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Background Identifying and treating cleft lip and palate deformities requires a multidisciplinary approach due to the multiple alterations and manifestations it generates. It properly involves knowledge of surgeries performed previously in addition to individualized surgical planning. Surgical planning depends on the severity of the deformity, the patient's age, and an adequate family support network. The correction or attenuation of these sequelae provides these patients with the opportunity to improve their physical health, their self-esteem and, above all, it gives them the opportunity to integrate into society with dignity.

The Chilean Abbe Ignacio Molina (1740-1829) developed a brilliant career as naturalist in the University of Bologna, where he arrived when the Jesuit Order was expelled from the Spanish colonies in 1767, until he was accused of heresy because some ideas about evolution expressed in one of his late works, at the same time with Lamarck and 44 years before Darwin. In his youth Molina was affected in a severe way by smallpox, leaving us in two poems a vivid story of his suffering, not only by the disease itself but also for the useless therapeutic measures, some disagreeable, like enemas; other injurious, as bleeding and topic vinegar of the four thieves. A handful of the more significant verses from the two Latin Elegies "De peste variolarum" and "De peste variolis vulgo dicta" is analyzed: its literary value is scarce, its reading is bored, and its real merit only historic.

Among its various ancient and extra-European examples, the celebrated Plate N of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Dictionnaire de musique includes a melody of Chinese provenance. Scholars have proposed three possible sources for the melody: Jean-Joseph-Marie Amiot, Jean-Baptiste Du Halde and the Abbé Prévost. By synthesizing the known sources and introducing additional archival evidence I establish that Rousseau took the melody from Du Halde, not Prévost – and definitely not Amiot. Along the way, I provide an account of Amiot's extant manuscripts and their circulation in Enlightenment Paris. These details begin to suggest the broader panorama of the French Enlightenment's encounter with China and the networks of trade, diplomacy and proselytization that facilitated it.

La Carta al Abate Raynal fue publica por primera vez en 1782 como respuesta a la aparición, un año antes, de latraducción al inglés del relato del Abate Raynal sobre la Revolución en América. Aunque empieza reconociéndole su estilo al autor de la muy influyente Historia filosófica y política de los establecimientos y del comercio de los europeos en las dos Indias, le reprocha su falta de sentido práctico, y corrigiendo lo que consideraba errores y falsas suposiciones sobre los orígenes de la Guerra de la Independencia y el papel de Francia en el movimiento independentista, Thomas Paine expone en la Cartala dimensión universal de sus principios revolucionarios. Eclipsada por otras obras y pasada por alto, la Carta, escrita en el contexto de las negociaciones diplomáticas para la paz, representa un punto de inflexión en el pensamiento de su autor al empezar a pensar en términos internacionales The Letter to the Abbé Raynal was first published in 1782 in response to the appearance, a year earlier, of the English translation of the Abbé Raynal’s account of the Revolution in America. Although he begins acknowledging the style of the author of the highly influential Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes, then he reproaches him for his lack of practicality, and corrects what he considers to be errors and false assumptions about the origins of the War of Independence and the role of France in the independence movement, Thomas Paine sets out in the Letter the universal dimension of his revolutionary principles. Eclipsed by other works and usually overlooked, the Letter, written in the context of diplomatic negotiations for peace, represents a turning point in the author’s thinking as he began to think in international terms.

This article analyses the abbe de Saint-Pierre as a mediator of ideas between France and England. The political proposal of the Projet pour rendre la paix perpetuelle en Europe circulated in Great ...

espanolSe ha dicho que el Abbe de Saint-Pierre escribio su proyecto para remediar los males que afectaban a Europa, enferma a raiz de los conflictos belicos que se sucedian casi ininterrumpidamente; pero, tal vez, deberia decirse tambien que el abad escribio su proyecto para proteger los intereses de la Casa de Francia en el marco de la Guerra de Sucesion espanola. Con la herencia de Carlos II a manos de la dinastia Borbon, alguien tenia que combatir el sistema de equilibro ampliamente reivindicado y difundido en Europa por la Casa de Francia, sobre todo cuando este discurso ya no interesaba a quienes mas lo habian difundido. Y el Abbe de Saint-Pierre asumio la tarea. Combatio el sistema de equilibro porque implicaba la perdida de territorios por parte de la Casa de Francia –o como acabo sucediendo, el reparto de la Monarquia hispanica que se hallaba en manos de Felipe V– y diseno una Union Europea con el fin de asegurar la paz, a la vez que la herencia recibida. La tesis segun la cual el Abbe de Saint-Pierre no pretendio ni afirmar la preponderancia francesa o contrarrestar las amenazas imperialistas de Austria (o de cualquier otro estado) deberia ser repensada. EnglishIt has been said that the Abbe de Saint-Pierre drafted his project as a remedy for the ills then afflicting a Europe debilitated by over a hundred years of almost uninterrupted wars; but perhaps it ought also to be said that Saint-Pierre devised his project to safeguard the interests of the House of France in the context of the War of the Spanish Succession. With the legacy of Charles II in the hands of the Bourbon dynasty, someone had to make a stand against the system of equilibrium widely asserted and disseminated in Europe by the House of France, especially when this discourse was no longer in favour with those who had formerly done most to advance it. This task the Abbe de Saint-Pierre took upon himself. He was opposed to the system of equilibrium because he feared it would result in the loss of territories by the House of France –or, as ended up happening, in the breaking up of the Hispanic Monarchy presided over by Philip V– and he designed a European Union with a view to ensuring peace, as well as protecting the inheritance received. The thesis that Saint-Pierre was not seeking either to affirm French predominance or to counter the threats posed by an imperialist Austria (or any other state) needs to be rethought.

