with his former nemesis, the German emperor Wilhelm II. Why did this initiative of Rhodes, who was held responsible for the disastrous Jameson Raid and no longer occupied any official position, receive so much coverage and legitimacy in the international press? Despite the vast scholarship on Rhodes, there is strikingly little analysis of these negotiations, considering that they were hailed as marking the rehabilitation of Rhodes and the troubled Anglo-German relationship, signalled that Germany would not support the Boers in their conflict with Britain, and led to Germany’s inclusion in the prestigious Rhodes Scholarships scheme. This article analyses the reporting of the negotiations and shows that Rhodes overshadowed other political figures in the competitive ‘attention economy’ of the emerging mass press. Building on the notion of ‘celebrity politics’, it argues that the press attention for him resulted from three interconnected logics: a political logic of agenda-setting and ideological loyalties, a journalistic logic in which scarce access to Rhodes fostered his mythologising, and a mass media logic that increasingly superseded ideological divides. This mass media logic dictated a focus on Rhodes’s personal narrative (infused with literary and colonial themes), personifying politics, and performing these politics in a novel business-like style. This press attention gained Rhodes informal power and shows how, by the end of the nineteenth century, successful politics required the new ability of political figures to attract and leverage media attention. Moreover, it constituted the precondition for the growing cult of Rhodes in the twentieth century, and the subsequent criticism of this cult and its representation of racism in recent times.

Resumen. Objetivo/Contexto: este trabajo aborda la articulación entre Estados nacionales y capitales imperiales entre 1870 y 1930, para explicar los procesos de fronterización estatal, modernización económica y desarraigo social que caracterizan el ciclo. Al final se introducen las cinco contribuciones que presenta el dossier, que contribuyen a repensar historiográficamente la relación entre Estados, capitales y pueblos. Metodología: el artículo da cuenta de un cuerpo bibliográfico diverso sobre la relación entre historias nacionales, de la colonización y de fronteras con énfasis en América del Sur, puestas en el contexto colonial global. Originalidad: el texto discute la estabilidad de la historiografía nacional-liberal a la luz de situaciones de frontera, y propone avanzar en la integración analítica de las realidades coloniales latinoamericanas en su diversidad común. Conclusiones: las historias nacionales contribuyen a legitimar un estadocentrismo que niega la heterogénea experiencia colonial y las radicales desigualdades que las constituyen. Se propone profundizar la historización plurinacional, extranacional, de la enorme continuidad de las situaciones de frontera. Abstract. Objective/Context: This work addresses the articulation between national States and imperial capitals between 1870 and 1930 to explain state bordering processes, economic modernization, and social uprooting that characterize this cycle. The five contributions included in the dossier are presented at the end, which contribute to a historiographic rethinking of the relationship between States, capitals, and peoples. Methodology: The article examines a diverse bibliographic body on the relationship between national histories, colonization, and borders, with an emphasis on South America in the global colonial context. Originality: The text discusses the stability of national-liberal historiography in the light of border situations and proposes to advance the analytical integration of Latin American colonial realities in their common diversity. Conclusions: National histories contribute to legitimizing a state-centrism that denies the heterogeneous colonial experience and radical inequalities that constitute it. The article proposes to deepen the plurinational, extranational historization of the enormous continuity of border situations. Resumo. Objetivo/Contexto: neste trabalho, é abordada a articulação entre Estados nacionais e capitais imperiais entre 1870 e 1930, para explicar os processos de fronteirização estatal, modernização econômica e desenraizamento social que caracteriza o ciclo. No final, são apresentadas cinco contribuições que introduzem o dossiê e que levam a repensar historiograficamente a relação entre Estados, capitais e povos. Metodologia: neste artigo, é evidenciado um corpo bibliográfico diverso sobre a relação entre histórias nacionais, da colonização e de fronteiras com ênfase na América do Sul, situadas no contexto colonial global. Originalidade: neste texto, é discutida a estabilidade da historiografia nacional-liberal à luz de situações de fronteira e é proposto avançar na integração analítica das realidades coloniais latino-americanas em sua diversidade comum. Conclusões: as histórias nacionais contribuem para legitimar um estadocentrismo que nega a heterogênea experiência colonial e as radicais desigualdades que as constituem. É proposto aprofundar a historização plurinacional, extranacional, da enorme continuidade das situações de fronteira.

White upper middle-class Americans at the turn of the twentieth century were entrenched in a battle with a newly discovered, or invented, mental illness called neurasthenia. This essay examines the ways in which the medical discourse of neurasthenia reflected late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century white Anglo-Saxon men’s belief in, as well as anxiety over, American values bolstered by their idea of cultural, racial, and sexual superiority and consolidated through a conjunction of medicine and politics. The idea of neurasthenia as white American men’s malady functioned as a mark both of whites’ racial superiority to the “new” immigrants and African Americans as well as of women’s intellectual inferiority to the opposite sex of their own race. Imposing a subtle distortion on the etiology and diagnosis of neurasthenia and associating it with specific groups of people, the “American disease” constituted the era’s representative pathological symptoms which addressed Anglo-Saxon American men’s anxieties about overcivilized effeminacy and racial and national decadence which was originated as a response to the racial and sexual heterogeneity. This essay also argues that neurasthenia was an imagined disease which addressed late nineteenth-century American men’s spatial anxiety about the decline of the American pastoral ideal caused by the closure of the frontier. Given that the treatment for neurasthenic men was an escape to the frontier in the West in which they could rejuvenate withered American masculinity, their uneasiness about barbarous, unhygienic, and prolific immigrants and unruly white women, in fact, was tied to their spatial anxiety which symptomatically signifies the crisis of American masculinity. Channeled through the medical knowledge of neurology, it made American men’s racial, sexual, and spatial anxieties function to act out their racist, misogynist, nativist, and imperialist impulses which legitimized exclusionary political techniques toward the racial and sexual others such as the U.S. imperial expansion in the 1890s and 1900s and a eugenic-influenced immigration policy from the 1900s through the1920s. In this sense, the decline of neurasthenia around 1920 should not be attributed solely to the continued efforts to professionalize American medicine accompanied by recent discoveries of chemical factors such as hormones and vitamins and the rise of psychiatry and psychology which offered physicians with a more specific theory of health built on clinical laboratory science. Like its rise, the decision to move away from the neurasthenic diagnosis was rather a cultural phenomenon, which reflected the American ascendancy to global power in the early twentieth century, particularly after the First World War. Sustaining a political order rested on racial and sexual hierarchies both within and outside the American continent, American men felt that they were no longer liable to specific, time-tested anxiety and somatic symptoms of neurasthenia, which was more an ideological and cultural construct than a clinical entity that dramatizes the racial, sexual, and imperial politics of the-turn-of-the-twentieth-century America.

