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Drawing on Memory Studies, the present paper investigates how the Nigerian poet, playwright and critic Wole Soyinka utilises myth as a type of collective memory in post-colonial Nigeria to call for a sense of national identity. Since the sixties of the last century, Memory Studies has become a solid approach, especially when linked to Post-Colonial Theory and Soyinka’s theory of transition. ‘Memory studies’ allows history to be revealed from a diverse viewpoint apart from official history, while Soyinka’s theory highlights change as the social role of theatre. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: What is collective memory? What is the relevance of collective memory in post-colonial societies? How can myth be considered a form of collective memory? How and why does Soyinka adhere to myth and its function as collective memory in Nigeria

Das Arbeitspapier gibt einen Einblick in die Erinnerungspolitik in Namibia. Das Gros der politischen und medialen Beschäftigung mit dem Genozid, den Deutsche Schutztruppen im Zuge der Niederschlagung von Aufständen der Herero, Nama, Damara und San gegen die Kolonialmacht in der Kolonie Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1904 bis 1908 begangen haben, richtet sich auf die möglichen rechtlichen Implikationen. Die Folgen 'unseres' Umgangs mit dieser Vergangenheit für 'ihre' innerstaatlichen Beziehungen und die erinnerungskulturellen Auseinandersetzungen in Namibia bleiben meist ausgeblendet. Unser Papier zielt darauf ab, das Verständnis für die Auswirkungen außenpolitischer Weichenstellungen auf Anerkennungskonflikte im Zielland zu schärfen. Zu diesem Zweck geben wir zunächst einen Überblick über die wesentlichen erinnerungspolitischen Akteure in Namibia und stellen die konkurrierenden historischen Narrative vor, die in den jeweiligen Gruppierungen zu finden sind. Im zweiten Schritt analysieren wir Praktiken rund um drei physische Orte der namibischen Erinnerungslandschaft, die als Gedenkorte unterschiedliche erinnerungskulturelle Traditionen begründet haben. Abschließend richten wir die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Notwendigkeit, sowohl bislang marginalisierte gesellschaftliche Akteure als auch kontroverse Anliegen bewusster in erinnerungskulturelle Debatten einzubeziehen, um einen Raum für produktive Auseinandersetzungen zu schaffen. The paper seeks to provide an overview of memory politics in Namibia. Most of the German media and political debates addressing the genocide committed against the Herero, Nama, Damara, and San by the German Schutztruppen during the 1904-1908 counterinsurgency in the former German South-West Africa are focused on possible legal implications. Consequences of 'our' ways of dealing with the past for 'their' domestic relations and memory cultural struggles in Namibia tend to be overlooked. Our paper intends to foster a more thorough understanding of foreign policy decisions' implications for the target societies' struggle for recognition. To that end, we first outline key actors in the Namibian memory politics and present contested historical narratives that can be found in the different actor groups. In a second step practices surrounding three physical memory sites in the Namibian mnemoscape are analysed, and memorialisation through commemoration is discussed. Finally, the paper draws attention to the necessity of including as well hitherto marginalized societal actors as controversial topics in memory culture debates to create an arena for productive contestation.

"Considering the value of archives for dealing with the past processes, especially for the establishment of collective memory and identity, this paper discusses the role of archives in situations of conflicting memories such as in the case of the official Turkish denial of the Armenian genocide. A crucial problem of Turkish-Armenian reconciliation are the divergent perceptions of what to consider as proper 'evidence', i.e. as objective, reliable, impartial or trustworthy sources of knowledge in order to prove the Armenian genocide. The aim of this paper is to show how in a general atmosphere of distrust or prejudiced credibility judgments, even technically reliable archival records will be perceived as unreliable and biased, lacking any evidentiary status to factually prove a genocide which is categorically denied. Therefore, this working paper discusses how claims to reliability, objectivity and other similar scientifically and epistemically relevant attributes are understood in archival science as well as memory studies, and emphasizes the problems related to their instrumentalization by political actors within the context of genocide denialism. The Turkish-Armenian context promises many important empirical as well as theoretical insights on the uses and misuses of these attributes, suggesting that measures ought to be taken beforehand to decrease intergroup prejudice and distrust toward the 'other', so that archives can be effective in the truth-finding process." (author's abstract)