EnglishWritten in 1130, Payen’s poem provides a vivid picture of the reaction of a canon of Chartres to the burgeoning eremitical orders of the twelfth century. After summarizing the poem, the article goes on to suggest that while the author avoids explicitly identifying which monastic orders he is criticizing, a thinly veiled reference to Bernard of Clairvaux at line 163 makes it clear that the Cistercians are principally to blame. However, it was the Tironensians who lived closest to Chartres and, now led by an entrepreneurial abbot, were successfully contending with the Chartres chapter for support from the bishop, the local aristocracy, and ordinary people, and it is now clear, thanks to Kathleen Thompson’s excellent study of their order that they are also targeted and to a greater extent than she suggests. The article concludes with the Latin text and the first translation of the poem. francaisCompose en 1130, le poeme de Payen nous brosse un portrait saisissant de la reaction d'un chanoine de Chartres sur la naissance des ordres eremitiques du XIIe siecle. Cet article debute avec un resume du poeme. Il propose ensuite que, bien que Payen se garde d’identifier explicitement les ordres monastiques dont il fait la critique, une allusion peu subtile a Bernard de Clairvaux (au vers 163) demontre clairement que ce sont les Cisterciens qui font les frais des reproches de l’auteur. Pourtant, les Tironiens etaient ceux qui vivaient le plus proche de Chartres et qui, sous la direction d’un abbe entreprenant, rivalisaient avec bien du succes contre le chapitre de Chartres pour l’appui de l’eveque, des aristocrates de la region et du peuple. Il est desormais evident, grâce a l’excellente monographie de Kathleen Thompson sur les Tironiens, qu’ils sont eux aussi vises dans le poeme, et ce meme davantage que Thompson l’a suggere. L’article se termine avec le texte latin du poeme et sa toute premiere traduction en anglais

In the midst of an historic election, with the Supreme Court considering another existential challenge to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and with the nation plunged into a public health and economic...

Dance, Disability and Law: InVisible Difference tracks a revision of ideas about the dancing body and related stage aesthetics in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The book is an extension ...

This paper is a critical response to Amy Allen’s The End of Progress: Decolonising the Normative Foundations of Critical Theory. We take up her book’s call for a “problematizing” history which chal...

This paper examines the emergence of a philosophical concept of genius based on imagination, association, and the Lockean theory of ideas, primarily in eighteenth-century Britain. It considers the background, including the work of the Abbé Jean Baptiste Du Bos, the third earl of Shaftesbury, Francis Hutcheson, and David Hume, but it focuses specifically on the British writers William Duff, William Sharpe, and Alexander Gerard. It does not deal with the later Kantian and post-Kantian Romantic theories of genius.

The Benedictine Dom Leger-Marie Deschamps and the philosophical Abbe Claude Yvon may indeed be minor eighteenth-century figures, and they both may be considered to have emerged from the Cat...

The evolution of Ferdinando Galiani’s thought toward social mathematic has been neglected by scholars, and his attempt to establish political arguments on the analytical basis remains unexplored. The non-systematic nature of Galiani’s intuitions, due to his laziness, largely justifies this underestimation of his scientific program. This paper intends to show that the mature abbé Galiani follows an intellectual itinerary autonomous and parallel to that followed by Marquis de Condorcet in the same years. The anti-Physiocratique querelle represents Galiani’s methodological maturation. In contrast with Physiocratic economic doctrine, based on the primacy of deductive methodology, Galiani claims for economic science the realism of circumstance against aprioristic axiomatic hypotheses and rationalist generalizations. Galiani’s project, substantially similar to Marquis de Condorcet’s approach to social science, can be defined as Newtonian social mathematics opposed to Physiocratic Cartesian social mathematics.