The central line of argument in this contribution is that the urgency of the economic, social and environmental crises demands to go beyond the institutionalist efforts to install more Global Framework Agreements or Decent Work Campaigns that often only come with piecemeal changes, if at all. The social uprisings in various countries around the globe that erupted in 2019 and 2020 underline the emerging pressure towards a broader vision of systemic change. The shift of emphasis towards Global Economic Planning opens up the following perspectives: 1. It allows to study and adapt the methods used by transnational corporations in economic planning for alternative purposes. 2. It allows to retrieve experiences made both in capitalist planning, i.e. in the framework of industrial policy and developmental states, and in socialist planning and to apply enhanced versions of both. 3. It allows to intervene strategically in order to exploit the potentials of renewable energy for which investment is stagnating globally. 4. It offers an avenue for the labour movement to become a reliable partner of environmental initiatives and the global climate movement. 5. It can provide an avenue for mass participation in systemic change with concrete objectives like the conversion of the automobile industry, decentralised renewable energy grids, and public and community based health and care systems. Resumo A linha central do argumento nesta contribuição é que a urgência das crises econômica, social e ambiental exige ir além dos esforços institucionalistas para instalar mais Acordos Marco-Globais ou Campanhas de Trabalho Digno. As revoltas sociais em vários países do globo que eclodiram em 2019 e 2020 sublinham a pressão emergente no sentido de uma visão mais ampla da mudança sistêmica. A mudança de ênfase para o Planejamento Econômico Global abre as seguintes perspectivas: 1) Permite estudar e adaptar os métodos utilizados pelas empresas transnacionais no planejamento econômico para fins alternativos. 2) Possibilita recuperar experiências feitas tanto no planejamento capitalista, ou seja, no quadro da política industrial e dos estados de desenvolvimento, como no planejamento socialista, e aplicar versões melhoradas de ambos. 3) Permite intervir estrategicamente a fim de explorar as potencialidades das energias renováveis para as quais o investimento está a estagnar globalmente desde 2015. 4) Oferece uma via para que o movimento laboral se torne um parceiro fiável das iniciativas ambientais e do movimento climático global. 5) Pode proporcionar uma via para a participação em massa na mudança sistêmica com objetivos concretos, como a conversão da indústria automóvel, redes descentralizadas de energias renováveis, um sistema de saúde público e comunitário, entre outros.

Commenting on the use of indigenous Moroccan motifs in the official buildings of the colonial government in Morocco in the 1920s, the French architect Joseph Marrast famously stated: “And thus, little by little, we conquer the hearts of the natives and win their affection, as is our duty as colonizers.” What did Marrast mean by “affection”? Did his understanding of affection differ from that of his English counterparts or early modern French imperialists? How was winning affection through loc...

In the past two decades, particularly, the gross inequities and violence of British colonialism have increasingly featured within popular and academic histories. Yet despite the innumerable wrongs inherent in imperialism, surely the history of the western colonial medicine provides one example of colonial governance having had its heart in the right place? From the mid-19th century, the British empire saw the regular dispatch of thousands of doctors and nurses into remote areas which until that point had had little systematic contact with western biomedical treatments and public health initiatives. For all the blood on British hands politically, were the hospitals built, the drugs distributed, and the research money ploughed into tropical disease research not defensible imperial beneficences?

Daniele Burlando, “Moroccan” Artek—Colonized Textiles within 1930s Modernist Interiors, Journal of Design History, 2022;, epac035, https://doi.org/10.1093/jdh/epac035 Shortly after opening in 1936, the Finnish interior design company Artek organized two exhibitions in Helsinki: a model apartment showroom and a display within its shop, both involving a substantial presence of Amazigh carpets from the French protectorate of Morocco. This article analyses these rugs within Artek identifying them as "colonized textiles." This proposed concept aims to highlight textiles within the appropriation of non-Western cultural fragments by structures of imperialism and coloniality, while parallelly problematizing the inclusion of Amazigh rugs within architectural modernism. The movement of Amazigh rugs from Morocco to Finland, and their transition from Amazigh communities to European modernist interiors, are described through key events and exhibitions from the interwar era. The involvement of Artek actors and the process leading to the founding of Artek are highlighted within this context. Exhibitions are presented as a stage for the interaction of discourses on modernism and imperialism, and for the reiteration of constructed narrations directed by elite circles, supporting the appropriation and commodification of colonized textiles in Europe. Political agendas of cultural supervision within the French protectorate of Morocco are described while situating Amazigh rugs in this context. Parallelly, the relevance of textiles is highlighted within discussions on architectural modernism.

Can exposure to harmful acts committed by other groups lead to refusal to confront hostilities perpetrated by one’s own ingroup? This project seeks to explore the extent to which favourable inter-group comparison – the invocation of sentiments such as “we might be bad, but at least we’re not as bad as them” – can affect how ingroup members confront legacies of perpetration. In doing so it contributes to understanding the psychological defences used by group members when confronted with information that threatens their group’s status. It focuses specifically on the role of inter-group comparison in the UK, a country which often stands accused of having failed to come to terms with its imperial past and the acts and systems of perpetration effected therein.