Using as a stepping-stone The Book of Memory by Zimbabwean lawyer and novelist Petinah Gappah, I set out in this research article to grapple with the dynamics of the vexed issue of memory. The paper argues that, when it comes to memory, the individual intertwines with the collective. Even though the act of remembering is purely individual, the fact remains that it is enacted in a social context with groups acting as cues. Remembering is not an isolated act. Instead, it is group-induced. The article also brings to light the crippling weaknesses that memory studies have long suffered from, namely the short shrift given to the collective dimension in favour of the personal. It follows from the research project, though, that this flaw began to be remedied with the seminal of work of the French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs who introduced the concept of “collective memory” to foreground the communal nature of memory. What the French thinker calls “social frameworks”, the paper explains, reflects the social contexts in which people remember. The politics of memory works at many levels, with forgetting being dubbed by Aleida Assman a “social normality” and remembering the “exception.” From a methodological perspective, I elected to adopt an approach based on the humanities, and the social sciences, not least sociology and history, in order the better to bring into sharp relief the dynamics of memory.

Recent studies on colonial discourse have demonstrated that the speeches of freedom activists in colonial Africa served as sites of resistance. One key text type that has, however, been neglected in the critical literature on the discourse of emancipation is the national anthem of colonised states. To fill this gap, the present study examines the discursive enactment of resistance in the anthems of former British colonies in Africa, focusing on the transitivity framework in systemic functional linguistics. Semantic and structural parallelisms across the anthems are identified as evidence of a collective memory, a cultural trauma reconfigured and reconstituted to reclaim a positive identity and project a desirable postcolonial future. They also foreground the motif of freedom and legitimise the African as the owner of the reclaimed territory. These procedures articulate an anti-imperialist and anti-establishment stance that provides hope, strength and encouragement to an oppressed group. This paper extends the scholarship on the discursive enactment of resistance by focusing attention on a context underexplored in the literature. It also illustrates the (re)construction of relevant ideologies in national anthems to stimulate desirable, progressive attitudes among citizenry in African states. The paper is furthermore significant to decolonial research and highlights the role of language in political decolonisation processes.

Purpose: A palimpsest is a parchment manuscript that has been modified or changed yet still retains traces of its original composition. Palimpsest refers to a greatly condensed rendition of an older document. In today's world, chronological remembrance is not what it used to be. It used to bind a culture's or people's relationship to its ancient era, but the border between past and present was tougher and more stable than it appears to be now. In ways that were unimaginable in previous centuries, history has become a part of the present. As a result, worldly constraints have been harmed, while the pragmatic portion of freedom has been strengthened as a result of current transportation and communication technologies. Even in modernism, literary writings have been unable to overcome their palimpsestic nature, and the philological dilemma of incompatible editions has always distinguished literature from constructions or monuments. The palimpsest genre is naturally literary and linked compositions. Design: The secondary data acquired from educational websites and written publications are used in the Review of Literature. Research sources like google scholar, research Gate, SSRN, Elsevier, Academia, and Shodhganga are used for identifying the research gap. Doctoral thesis, and websites are used in the study. To highlight the key aspects of the research, ABCD Analysis is used Qualitative research is conducted using the keywords "palimpsest, manuscript, historical memory, literature, borders" found in online articles, peer-reviewed journals, publications, and a variety of linked portals. Findings: This review of literature explores the palimpsest concept used with the landscape of Delhi, its history, and literature as a palimpsest. Many literary works represent Delhi as a location, including descriptions of the city's art, architecture, and monuments, as well as the city's historic past. This literature analysis aims to look at critical responses to the fictional portrayal of Delhi as a palimpsest. Delhi was never one city, but a collection of them. It, too, never lived in a single era, but rather in several. On these lines, not only were the numerous urban manipulations worked on this palimpsest, including the idiosyncrasies of British and imperial Delhi, discrete and special on it inhabited the space of landscape and memory, but so were the successive 'cities' of Delhi. Research implications: This research focuses on creating a fictional palimpsestic vision of Delhi. The research will also lead to an investigation of a nation's collective memory, which will pave the way for tracking the nationalistic impulses associated with the city. These nationalistic impulses are a global phenomenon that evolved in most of the world's countries in the mid-twentieth century and made their presence clear. The most powerful feelings have been nationalistic feelings. It is a set of beliefs, feelings, and passions shared by inhabitants of a given country. Originality: This Review of Literature presents a study of Delhi as a palimpsest city. Delhi is a unique metropolis that not only resists typical metanarratives but also serves as an exemplary embodiment of spatial and temporal reality as articulated in city planning. To understand a nation’s memories, one must be aware of collective memory. Its objective is a fundamental comprehension of the identity and viewpoint of their nation. Although nations do not have memories, their citizens do, and these memories frequently feature recurring themes. Paper Type: A review paper.