Brown joined the army because he could draw on a dependable source of income and become financially independent to pursue his interests in natural history. He was accepted into the newly established regiment of the Fifeshire Fencibles in Ireland. His recruiting trips to England allowed him to deliver samples of the plants he collected in Ireland. Brown’s study regimen increased in intensity. He studied the plants he gathered even more acutely. The only instrument he used in his examination of the fine structure of the plants was a simple microscope, developed by the celebrated British naturalist, John Ellis. He took advantage of a sick leave to travel to Edinburgh to do further work on Scottish plants. During this period, Brown was elected as an Associate to the Linnean Society of London, quite an honor for someone relatively young (25). In addition to visiting the Society in its rooms in Panton Square three different times during the year, he worked in the herbarium of the British Museum, and the herbarium of Edward Forster (1765–1849) at Walthamstow to collect more plants and add to the lists of plants he had assembled. Banks’s librarian, Jonas Dryander (1748–1810), secretary to the Linnean Society, was one of Brown’s sponsors for membership, and James Dickson served as the other. Equally important was his visits to the herbarium and library of Banks at Banks’s home in Soho Square in London, then the center of British botany. Dryander, impressed with Brown’s body of work completed so far, facilitated Brown’s gaining ready access to Banks’s collection. In October 1798 during a recruiting mission for the Fencibles in London, Brown met Abbe Jose Francisco Correia da Serra, a Portuguese politician and scientist and an especially skilled botanist. When Brown met Correia da Serra, the latter was impressed by the young man’s determination and dedication, and da Serra realized that Brown should meet Banks. Banks was already faced with a dilemma. His first choice was to have Mungo Park go as naturalist on the journey to New Holland (Australia) to explore the interior of the continent, and collect as much flora and fauna as possible. But Park refused to go. Banks still needed a naturalist to go on the planned journey. Park’s refusal to take part in the expedition opened the door for Brown. This proved very fortunate in the long run because Brown, although perhaps not as flamboyant a figure as Mungo Park, was probably a far more diligent observer of nature. Brown accepted Banks’s offer as naturalist and was appointed to be the geologist and zoologist in addition to serving as botanist on HMS Investigator under Captain Matthew Flinders.

This chapter presents the local context of Smith’s stay in Toulouse. The capital of the Languedoc was inhabited by many British people, mainly elements of the Jacobite diaspora. Smith and his pupil found there a remarkable guide, Abbe Colbert of Castlehill, a Scot, born in Inverness in a Presbyterian family, thanks to whom the Grand Colbert had been able to claim an aristocratic ascendance, who entered a career in the Gallican Church and was vicar general of Lomenie de Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse, and future minister of Louis XVI. Contrarily to Smith, Abbe Colbert was very fond of correspondence and social networks, hence the numerous anecdotes he supplied on Smith in Toulouse. Townshend’s letter to the Duke presents the traveller’s duties in detail.

In this chapter I suggest connections between the early life, education, and work experience of Ernst Abbe as well as his seminal contributions to optical metrology and his role as a social reformer. While several sources discuss what Abbe contributed during his career, I suggest links to help answer the question of what prompted him to do so? First, I posit that Abbe’s difficult and financially unstable early life led to his penchant to work as a social reformer at Zeiss Werke and at the University of Jena.

At the end of 1764, Smith and the Duke attended the annual session of the Estates of Languedoc in Montpellier. The composition of the Estates was complicated as it combined a representation by orders and a representation of the territories. During the following months spent in Toulouse, the travellers from Scotland were much more integrated in the local elites. Smith was especially close to the Riquets who were the heirs of Pierre Riquet, the builder of the Canal of Languedoc. The Riquets were in charge of the management of the Canal which was celebrated by Smith in the Wealth of Nations. At the end of their stay, Smith took down the testimony of Abbe Colbert in the Douglas Case.