How do groups faced with information about historical perpetration of harmful acts respond? Do they engage constructively with this history or do they react defensively? This paper explores the extent to which the burden of ancestral crimes is likely to lead to either backlash or constructive reconciliation with the legacies of these crimes. It uses a novel experimental approach to address this question with regard to British involvement in the imperial slave trade. In particular it demonstrates how the family, as a highly essentialised identity aspect, can serve as a locus for the repression of collective guilt among perpetrator groups.

International audience; The informal domination of Marseille’s economic circles in Africa (1815-1880): actors, issues, limitsDuring the nineteenth century, the port of Marseille opened up fully to Africa. To Algeria, of course, but also to Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Libya, Western and Eastern coasts of Africa, and Madagascar. The interest of Marseille economic circles for Africa was both gradual and multi-directional. It responded to two successive economic strategies that were closely linked but still differed significantly in some notable respects: the quest for commercial expansion by agreement with the incumbent African rulers (1815-1880), excepting the somewhat exceptional case of Algeria; and, from the 1880s onwards, the desire to frame their economic activities within colonial rule. This article focus on the first historical sequence and intend to question the degree of relevance of a number of concepts – “informai empire”, “libéral imperialism” or “imperialism of free trade” – in characterizing the relations between Marseille economic circles and Africa from 1815 to 1880.; Au cours du xixe siècle le port de Marseille s’ouvre pleinement à l’Afrique. À l’Algérie, bien évidemment, mais aussi à la Tunisie, au Maroc, à l’Égypte, à la Libye, aux rivages de l’Ouest et de l’Est africain et à Madagascar. L’intérêt des milieux économiques marseillais pour l’Afrique est à la fois progressif et tous azimuts. Il correspond à deux positionnements politiques successifs qui entretiennent entre eux des liens étroits, tout en offrant des discontinuités notables : la recherche, hormis le cas un peu particulier de l’Algérie, d’une expansion commerciale dans le cadre d’une entente avec les autorités africaines en place (1815-1880) ; le souhait d’inscrire leur activité économique dans un cadre colonial à partir des années 1880-1890. Cet article vise à étudier la première séquence de cette histoire et à analyser le niveau d’opérabilité d’un certain nombre de notions – « empire informel », « impérialisme libéral » ou « impérialisme du libre-échange » – pour caractériser les relations entre les milieux économiques marseillais et l’Afrique au cours des années 1815-1880.

This text introduces the themed issue “Imperialism, Internationalism and Education in Africa: Connected Histories”. It provides an overview of the history of education in twentieth-century Africa, highlighting its major problems, themes, and actors. Arguing for a transnational and connected approach to this field of research, it also explains how the four papers included in the issue allow to address the multiple entanglements between educational internationalism and imperialism in the late colonial and early postcolonial period

This study of Anglicanism, the Mau Mau conflict, and decolonisation in Kenya advances the limited literature on Christianity during the late imperial period in East Africa. Using new Christian and government sources, I detail how Anglicans navigated the complex and violent Mau Mau insurgency. I argue that despite the Anglican Church’s close relationship with the colonial state, Mau Mau had a significant impact on the Church’s outlook. In particular, the conflict was instrumental in removing Anglicanism’s colour bar. As African priests gained power and influence, they encouraged Anglicans to support Kenyan independence. I find that the Anglican Church played a greater role during Mau Mau and decolonisation than has been appreciated in previous scholarship., Arts and Humanities Research Council; Lightfoot Fund, Faculty of History, University of Cambridge

This article offers an analysis of texts which were written in 1802-3 and published in 1812 under the title Panopticon versus New South Wales, namely Jeremy Bentham’s first two letters to Lord Pelham and A Plea for the Constitution, arguing that, in his attempt to show the superiority of his Panopticon plan over the transportation scheme, the reformer depicted New South Wales as a Gothic dystopia. ‘Gothic’ is here understood as a literary genre (with its motifs and scenarios), an ideological term and a critical tool. Bentham upset the conventional cartography of his time by showing that the ‘archaic’ or ‘barbarian’ practices that Gothic novels located in Catholic Europe were actually present in British penal policies. In addition to drawing on the rhetoric and the dichotomies which underlay the Gothic novels published during his lifetime, Bentham anticipated scenarios – such as reverse colonization and contamination – which would be explored in Victorian fiction. By extrapolating in dystopian fashion from trends which were present in the British body politic, Bentham’s Australian writings show how a historical period may be haunted by its future potentialities. Cet article propose une analyse de textes écrits en 1802-3 et publiés en 1812 sous le titre Panopticon versus New South Wales, à savoir les deux premières lettres adressées par Jeremy Bentham à Lord Pelham et A Plea for the Constitution. Il entend montrer que, afin de prouver la supériorité de son projet panoptique sur le système de transportation, le réformateur présente la Nouvelle-Galles du Sud comme une dystopie gothique. « Gothique » est ici compris comme un genre littéraire, avec ses motifs et ses scénarios, un terme idéologique et un outil critique. Bentham bouleverse la cartographie conventionnelle de son époque en montrant que les pratiques ‘archaïques’ et ‘barbares’ que les romans gothiques situaient dans l’Europe catholique étaient en fait présentes dans les politiques pénales britanniques. En plus de mobiliser la rhétorique et les dichotomies qui sous-tendent les romans gothiques publiés de son vivant, Bentham anticipe des scénarios – tels la colonisation inversée et la contamination – qui devaient être explorés dans la fiction victorienne. En extrapolant, comme le font les dystopies, à partir de tendances présentes dans le corps politique britannique, les écrits de Bentham sur l’Australie montrent comment une période historique peut être hantée par ses potentialités futures.

L. T. Hobhouse (1864–1929) is most familiar today as a leading theorist of British new liberalism. This article recovers and examines his overlooked commentary on the concept and rhetoric of race, which constituted part of his better-known project of advancing an authoritative account of liberal doctrine. His writings during and after the South African War, I argue, represent a prominent effort to cast liberalism as compatible with both imperial rule and what he called ‘the idea of racial equality’. A properly liberal empire, he asserted, would dissolve the colour line. This article traces the arguments Hobhouse advanced to make this claim, and explores his motivations for doing so. I contend that Hobhouse drew on the idiom of race as a form of exclusionary rhetoric, to delegitimise rival accounts of liberal empire and to cast his own as properly cosmopolitan. This recovery, I suggest, offers payoffs for our understanding of both Hobhouse's political thought and, more broadly, the uses of ‘race’ in twentieth-century liberalism.