Collective memory is a specific carrier for interpreting historical space and local emotions. With the help of collective memory theory, this paper constructs the industrial heritage system of an old industrial zone. Taking the old industrial area in Jianxi District of Luoyang as an example, this paper uses two types of memory representations, the material memory field and spiritual memory field, as the carriers of collective memory. It is divided into 11 types of spatial fields, such as production space, living space, landscape space and spiritual culture, and 76 memory connotations to construct a collective memory classification model of industrial culture. Through the investigation and analysis of the memory of the collective memory subject, it was found that: ① the collective production space is the most impressive. ② The living space is distributed in patches due to celebrity effects; and ③ People are more prominent in the symbolization of collective memory. On the foundations of memory analysis, Take the luoyang bearing factory for example, to research the sustainable development of intelligent and energy-efficient buildings.

The author will emphasize the importance of both the existence and the further development of the Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center, in the context of the continued need to understand the genocide that took place in and around Srebrenica, from the aspect of building a culture of remembrance throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). This is necessary in order to continue fighting the ongoing genocide denial. At first glance, a culture of remembrance presupposes immobility and focus on the past to some, but it is essentially dynamic, and connects three temporal dimensions: it evokes the present, refers to the past but always deliberates over the future. In this paper, the emphasis is placed on the concept of the place of remembrance, the lieu de memoire as introduced by the historian Pierre Nora. In this sense, a place of remembrance such as the Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center is an expression of a process in which people are no longer just immersed in their past but read and analyze it in the present. Furthermore, looking to the future, they also become mediators of relations between people and communities, which in sociological theory is an important issue of social relations. The author of this paper emphasizes that collective memory in the specific case of genocide in and around Srebrenica is only possible when the social relations around the building (Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center) crystallize, which is then much more than just the content of the culture of remembrance.

This paper attempts to explore the Bosnian war diaries, Zlata’s Diary: A Child's Life in Wartime Sarajevo (2006) by Zlata Filipovic (1980- ) and My Childhood under Fire: A Sarajevo Diary (2006) written by Nadja Halilbegovich (1979- ). Both diaries provide an insight into the Bosnian genocide and the everyday life of children amid war. Both Zlata and Nadja bear witness to the horrific events in their country and create a concrete collective memory of the Bosnian war. Drawing on trauma theory and diary writing, the paper examines their traumatic childhood and suffering at a unique moment of Bosnian history and highlights the role of diary writing and testimonial narration. War diaries create a counter-discourse to war and horror and allow them to document their traumatic lives amid war. The two diaries reveal how children in that war zone were denied their basic rights to live peacefully and enjoy their childhood. Through narrating their painful experience, they try to make sense of their traumatic experience as well as reach the outside world calling for intervention. Testimony allows them to step into the center and have a voice.