As a prominent national project and symbol, the Ecole militaire provoked and elicited a range of discourses on its nature, purpose, utility, and other aspects inherent to such a signal institution. This was particularly so given the contentious nature of its principal funding mechanisms, based on gambling, and the open question of what constituted the best possible education for both impoverished nobles and future officers. For if, as Grimm noted in 1763, ‘they have not ceased writing on education’, the field of military education was hardly less active with the work of reformer-minded thinkers debating pedagogical improvements. Before broaching the issue of the contributions to the debate on socio-educational reform of figures such as Fenelon, Rollin, d’Alembert, Rousseau, Helvetius, and others, it is worth noting the diversity of projects for military reform which were linked to efforts to improve the knowledge and culture of the officer corps. From circa 1728, we find a project for the creation of a corps of cadets inspired by Mazarin’s College des Quatre Nations labelled the ‘Compagnie des Quatre Nations’, followed in 1734 by the abbe de Saint-Pierre’s sketch of an ‘Academie Militaire’ drawn up along the lines of the academies savantes. In 1752, the Academie royale de Pau issued a call for verse submissions on the topic of the utility of an ‘Academie militaire’, the most notable entry being a prose essay entitled ‘Utilite d’une Ecole et d’une Academie Militaires’ by guerrilla war theorist Jean-Jacques, comte de Beausobre. A military philosophe like Lancelot Turpin, comte de Crisse et de Sanzay might then champion a Beausobre’s proposals and weave them into his own 1761 critiques of the Paris Ecole militaire or the ecoles d’equitation, critiques eventually reflected to some degree in actual institutional developments. Interestingly, a short-lived military academie savant was created in Besancon in 1753, the Abbe de Serent’s Societe Litteraire-Militaire, which was then suppressed by that city’s Academie des Sciences, Belles-Lettres et Arts. That case may perhaps be taken to exemplify the tensions aroused by tentative innovation in the field of military intellectualism. Be that as it may, the purpose of this chapter is to present the opinions of the founders and backers of the Ecole militaire in their intellectual milieu. It specifically analyses their views on its objectives and purpose in the general context of wider debates on both education and noble-military reform, and how they conceived the contribution that the new institution would make by regenerating the impoverished nobility. It then closes by considering the tax on playing cards and how it affected general perceptions of the school.

The translations of Lucretius in Spain before the twentieth century have been very scarce, to the point that it can be stated without hesitation that there has not been a deep approach to the epicurean poet in our country until the last century. After a brief review of the Spanish versions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the manuscript translation of Matias Sanchez (1832) and its connection with that of the Abbe Marchena (1791) is analyzed.

‘Suffering Well’ is a key emphasis that the religious philosopher, Baron Friedrich von Hugel (1852–1925), inherited from his spiritual director, Abbe Henri Huvelin (1838–1910). Huvelin and von Huge...

Writing in 1802 about the outbreak of the 1791 slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, planter Felix Carteau identified “the execrable Abbe de Lahaye, cure of Dondon, the most ardent a...

This study evaluates the life and work of Count Zikmund Vaclav Halka-Ledochowski (1863–1944) in the context of his biographical background. This consisted of a prominent Catholic Polish noble lineage Ledochovski from the father’s side and the Czech-Austrian noble line of Zessner-Spitzenberg from the mother’s side. He left his hometown of Uherske Hradistě to studying at the theological institute of the Society of Jesus in Tirolean Innsbruck (1884–1887). After his ordination, he became a member of the Society of Jesus (1887–1902). He worked in Styrian Lavantalle, Bohosudov and Prague. He left the order in 1902 and became a canon, first in Kroměřiž (1906–1908) and then in Olomouc (1908–1932). He then worked as a prelate and between the years 1930–1932 provost of the canonry. He was extremely active in various associations, press and charities at all of these stations. The life work of Count Halka-Ledochowski involved the establishment and administration of the Auspice for the Young in Prague (1903–1944), a community which consisted of desperate young people and guys from poor families, based on the social work of Abbe Segur, Don Bosco and Baron Bethun.

From 1746 to 1759, the abbe Prevost produced the Histoire generale des voyages, a collection of voyages and travels, partially translated from the English collection A New General Collection of Voy...

Who were the Haitian revolutionaries, and what motivated them? This question has long provoked debate, as the answer also raises questions regarding the nature of slave rebellions, Black Atlantic p...

This paper focuses on the contribution to the earth sciences of the Portuguese botanist and "Europeanized intellectual" Abbé José Francisco Correia da Serra (1751-1823). Considerations on the earth sciences are present since the very early days of Correia da Serra's career, revealing an integrated vision of Man and Nature as dynamical parts of the same whole, which shapes the world inhabited by humans. The symbiosis between the natural and the human became central to the epistemological and methodological agenda of Correia da Serra, informing his historical considerations, first on the history of Portugal, followed by the history of Europe. In this paper, we explore how the parallel reflections on the earth sciences and history unfold by testing the operative import of the concept of "moving localities" in interpreting them jointly as ways of historicizing nature and naturalizing history. Resumo Este artigo debruça-se sobre as contribuições na área das ciências da terra do estrangeirado e botânico português José Francisco Correia da Serra (1751-1823). O interesse pelas ciências da terra está presente desde cedo na obra de Correia da Serra, integrando a sua visão do Homem e da Natureza como partes dinâmicas de um mesmo todo que molda o mundo que nos cerca e em que vivemos. Esta simbiose entre o natural e o humano marca a postura metodológica e epistemológica do Abade, constituindo a matriz interpretativa do seu programa de investigação, que começou pela História de Portugal e a que se seguiram reflexões sobre a história da Europa. Neste artigo, avaliamos o desenrolar das reflexões sobre ciências da terra e história e mostramos como o conceito de "moving localities" permite interpretá-las conjuntamente como modos de historicizar a natureza e de naturalizar a história.