This dissertation examines the intersection of American imperialism and the protest culture of dissenting Protestantism in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century through the lens of an American-born apocalyptic movement: Seventh-day Adventism. Invoking biblical apocalypticism to foreground their anti-imperialism, Adventists developed a theological framework to interpret the ethics of US foreign policy. They rendered the book of Revelation’s symbol of a “lamblike” beast that behaves like a “dragon” as a prophetic indictment against the United States for professing to champion civil and religious liberty while carrying out an imperialistic policy abroad. Challenging the popular notions of American exceptionalism and Christian nationalism, Adventists decried the government’s collusion with a politicized religious establishment––mainline Protestantism––that endorsed its abuse of power. This case study analyses Adventist dissent during three episodes in American foreign policy history: the Philippine-American War, the Boxer Rebellion in China, and World War I. Chapter 1 focuses on the intellectual underpinnings of Adventists’ apocalyptic worldview, which informed their political philosophy and shaped their subversive views against the US government. Chapter 2 analyses Adventist opposition to the United States’ formal debut as an overseas imperial power during the forceful annexation of the Philippines. Throughout the Philippine-American War, Adventists rejected the myth of a “Christian Nation”; they declared a national apostasy from the nation’s founding documents, and addressed the warped conceptions of race influencing US policies abroad. Chapter 3 traces how they turned their attention from formal to informal imperialism in China during the Boxer Rebellion, leveling a multifaceted protest against violations of human rights and national sovereignty. They depicted the Open Door policy as a sinister ploy to enforce US commercial interests, denounced Euro-centric notions of international law, and arraigned the missionary enterprise for its complicity in making a mockery of both diplomacy and Christianity. Finally, chapter 4 considers the intense backlash against Adventists who were targeted by the US government for their subversive views during World War I. As Adventist apocalyptic beliefs were deemed unpatriotic and a danger to the government, the Department of Justice and the Bureau of Investigation subjected the church to government surveillance, banned their literature, and threatened them with imprisonment under federal enactments like the Espionage Act (1917) and the Sedition Act (1918). Studying how the US government responded to criticism from religious groups during times of national crisis sheds light on the tensions between the American state and religious culture in the late 1890s and early 1900s. Overall, this study offers broader insights beyond merely the Adventist movement. It reveals a wider network of Protestants who were critical of American imperialism. It also draws attention to the understudied dynamic of how some Protestants opposed American imperialism, highlighting a dissenting tradition from within Protestantism that is a counter- witness against the ways religion has been utilized to promote nationalistic and jingoistic visions of America in the world.

Modern human society has been transformed by digital technologies as they continue to become more integrated into daily life. The computing power of these technologies provide opportunities for software developers to create more efficient solutions to the problems of end users. Database systems are able to easily store large amounts of user statistics, which can then be used to help end users track progress and inform effective decision-making on how best to solve their problems. Human society has also become increasingly more globalized and connected as a result of the popularization of the internet. Such connectivity has also opened up additional avenues for dominant technological powers to exert their influence onto weaker nations. The technical thesis documents the development of an online, database-driven, test-taking system titled the Information Technology Learning Management System (IT LMS). The IT LMS’s goal was to provide software developers with a forum to test themselves on IT concepts so that they could effectively maintain a knowledge base. The thesis covers the design philosophy of the project, before diving in-to the technical aspects of the system’s implementation, including backend database and user interface design. The project successfully utilized the power of databases to store user metrics in order to help users track their progress and identify areas for improvement, illustrating the additional functionality software solutions can enjoy by harnessing the storage and computational power of information technologies. The STS thesis explores how control over digital technologies allows countries to better exert their influence on the global stage. The thesis analyzes the internet of the United States, and the methods in which it uses its dominance over global telecommunications technologies and internet platforms in order to punish or influence foreign countries. The paper then pivots into a look at the internet of the U.S.’s foremost geopolitical rival, China, and how its isolated internet design allows it to maintain technological sovereignty. The research illuminated how digital technologies have been used to support imperialistic goals, contextualizing why certain countries outside of the imperial core implement a restrictive internet design. Both projects gave me great insight into the applications of information technologies. The technical project allowed me to appreciate the capabilities of databases, while providing me with a greater understanding of how software is created in the private sector. The STS research allowed me to explore the politics of control behind these information technologies and taught me the various methods in which a digitized society can be exploited in order to further imperialist goals.

FREE ACCESS: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/0377919X.2020.1855933 For the last decade of his life, the Palestinian intellectual, author, and editor Ghassan Kanafani (d. 1972) was deeply immersed in theorizing, lecturing, and publishing on Palestinian resistance literature from Beirut. A refugee of the 1948 war, Kanafani presented his theory of resistance literature and the notion of “cultural siege” at the March 1967 Beirut conference of the Soviet-funded Afro-Asian Writers Association (AAWA). Articulated in resistance to Zionist propaganda literature and in solidarity with Marxist-Leninist revolutionary struggles in the Third World, Kanafani was inspired by Maxim Gorky, William Faulkner, and Mao Zedong alike. In books, essays, and lectures, Kanafani argued that Zionist propaganda literature served as a “weapon” in the war against Palestine, returning repeatedly to Arthur Koestler’s 1946 Thieves in the Night. Better known for his critique of Stalinism in Darkness at Noon (1940), Koestler was also actively involved in waging cultural Cold War, writing the United States Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) Congress for Cultural Freedom 1950 manifesto and helping the organization infiltrate Afro-Asian writing in the wake of Bandung. Kanafani’s 1960s theory of resistance literature thus responded at once to the psychological dislocation of Zionist propaganda fiction and the cultural infiltration of Arabic literature in the Cold War.