Problem setting. Given that voters usually react more to the past than to the vague future that their candidates for power “paint” in their minds during the election campaign, the problem of analyzing the phenomenon of electoral memory of Ukrainians in today’s challenges is relevant. The manipulation of collective memory by political elites in the electoral space is reflected in a process called “memory politics”. Recent research and publications analysis. Based on the analysis of the concepts of collective memory of M. Halbwachs, A. Assmann, J. Olvik, M. Bloch, D. Zhukov, the commemoration of P. Nora, A. Megill, E. Romanovskaya, G. Gornova and the policy of memory. According to V. Achkasov, A. Miller, D. Gigauri, electoral memory is defined as the intentional orientation of the voters’ consciousness to the past, when the result is memory as a representation of a specific electoral behavior. Paper objective. The aim of the article is to study the influence of electoral memory on the political choice of citizens and socio-political consequences of its recoding. Paper main body. Electoral memory has been shown to involve external coding using certain political and psychological technologies, including and manipulative. The example of the analysis of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019 shows how the meaningful recoding of the electoral memory of Ukrainians took place. The structure of electoral memory includes codes that: 1) do not position politics as a professional activity that requires special professional training; 2) give a positive color to dilettantism in politics under the slogan of ensuring the constitutional right of everyone not only to vote but also to be elected; 3) given that memory operates not with facts but with images, has the ability to sort, organize and select these images and regulates their storage (short-term-long), deform the mechanism of transformation of short-term memory into long-term (so-called, “Consolidation of the trail”), produce a cult of “new faces” in politics. Such changes in the characteristics of the electoral memory of voters in Ukraine will inevitably lead to changes in the mechanism of functioning of its electoral space. According to the electoral process, the concept of space is three-dimensional and characterizes the positioning of its actors in conditions of electoral competition, determines (1) the rating of the candidate (applicants) for power in the political landscape of society, (2) “distance” separating him (them) with competitors in the struggle for the vote, (3) the ability to change this distance. Changes in the structure of electoral memory most actively affect the processes that determine the third dimension of electoral space ‑ the “drift” of the electorate from election to election according to patterns of social tectonics. Given the predominance of short-term electoral memory, the electoral space becomes very mobile and unpredictable, dependent on a large number of situational external factors, and the unstable socio-political situation slows down the process of rationalizing political choices and forming long-term electoral memory. Conclusions of the research. As a result of the analysis the author's typology of electoral memory is offered, which includes the characteristics of permanent, situational and ambivalent (transitional) types, selected on the basis of the following indicators: main resource, implementation mechanism, information storage time, formation factors, degree of volitional regulation, mental activity regulators. The conclusions emphasize that the structural elements of electoral memory are embedded in the political process and are constantly reproduced in appropriate actions that should be aimed at creating and maintaining a collective identity.

This paper concerns the role of genocide in collective memory and its function for national identity-building in post-Soviet Ukraine. Known as the Holodomor, Ukraine’s famine of 1932-33 has become an important part of the country’s national history. Upon gaining independence in 1991, the Ukrainian government set out to build and affirm a national identity distinct from Russia, grounded in Ukraine’s unique history and national myths. The claim to have undergone genocide as a nation in the Holodomor comprised part of this state-building project, though whether this claim is appropriate under international law has long been disputed. This paper examines the ways in which the Holodomor-as-genocide thesis was embedded in Ukrainian national identity, particularly under the administration of Viktor Yushchenko. Through the creation of new institutions, campaigns, and laws, the Ukrainian government sought to have the Holodomor recognized as genocide at the international and domestic levels, and to make its sacred commemoration a cornerstone of Ukrainian society. This narrative was deployed to unite the nation under a shared history of suffering that effaced politically inexpedient realities, such as cases of complicity in the Holodomor and the Shoah by Ukrainian elites. Narratives assigning blame to Ukrainian Jews and Russians alike delineated a narrow conception of the true Ukrainian nation to the exclusion of the alleged perpetrators. Further, it served to distance Ukraine from Russia by emphasizing the consequences of Soviet colonialism and the importance of Ukrainian collective memory as a matter of political sovereignty and cultural emancipation.