Ever since the French Revolution, Abbé de Mably has been portrayed as a forerunner of utopian communism and common ownership, and, more recently still, as a “classical republican” in the Age of Enlightenment. This article aims to reappraise Mably’s position. We attempt to show that he proposed a science of commerce in his Droit public de l’Europe (1746), and that his economic ideas displayed continuity and consistency throughout his lifetime. Far from being an enemy of trade, Mably sought a realpolitik in an attempt to strike a balance between the race for the enrichment of nations of the Moderns and the virtues and equality of the Ancients that he never thought possible to restore. The paper also examines his place in the history of economics. In particular, the similarities and differences between Mably’s ideas and those of the Gournay circle are studied, the issue of inequalities being the dividing line between them.

At the tail end of his monumental trip of exploration and scientific discovery through Latin America from 1799 to 1804, the German naturalist Alexander von Humboldt visited President Thomas Jefferson in Washington. United by their common interests in the Enlightenment, they began a correspondence that endured until 1825. This contribution discusses a letter of 1811 by Humboldt to the former president, hitherto unpublished in English. Aside from closing a gap in their correspondence, the letter, although short, offers an illuminating insight into Humboldt’s personal, political, and scientific networks, which included such figures as Abbe Jose Correia da Serra and Joel Barlow, who were involved in his simple request for tobacco and seeds.

The Concordat of 1801 sought to repair the breach between the French State and the Catholic Church caused by the Revolution and especially by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy of 1790. It was negotiated by a newly powerful Napoleon Bonaparte and a recently elected pope, Pius VII. Opposition to the Concordat was centred in the clergy of the emigration, especially those in London. It was given leadership by the surviving bishops and bite by a group of energetic controversialists headed by the Abbe Pierre-Louis Blanchard. This chapter suggests that in fighting their corner for Gallicanism—a French Church largely independent from Rome and exemplified by an almost messianic episcopalianism—they lost the campaign but not the war.

Les seize articles reunis dans ce numero s’inscrivent dans quatre grands axes de reflexion : historique, socio-economique, geographique et esthetique, l’introduction generale replace le sujet dans son contexte actuel et interroge sur la question de la patrimonialisation de ces jardins. La dimension historique est abordee dans quatre contributions de Port-Royal-des-Champs au xviie siecle aux jardins partages parisiens du xxie siecle, cinq articles s’interessent aux questions socio-economiques ...

This article proposes a system for identifying unsigned theological articles by the abbé Edme Mallet in Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie. Beginning with sources cited exclusively by Mallet among contributors to the Encyclopédie, we are led to a group of articles which, apart from being attributable to Mallet, contain expressions that are particular to him and that may serve in turn as search criteria. Conducting further searches with each of these expressions allows us to identify a relatively large number of anonymous articles whose common authorship is, in several instances, confirmed by cross-references. Establishing a significant presence of unsigned articles by Mallet, particularly in the later volumes of the Encyclopédie, calls into question prior assump tions as to the nature and extent of his contribution. In contrast with the traditional view that Mallet’s participation was primarily limited to the early volumes, this article relies on evidence that indicates he provided manuscripts for the entire Encyclopédie in fulfilment of his original contract prior to the publication of the Prospectus.

This article offers an alternative reading of the Abbé Sieyès and the modern ‘nation-state’ problématique. I argue that the subject/object that is constituted in the early days of modernity is the incomplete society: an impossible-possibility ideal of congruency of population, authority and space. I suggest reading this ideal of congruency as a fantasy in that it offers a certain ‘fullness to come’, the promise of jouissance that can never be attained and is thus constantly re-envisioned and reinvoked. Drawing on discourse-analytical and psychoanalytical tools I explain the logic of fantasy before analysing Sieyès’ What is the Third Estate?, as I show how he critiques and fragments the old model of the state and how his reading of the nation is fantasmatic, a continuous project towards impossible congruency.