In this paper, the author interprets the political aspects of cultural hegemonism. Firstly, a theoretical differentiation is made between the cultural and the political hegemonism, and then, a discussion is opened about the occurrences of cultural annexation. The practical instances of cultural hegemonism, upon which political interests are being reflected, are taken from the Balkan region. Chronologically, the initial forms of Balkan cultural hegemonism observed here are from the second half of the 19th century, while also taking into account their later implications in the 21st century. Particular attention is focused on the ‘Macedonian case’. The code of 19th-century Balkan cultural hegemonism was visibly activated at the beginning of the 21st century, while it was latently trailing through the entire 20th century. The author argues that cultural hegemonism is a historical phenomenon, governed by general historical principles and laws, so it may be foreseeable and replaced by better solutions.

Liu offers insights about the collapse of the biosecurity regime It makes a world of difference where the novel coronavirus travels Sirens wail day and night on the streets as doctors and nurses struggle to keep critically ill patients alive while exposing themselves to the deadly pathogen To the astonishment of the world, American society has not prepared itself for a disaster of this magnitude;and worse, many in Europe and America had initially been led to believe that the novel coronavirus might be one of those isolated, regional affairs Recent genomic analyses suggest that the vast majority of coronavirus cases in New York came from Europe, not from Asia Blindsided by its own racism, the political calculus of the US biosecurity regime has misfired

The “Spanish influenza” pandemic that struck Egypt in fall 1918 resulted in the death of eleven out of every one thousand people. Despite the mass suffering caused by the pandemic, it has been largely ignored by historians. I describe how the Egyptian public health service was unprepared for a major health crisis because resources were redirected to serve military needs. Rural and poor Egyptians were particularly vulnerable as war food policies failed to meet their stated goal of ensuring a consistent and affordable supply of commodities; by summer 1918 conditions had deteriorated to the point that food riots and wheat famines were reported throughout the country. I conclude by raising questions about the impact that the pandemic had on the political situation in Egypt, arguing that the government’s inability to manage the crisis contributed to pressures underlying the 1919 nationalist uprising.

EnglishThis article discusses Latin American “structural dependence”. At least since the 1920s, this theme has enabled an axis of interpretations on social misery and economic retardment in the region. The main emphasis for this explanation was found in the subordination relations to the imperialist countries in alliance with the local “national” bourgeoisies. The topic today is rarely addressed in academic circles and even by a large part of the political left. The globalization did not eliminate the process of structural dependency but empowered it. It is not possible to consider such a phenomenon without also considering the so-called “progressive” governments, which developed in South America, starting in the late 1990s. The new forms of extractivism that expanded over huge territorial areas, with the sign of the mega mining and agricultural enterprises of international groups on the original peoples, peasants and quilombolas, gained new expansion in progressive governments. In this current period, the new right-wing and ultra-right governments are working to further deepen this dependency. portuguesO presente artigo discute a “dependencia estrutural” latino-americana. Apresento uma sintese da evolucao desse tema no pensamento social critico latino-americano, como tambem esboco alguns de seus tracos atuais na realidade regional. Pelo menos desde a decada de 1920, essa perspectiva analitica possibilitou um eixo diverso de interpretacoes sobre as desigualdades, miseria social e atraso economico na regiao. A enfase principal para essa explicacao encontrou-se em torno das relacoes de subordinacao aos paises imperialistas em alianca com as burguesias “nacionais” locais. O tema na atualidade e pouco abordado nos meios academicos e por grande parte da esquerda politica na America Latina. A globalizacao nao eliminou o processo de dependencia estrutural, pelo contrario o aprofundou. Ao meu entender, nao e possivel considerar tal fenomeno sem considerar tambem os chamados governos “progressistas”, que se desenvolveram na America do Sul, a partir do final dos anos 1990. Esses governos nao romperam ou minimizaram lacos de dependencia estrutural. Essa afirmacao nao e dificil de percebe-la na realidade social regional. As novas formas de extrativismo que se expandiram sobre enormes areas territoriais, tendo como signo os megaempreendimentos de mineracao e agropecuarios de grupos internacional sobre os povos originarios, camponeses e quilombolas, ganharam nova expansao nos governos progressistas. Nesse atual periodo, os novos governos de direita, ultradireita ou protofascista empenham-se no aprofundamento ainda maior dessa dependencia estrutural.

Assyrian imperialism is closely associated with the practice of mass deportation. This practice has been explained by recourse to many different motivations. But can we hope to pinpoint the logic informing deportation rather than merely identifying its advantages? This paper surveys the evidence of deportation in the Levant in the period 745–620 b.c.e. Focusing on deportation in this circumscribed time and place enables a more concentrated account of its use. Deportation is generally argued to have served three broad ends: bolstering the supply of human resources in the Assyrian heartland, meeting particular strategic needs, and dealing with dissent. This paper finds that despite the many uses of deportation, it was first and foremost a punitive instrument intended to curb resistance to Assyrian hegemony. This punitive dimension constituted the foundation of Assyrian deportation in the Levant in the age of Assyrian hegemony.

Resumo Esse artigo trata da atuação das companhias de seguros no Brasil entre os anos de 1889 e 1914. Buscamos apresentar quão ampla foi a inserção dessas firmas na economia brasileira de então; constata-se que, para além da concessão de seguros marítimos, terrestres e de vida, essas companhias tiveram ativa participação financeira, concedendo crédito e financiando o Estado brasileiro por meio da contínua compra de apólices da dívida pública federal. Buscou-se enfatizar a transição de uma dinâmica mercantil para outra financeira, comprovada para as companhias de seguros sobretudo a partir da década de 1890, e mostrar como a atividade seguradora no Brasil de então foi influenciada pelas novas condições do capitalismo global. Abstract This article analyzes the performance of insurance companies in Brazil between 1889 and 1914. It seeks to present the wide insertion of these companies in the Brazilian economy; it is concluded that in addition to the insurance concession, these firms played an active financial role, granting credit and financing the Brazilian State through the continuous purchase of federal public debt policies. We sought to emphasize the transition from a commercial to a financial dynamic, proven by insurance companies particularly since the 1890s, and also show how the insurance activity of that time was influenced by the new conditions of global capitalism.