The paper explores the relation between collective memory and social theory, trying in particular to show the key role that the notion of collective memory plays in understanding the dynamics of the social process (structuration, genesis of social structure). It does it by means of a series of reinterpretations of classical authors. Investigating the phenomenon of forgetting as covering up the traces of social change (M. Halbwachs), problematized in the contemporary context (P. Bourdieu), leads us to unraveling the problematic character of social change as such in a vain effort of annulment of memory (A. Touraine), and finally to rediscovering of social memory at a deeper level, as a profound structure of social processes. This discovery points to the necessity of introducing a new, yet undeveloped method of studying the social unconscious (A. Giddens, J. Assmann, and in particular J. Alexander). Jeffrey Alexander overtly postulates such a development, identifying his major project of cultural sociology with a kind of social psychoanalysis. The paper ends with a question – where such a postulate leads us to? Perhaps we need a new kind of art of benevolent interpretation that brings along with new understanding also some kind of soothing the pain of misery, deeply inscribed in social existence.

"This paper aims to trace and chart the interplay between the struggle for recognition of the Genocide and the Roma civil rights movement, respectively to what extent memory, commemoration, reconciliation play a role and contribute to building a collective identity for the Roma, the Roma narrative – in which persecution, past trauma are important. The paper will also analyze the struggle for recognition and identity as a resistance to the manifestations of Antigypsyism in contemporary society. Furthermore, the paper proposes to analyze the European dimension of the Roma mobilization, respectively to what extent there is a Europe-wide movement for recognition of the Roma Holocaust, given the many Roma groups, different regional histories and the heterogeneous identity of the Roma. Keywords: Roma civil rights movement, Roma genocide, Antigypsyism, Memory, Identity, Recognition, Remembrance"

The purpose of this article is the analysis of the Soviet political rituals and daily practices that developed under their influence. The methodology of the research is based on the general and special historical methods of cognition of the past involving the methods of socio-cultural and political anthropology. The scientific novelty of the paper consists in the fact that the role of various Soviet political rituals in establishing of the norms and practices of the Soviet daily life has been analyzed for the first time and the influence of the Soviet ritual culture in the Soviet regime strengthening has been found. Mass calendar holidays-rituals (October Revolution Day, Workers’ Solidarity Day) not only marked a new era in the history, but also leveled the sacredness of the Christian cycle (Christmas – Easter). Evolution of the formal organization of the Soviet ritual (from staging-imitation through carnivalization to monumental narrativization) and improvement of its semantic content (nomination – sacralization – monumentalization – memorialization) have been traced. From the beginning, festive commemoration was meant to form the Soviet identity, design the collective past and set the framework of collective memory. Official rituals gradually penetrated into the daily life (family and friendly holiday feasts, house cleaning, novelties purchase and greeting cards). Conclusions. From the beginning, the Soviet rituals were a reliable ideological weapon, an instrument of the communist indoctrination of the country’s population. Political rituals played a major role in legitimization of the Bolsheviks power, became an effective means of communication with society, enabled its consolidation within the framework of the Soviet political canon, minimized the social conflicts, leveled open dissatisfaction with the governmental authorities and assisted in the formation of ideological unanimity. Along with repressive methods, the Soviet political rituals served to create new political reality, enabled its acceptance by the masses of people, formed consciousness, encouraged relevant political actions and practices of the daily life.

This paper provides an overview and discussion of the rapidly growing literature on organizational memory studies (OMS). We define OMS as an inquiry into the ways that remembering and forgetting shape, and are shaped by, organizations and organizing processes. The contribution of this article is threefold. We briefly review what we understand by organizational memory and explore some key debates and points of contestation in the field. Second, we identify four different perspectives that have been developed in OMS (functional, interpretive, critical and performative) and expand upon each perspective by showcasing articles published over the past decade. In particular, we examine four papers previously published in Organization Studies to show the distinctiveness of each perspective. Finally, we identify a number of areas for future research to facilitate the future development of OMS.

In academia and beyond, it has become commonplace to regard populist parties – in particular, those on the radical right – as the archetypical embodiment of politics of nostalgia. Demand-side studies suggest that nostalgic sentiments motivate populist radical-right (PRR) voting and welfare chauvinist attitudes, yet systematic analyses of the nostalgic discourse that these parties promote have not been forthcoming. This paper seeks to fill that lacuna by analysing how the Freedom Party of Austria, the Dutch Party for Freedom and the Sweden Democrats framed the historical fate of the welfare state in their electoral discourse between 2008 and 2018. It demonstrates that their commitment to welfare chauvinism finds expression in a common repertoire of “welfare nostalgia,” manifested in the different modes of “reaction,” “conservation” and “modernisation.” Giving substance to a widespread intuition about PRR nostalgia, the paper breaks ground for further research into nostalgic ideas about social policy.