This paper looks at the exhibiting of Middle Eastern cultures in the World’s Fairs of the nineteenth century, focusing mainly on the representation of the culture and people through staged scenes purportedly imitating real life. The Middle Eastern pavilions and streets at the 1889 Exposition Universelle in Paris, along with those of the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition, Chicago, are looked at for their tendency to portray an image of the Middle East which was loaded with Orientalist stereotypes. Such stereotypes were often driven by imperialist and Western supremacist notions which were wrapped up in moralistic pretentions. The framing of the Middle East as a place which was in decline, barbaric and lacking the ethical makeup of Western Christianity became an important feature of these exhibitions. The presentation of Middle Eastern women at the World’s Fairs and the reactions to their performances reveals popular beliefs about the Orient which continued from traditional Orientalist texts and paintings. The portrayal of the region during these Fairs can be seen to have contributed to at least some of the stereotyping of the region which carries on into the twenty-first century.

This paper offers a broad historical and comparative analysis of territorial organisation and autonomy in Russia from the early modern age to the present. To what degree, when, and why did the Russian and Soviet authorities accommodate and even promote regional and national autonomies on their expanding territory? The paper reviews efforts at decentralisation (and in some cases fede ralisation) as a set of imagined, proposed, and (partially) implemented measures. In so doing, it identifies historical 'moments' at which autonomous solutions became particularly important. It also highlights commonalities and differences, continuities and ruptures in longterm perspective while tracing the specificities of the Russian case. While different forms of territorial autonomy co-existed throughout Russian history, most were shortlived or heavily constrained.

What were the knowledges, scientific evidence and terms of recognition that constituted the object minority in the Indian subcontinent? How was minority produced simultaneously as a generalizable identity and as a naturalized marker of the Muslim identity? Focusing on the late colonial and the early postcolonial period, this dissertation is an analysis of the emergence of minority in relation to the nation-state in India. In doing that, I examine how minority came to be constituted as much by scientific knowledge produced about non-dominant communities, as by the discourse around electoral politics and constitutional rights. I demonstrate the possibilities and limitations in the way minority came to be constructed as a marginalized subject in governance and at the same time a difference from the national norm that threatened the ideal of the homogenous nation. Drawing on and contributing to scholarship in political history, history and sociology of science, and race and religious studies, this dissertation offers a reimagination of the relation between minority, nation and population.

This article focuses on the second volume of Lady Mary Wroth’s Urania and sheds light on Wroth’s appropriation of the medieval mode of the Crusader romance to acknowledge increasing contacts with the East at the time of her writing, while reviving the nostalgic ideal of a united Christian empire. This article demonstrates how Wroth drew inspiration from real-life Anglo-Eastern unions, such as the one between Robert Sherley and his wife Teresa Sampsonia, to sustain her imperialist fantasy of the Persian Empire being incorporated into a white, unified Christendom, mainly through courtly marriages between Eastern princesses and Western knights.

Willard D. Straight - architect, diplomat, photographer, publisher, sketcher, and writer - arrived in Korea in 1904 as a correspondent during the Russo-Japanese War, and became the US vice consul in Seoul in 1905. By utilizing a number of images from the Willard Dickerman Straight Papers of Cornell University Library's Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, and by referring to other relevant sources of/about Straight, this essay presents a textual analysis and comprehensive visual reading about the country which Straight observed in a very crucial transition period in global history. It provides a glimpse at the perspective of an early twentieth-century American diplomat, eyewitness, photographer, and writer on the cultural, industrial, and technological transformations that Korea experienced in the early 1900s as a consequence of its interaction with major world powers.

In the two parts of this chapter, we investigate the ways in which major royal cities of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid realms were constructed as capitals of imperial states. In particular, we discuss how the foundation stories of these cities reflect conflicts and integration politics, which the creation of imperial metropoleis involved and which these stories aimed to control. Against the common assumption that the capitals of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid empires were culturally and politically uncontested, we will suggest that both Ptolemaic and Seleucid royal cities were constantly positioned and re-positioned vis-à-vis other royal or imperial cities that expressed, or had expressed in the past, similar claims. In the foundation myths of royal cities, we observe both competition and accommodation: competition and acommodation, that is, across the imperial zones of the Seleucid and Ptolemaic kings, between Memphis and Alexandria, as well as between Alexandria and Rome.

Purpose: The depiction of the problems of conflicts and contradictions and graphical portrayal of the web of human relationship among people of varied races in South African society by Coetzee has been identified as the focus of the study. The British rule had an impact on South Africa that comprised the native South Africans or black race, Afrikaners or the white South Africans and the white people of colonial authority. The research has reviewed related research articles, books and research theses done on the novels of J.M. Coetzee to consolidate the data on the portrayal of the web of human relationship among people of varied races in South Africa. A close reading of select novels of Coetzee also reveals the effects of racism and colonial oppression. More importantly, his writings transcend political, geographical and social boundaries to achieve universal significance. The study of related literature in the works of Coetzee further discloses his ability not only to delineate local situations and characters but to infuse them with universal ideology and characteristics of his mission as well. However, the study to achieve research focus has been confined to the web of human relationships. His use of the country's apartheid system and its post-apartheid transition to represent the bareness and desolation of the human state has also been brought under the discussion. Thus, the present study intends to bring out social relationship existing amidst the native South Africans, the Afrikaners or the white South Africans and the people from white authority in apartheid society of South Africa, with specific reference to select novels. Design/Methodology/Approach: The researcher has reviewed almost fifty research articles, fifteen books and fifteen research theses for Master Degree, Master of Philosophy and Doctorate in Philosophy on the novels of Coetzee. Hard copies of some of the books were accessed in the St. Aloysius College library, Mangalore and EFLU library, Hyderabad. The online search was made to collect the database through Google scholar. The studies reviewed are peer reviewed journals, original research papers, National and International Publications. The researcher has referred and followed APA Manuel for the analyses of the research work. Findings/Result: After reviewing a greater number of articles, books and theses it has been found that the multiple interpretations which were given to Coetzee’s novels help to emerge his mission which is more quizzical, more explorative. On reading his novels, one may find out that Coetzee does not stop with describing and delineating local situations and characters, but infuses them with universal ideology and characteristics of his mission. Originality/Value: It’s proven that the web of social relationship and social reality are not a fixed presence; it varies from person to person, place to place, culture to culture, and country to country in any moment or situation. Genuine social and human relationship developed and sustained with the true nobleness of humanity is the means to thwart the ills and troubles of the societal conflicts and contradictions. Paper Type: It’s analytical research (review of literature).