The paper focuses on the historiography and remembrance of a significant battle, fought between the Red Army and German forces in the last week of World War II in Europe on the present Czech-Polish border. In the opening part of the paper, the historical surveys are depicted and analysed. The text also examines “official” forms of remembrance, such as museums and memorials, as well as popular narratives, myths and common tales surrounding the military operation, which are seen in the context of a specific collective identity of the population of the borderland. The article seeks correlations between professional research, political rhetoric and other aspects that created the “popular image” of the offensive. The question of regional memory is understood in the context of nationwide debates about contemporary history.

This paper analises the discursive reconstruction of the Basque armed conflict in the oral narratives of the first post-conflict generation among Oñati's inhabitants, in order to observe how collective memory is being built and transmitted to the younger generations after the end of ETA's attacks. Using a discursive-historical approach and based on both in-depth and collective interviews, it focuses on three main aspects: how these adolescents categorise and evaluate events and actors of the violent past, the level of identification towards the events narrated, and the main canals through which both knowledge and attitudes are being transmitted. It concludes that adolescents perceive the conflict rather in its immaterial forms such as feelings and prejudices, and that they rely mostly on educational and familiar discourses when rebuilding the past. Some of the main voids identified are also signalised in this paper. Este artículo estudia la reconstrucción discursiva del conflicto armado vasco en la narrativa oral de la primera generación posconflicto de Oñati, con el objeto de observar cómo se está construyendo y transmitiendo a las generaciones jóvenes la memoria colectiva después del fin de los ataques de ETA. Utilizando un enfoque discursivo-histórico y con base en entrevistas en profundidad y colectivas, el artículo se centra en tres aspectos principales: cómo los adolescentes categorizan y evalúan hechos y actores del pasado violento, el nivel de identificación con los hechos narrados y los canales principales a través de los cuales se transmiten el conocimiento y las actitudes. La conclusión es que los adolescentes perciben el conflicto más en sus formas inmateriales, como sentimientos y prejuicios, y que se apoyan sobre todo en discursos educativos y familiares a la hora de reconstruir el pasado. También se señalan algunos de los huecos principales que se han identificado. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1043

The article is devoted to the process of gendering memory as a counterpoint to the politicization of memory observed in the Polish context. The core problem of the paper is a description of a local case of this type of gender ‘memory practising’ in the area of the public urban sphere, specifically one created by the Łódź Women’s Heritage Trail Foundation (https://www.facebook.com/ŁódźkiSzlakKobiet) – a gender-profiled female grass-roots initiative that is concerned with the city’s past. The article consists of three main parts referring to, respectively, the functioning of memory in the urban public sphere as a form of dialogue (hemerneutic-interpretative anthropology with Jurgen Habermas’ and Seyla Benhabib’s theories is the theoretical foundation here), the process of gendering memory (appearing alongside the narrative phrase and feminist proposals for the interpretation of memory as a form of its pluralization), and the presentation of the activities within the Łódź Women’s HeritageTrail Foundation’s particular initiative – namely ‘Women Routes in Łódź’ – as a kind of case study for the city as a landscape of memory. The paper deals with the tension observed between the politics of memory and the political practice, and the alternative memories that arise from the idea of multiplicity and polyphony, including the voice of women. The authors raise the issue of the genderization of memory in the context of an inquiry into how the pluralism of collective memory and the diversification of the public sphere develops as a result of the discourses and operation of the alternative memory, including gender-focused memory. Artykuł poświęcony jest procesowi zarządzania pamięcią w szczególnym aspekcie – ze względu na problematykę gender (nurt gendering memory), co zdaniem autorek tekstu jest kontrapunktem wobec tendencji upolitycznienia pamięci, które mają miejsce w Polsce. Autorki ilustrują tę problematykę lokalnym przypadkiem wiążącym kategorię gender z miejską sferą publiczną, a mianowicie odwołują się działań Fundacji Łódzki Szlaku Kobiet (https://www.facebook.com/ŁódźkiSzlakKobiet − jest to kobieca oddolna inicjatywa dotycząca zarazem płci społeczno-kulturowej, jak i przeszłości i pamięci miasta. Artykuł składa się z trzech głównych części odnoszących się do: 1. funkcjonowania pamięci w miejskiej sferze publicznej jako formy dialogu (antropologia hemerneutyczno-interpretacyjna w oparciu o teorie Jurgena Habermasa i Seyli Benhabiba), 2. procesu gendering memory (odzwier­ciedlającego pluralizację pamięci), 3. działań Fundacji Łódzki Szlak Kobiet (gdzie miasto jawi się jako zróżnicowany krajobraz pamięci). Artykuł dotyczy napięcia obserwowanego między polityką pamięci – praktyką polityczną – alternatywnymi pamięciami wynikającymi z idei wielości i polifonii, w tym obecności głosu kobiet. Autorki artykułu podnoszą kwestię genderyzacji pamięci w kontekście pytań, w jaki sposób rozwija się pluralizm pamięci zbiorowej i toczy się dywersyfikacja sfery publicznej jako rezultat oddziaływania dyskursów pamięci alternatywnej, w tym pamięci skoncentrowanej na płci.

Role of memory in forming national identity. “The land of bitter tenderness” by Volodymyr Lys The paper offers an attempt to look at the “The Land of Bitter Tenderness” by contemporary Ukrainian writer Volodymyr Lys in the context of the search for individual and national identity, national memory, as well as the history of the 20th century Ukraine. In the analyzed work, the writer uses the image of a child, which, in the researcher’s opinion, is a quite rare phenomenon in Ukrainian literature. The is technique was used by the writer in order to capture the reader’s attention and make him penetrate the text of the novel deeper. The us, the author informs the reader that the main idea of the work is extremely important because the average person is accustomed to paying more attention to children. On occasion, the writer points out that manipulating a child’s memory was the easiest way for the Bolsheviks in their criminal social experiment. The writer emphasizes that the effects of ‘brainwashing’ may be prevented, but it is impossible to cure the trauma left by this process in the soul of a person. Analyzing the mentioned novel, the author of the paper refers to the works in the fields of literary studies, pedagogy, sociology, and psychology, written by Philip Aries, Rudolf Schaffer, Ellen Kay, Pierre Nora, Katarzyna Segiet, and others. The Ukrainian writer, describing the fate of three women (grandmother, daughter, and granddaughter), presented against the backdrop of the tumultuous Ukrainian history of the last century, is trying to restore the lost memory, both individual and collective, in order to secure the process of building Ukrainian national identity. The writer draws attention to the fact that during almost all the 20th century not only the Ukrainian nation but also Ukrainian history has been the subject of constant Bolshevik manipulation and fraud. He emphasizes that the prerequisite for building a unified Ukrainian identity is the attempt to restore individual and collective memory in Ukrainians, including the memory of history.

With the growing proliferation of digital media into the memory practices of cultural institutions and ordinary people, questions about a growing dependence on monopolistic technology companies on the creation, access and preservation of collective memory have emerged. For cultural institutions that rely on social media to boost their audience engagement, this also means that they lose part of their role as public educators, while ordinary people fear the loss of ownership over their personal memories. This paper proposes equitable approaches to the current digital ecosystem, that is built on the extraction and profit-making of personal data, that can be developed by looking beyond the current market, envisioning possibilities for related policies that could enable the re-design of the current memory ecosystem towards social inclusion. The argument is based on a combination of ethnographic research into initiatives that foster the openness of knowledge by enabling fair practices to be realized in the competitive sphere of the digital economy. Building upon work such as the MyData and the DECODE project, as well as enquiries into personal memory practices of youth living in Germany and the UK.