Orientador: Luis Enrique Aguilar Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação Resumo: Enfrentando uma crise sistêmica que eclode na década de 1970, se inicia na década de 1980 a recomposição neoconservadora, um movimento regressivo nas esferas do político, do econômico e do social, que significa, por fim, um retrocesso ao economicismo mais cru, negador dos direitos sociais conquistados ao longo do século XX. Junto à transformação do sistema produtivo, que evolui para a chamada acumulação flexível, se produz um desemprego crescente que faz possível a regressão nas relações de trabalho e sociais. Talvez a marca mais distintiva deste processo seja a reconfiguração do papel do Estado, não mais garantia de direitos sob o chamado Estado de Bem-Estar para transformar-se em um Estado Gerente ou Gestor. Este movimento se impõe de imediato na América Latina, refém do pagamento da dívida externa, e tem sua expressão no Brasil e na Argentina, na década de 1990, nos dois períodos presidenciais de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e de Carlos Menem, respectivamente. Na educação, a recomposição se instala seguindo as receitas do Banco Mundial. A partir do aproveitamento político e mediático dos atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, se põem em ação mecanismos de legitimação que permitem ao governo neoconservador dos Estados Unidos assumir a forma declarada de um novo imperialismo. Este novo imperialismo se apresenta sob o nome encobridor de globalização: um mundo sem fronteiras nem restrições para a acumulação do capital. Considerando que o sistema capitalista necessita para sua sobrevivência, por sua natureza competitiva, de uma constante expansão nos mais diversos horizontes, o movimento atual, em uma fronteira imaterial consiste em converter todas as atividades humanas e a natureza em mercadorias, e pretender reger todas as relações pelas regras do mercado, o que significa a mercantilização da vida em seus múltiplos aspectos, também na educação. Referindo-nos em especial à educação superior, fazemos um estudo comparativo entre o Brasil e a Argentina nos governos de Lula e Kirchner, e também das metamorfoses locais em relação aos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e de Carlos Menem. Tendo em conta os desafios e as tendências atuais da educação superior e com base na experiência de nossos países, nos parece necessário pensar em horizontes alternativos aos de sua pura mercantilização. Mesmo no cenário do novo imperialismo, consideramos que existem respostas melhores do que as de aceitação e de submissão Abstract: Facing a systemic crisis since the 1970s, the 1980s brought about a neoconservative revival, a reactionary political, economic and social movement that eventually led to a regression into the crudest form of economic policies, which denied all the social rights gained throughout the 20th century. Along with the transformation of the production system, which evolves into the so-called flexible accumulation, there is increased unemployment, which enables the regression in labor and social relations. Maybe the most distinguishable feature of this process is the shift in roles played by the State, which no longer secures rights under the Welfare State, but becomes a Managing or Administrative State. This shift became readily apparent in Latin America, held hostage by foreign debt payments, and is evidenced in Brazil and Argentina in the 1990s, during the two-term presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Carlos Menem, respectively. In education, this revival is applied by following the World Bank¿s recipes. The political and media exploitation of 9/11 allowed the neoconservative US government to legitimize the evident form of a new imperialism. This new imperialism is presented under the cover-up name of globalization: a world without borders or restrictions for capital accumulation. Considering that the survival of the capitalist system, due to its competitive nature, depends on a constant expansion to the most diverse horizons, the current movement towards an immaterial frontier consists of turning nature and each and every human activity into merchandise, and pretending to bind all relations by the rules of the market, which would entail the commercialization of the multiple aspects of life, including education. Referring specifically to higher education, we make a comparative analysis of Brazil and Argentina during the Lula and Kirchner presidencies, and also of the local changes in government policy since Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Carlos Menem were in office. Considering the current challenges and tendencies of higher education and basing on past experiences in our countries, we find it necessary to consider alternative solutions to a total commercialization. Even as we face the new imperialism scenario, we propose better responses than acceptance and submission Doutorado Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia Resumo: Com fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, estabeleceu-se no mundo uma nova conformação política e econômica derivada dos resultados do conflito. De um lado, constitui-se o bloco socialista sob a liderança soviética, ao qual, em 1949, se juntaria a China, de outro lado, formou-se o bloco dos países capitalistas liderados pelos Estados Unidos que saíra da guerra como a maior potência econômica e militar do globo. O mundo capitalista, a partir daí, reestruturou-se, restaurando as forças produtivas industriais das anteriores economias mais desenvolvidas. Receberam estas, para que se mantivessem como nações capitalistas, o auxílio dos Estados Unidos, através do Plano Marshall para Europa e de volumosa ajuda econômica para o Japão. Reconfigurou-se, então, um novo sistema de acumulação baseado, a princípio, na esfera industrial sob moldes mais concentrados e expandidos internacionalmente por meio da constituição das empresas multinacionais. Estava conformada, portanto, uma nova estrutura de competição por mercados tanto nos países do centro mais desenvolvido, quanto na periferia. Países subdesenvolvidos como o Brasil, buscavam, ao mesmo tempo, inserir-se de maneira menos subalterna ao renovado sistema capitalista, concatenando esforços para constituir forças produtivas industriais que permitissem melhor posição na divisão internacional do trabalho. O Plano de Metas do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1961) era a tentativa que se faria para a complementação desse projeto. A dependência em relação aos produtos primários de exportação, principalmente o café, seria o limitante que obrigaria o país a melhor barganhar opções para essa inserção, pois havia necessidade de capital e tecnologia não disponíveis localmente. Muitos dos investimentos necessários foram conseguidos junto à Europa e ao Japão, mas a ajuda econômica dos Estados Unidos era ainda imprescindível. O propósito deste trabalho é exatamente o de analisar os pleitos brasileiros e as exigências que enfrentaria caso quisesse obtê-los. A resposta e os interesses norte-americanos nas suas relações com o Brasil não eram exatamente aqueles que estavam dentro das expectativas brasileiras de desenvolvimento econômico Abstract: With the end of World War II, a new political and economic conformation was set forth in the world, derived from the results of the conflict. On one hand, the socialist bloc was established under Soviet leadership, which, in 1949, would join China and, on the other hand, a bloc of capitalist countries was formed led by the United States that had emerged from the war as the world's greatest economic and military power. From there on, the capitalist world was restructured, restoring the productive industrial power of the previous more developed economies. These nations were given, in order to remain as capitalist nations, the U.S. aid through the Marshall Plan for Europe and massive economic aid for Japan. Then, a new system of accumulation was reconfigured, based in principle, on the industrial sphere, under more internationally concentrated and expanded patterns, through the establishment of multinational companies. Therefore, a new competition framework was created, both by markets in more developed countries of the center, as well as in the suburbs. Developing countries like Brazil, were seeking, at the same time, an insertion in a less subordinate way into the new capitalist system, joining efforts to establish industrial productive forces allowing a better position in the international division of labor. The Target Plan of Juscelino Kubitschek's government (1956-1961) was the attempt that would be done for the complementation of this project. The dependence on primary commodity exports, mainly coffee, would be the limiting force obliging the country to bargain better options for that insertion, because there was a need for capital and technology, not available locally. Many of the required investments were obtained from with Europe and Japan, but the U.S. economic aid was still essential. The purpose of this paper is to analyze, exactly, the causes of Brazil and the demands that would face to win them. The response and the American interests in its relations with Brazil were not exactly those that were within the Brazilian expectations of economic development Mestrado História Econômica Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

After the Kingdom of Italy annexed Rome and its territories from the papacy in 1870, relations between Italy and the Holy See deteriorated steadily. Yet, while at the domestic level political tensions between the two persisted for years, a 'cold' alliance united them when it came to their financial interests in the Ottoman Empire. In this context, Italian foreign policy-makers saw the Holy See's financial resources as a useful bridgehead to justify imperialist policies in the Ottoman lands, despite the general hostility towards such overtures in Ottoman governmental and diplomatic circles. The aim of this article is to understand this apparently ambivalent relationship between Italy and the Holy See through an analysis of their investment strategies in the Ottoman market. Unable to establish itself on the Italian peninsula, the 'unholy alliance' between Rome and the Papacy that materialised in the Ottoman Empire sharply illustrates how Italian and Papal financial and diplomatic elites could easily overcome political conflicts when these concerned investments in 'peripheral' territories where both parties had interests to defend.

The paper offers a reading of Mass Effect: Andromeda (BioWare, 2017) vis-à-vis lost world romance (also dubbed “lost race romance”, or “imperial romance”), a late-Victorian era novelistic genre originating from H. Rider Haggard’s King Solomon’s Mines and serving as a major tool for British Empire propaganda and a source of early science-fiction conventions. We claim that the narrative failure of this ill-received game stems from its adherence to the rigid principles and forceful themes of the genre and the colonial and imperial imaginary informing it. Our analysis aims at highlighting the way 19th-century novelistic convention can be remediated as contemporary digital games, and to expose the link between the imperial imaginary and the ways in which open-world digital games are structured, on both the narrative and gameplay levels, even when they do not directly refer to the historical colonial legacy.

In this interview with historian Jack P. Greene we discussed historiographical trends in the study of early modern empires and the role he played in the development of an Atlantic perspective that has been broadly adopted in the academia. We went through his ideas of negotiation and colonial autonomy, marks of early modern empires, as well as his ideas about what should be a fruitful comparative history, focused in differences and interconnections. The interview was also an opportunity to reflect upon issues such as the toxic role of traditional national narratives, the formation of national identities in the New World, the pervasive Marxian approaches and his experimentation with postcolonial studies. Nesta entrevista com o historiador americano Jack P. Greene discutiram-se as tendências atuais da historiografia para o estudo dos impérios modernos, desde a história atlântica à história global. Discutiu-se também o papel que ele desempenhou na definição de uma história imperial centrada nas ideias de negociação e de autonomia colonial, que acabaram por ser adotadas de forma generalizada e muito para além da academia norte-americana. Revisitámos, de permeio, as suas propostas para o que deveria ser uma história comparativa frutífera, focada em diferenças e interconexões. A entrevista foi também uma oportunidade para refletir sobre questões como as problemáticas narrativas nacionais tradicionais, a formação de identidades nacionais no Novo Mundo, as abordagens marxistas da história e a sua curta experiência com estudos pós-coloniais. Dans cet entretien avec l’historien américain Jack P. Greene, sont abordées les tendances actuelles de l’historiographie sur l’étude des empires modernes, de l’histoire de l’Atlantique à l’histoire mondiale. Est aussi évoqué le rôle qu’a joué Jack P. Greene dans la formation d’une histoire impériale centrée sur les idées de négociation et d’autonomie coloniale qui ont finalement été largement adoptées, bien au-delà de l’académie américaine. Nous abordons ses propositions pour ce qui devrait être une histoire comparative fructueuse, axée sur les différences et les interconnexions. L’entrevue a également été l’occasion de réfléchir sur des questions telles que les problématiques narratives nationales traditionnelles, la formation des identités nationales dans le Nouveau Monde, les approches marxistes de l’histoire et sa courte expérience des études postcoloniales.