Through a critical review of scholarly literature on the role of collective memory as a resistance tool to memoricide, this research paper uses an analytical approach to examine the efforts exerted by Palestinian refugees in post 1948 Nakba (catastrophe of dispossession) to preserve and consolidate their national identity through the transmission of history of displacement and cultural heritage. With a specific focus on the fourth-generation Palestinian refugees living under occupation, and through studying cultural practices, oral history, and the Great March of Return Movement, this paper examines the role played by the collective memory in consolidating the Palestinians national identity in the post-Nakba era. The research argues that the collective memory constitutes a central anchor to preserving the Palestinian national identity and becomes an instrumental site for resistance, creating a generation of hope and rights, not despair and loss, as claimed by the recent literature. Key Words: Palestinian Refugees, Nakba, Collective Memory, Memoricide, National Identity, Oral History, Memory, Heritage, Occupied Palestinian Territory, Right of Return

The notion that local heritage can be defined by the ‘collective memory’ of a city may be considered as being simplistic nowadays. Heritage is increasingly recognised as knowledge, a cultural product or even a political resource set within specific social circumstances. The local heritage underpins various ways of relating our past with our present and future, which are often much more complicated than we can imagine. The evolution of the conservation of Shanghai’s modern heritage architecture shows this complexity. By tracing more than 50 years’ progress in historic preservation, this paper shows how historical buildings from Shanghai’s early modern period were selected as urban heritage in the changing socio-political contexts of different time periods. Starting with how the first modern buildings were listed in a new Chinese narrative in the 1950s, this paper focuses on the great ideological changes and progress Shanghai achieved after China’s reform and opening policy since the 1980s. Emphasising the great significance of the establishment of local legislation for historic preservation as an extension of the national system, examples of the great enrichment of Shanghai’s local heritage are presented through multiple narratives and interpretations of Shanghai’s modern history. In a deeper observation of various practices and complicated contradictions, the historic preservation of Shanghai’s modern heritage architecture is shown to be a process of continuing to reconstruct the relationships between city and the State, the city and the world, as well as the city’s past, present and future in a pluralist society.

Cultural routes, defined as routes of historical importance that geographically represent the shared and living cultural heritage of different countries, have recently gained attention both as tourist destinations and as social repositories of collective local memories. In this paper we argue that the recent development of digital humanities can open interesting new perspectives for the empirical exploration of these routes as cultural objects. Indeed, the availability of new digital traces generated by human activities and social media combined with tools that facilitate the exploration of such traces allow researchers to create new types of fieldwork online. In this paper, we present a case study focused on the Via Francigena cultural route. We added a geographical component to a graph analysis tool called histograph, making it possible to explore and analyse a corpus of more than 8,000 Instagram pictures. We investigate the potential of the prototype to uncover socio-spatial relations related to the itinerary and to hypothesise about the collective memories that the route conveys in this corpus.

The one hundred people shot dead on the Maidan were given the collective name Heavenly Hundred (Nebesna Sotnia). It became the central memory of the uprising; a hymn, a new state award, a national memorial day, poetry, monuments, memorial plaques and books were produced. Dozens of streets and squares were renamed in different regions.The paper focuses on the interpretations of large-scale historical events (the Cossack, the Ukrainian National Republic and World War II), and their incorporation into a new institutionalized narrative after drastic societal events on the example of the protests in Ukraine known as the Maidan in the winter of 2014. The research is based on original protest lore, 8905 Facebook posts from 1647 individuals, collected by the author on the day they were published on Facebook between January 19 – February 28, 2014. This timeframe includes both peaceful days and the most dramatic confrontation of the protests. The data originally was organized in 5 categories and 16 topics.The paper provides evidence of how personal stories function and validate the participants’ experiences and the significance of the events from the protestors’ perspectives; and protest lore impact on institutional changes of commemorative practices in the field of collective memory., Les cent personnes qui ont été abattues lors de Maidan ont reçu le nom collectif de Cent héros du ciel (Nebesna Sotnia). Elles sont devenues la mémoire centrale du soulèvement; un hymne, une nouvelle distinction d’État, une journée nationale de commémoration, de la poésie, des monuments, des plaques commémoratives et des livres ont ainsi été créés. Des dizaines de rues et de places ont été renommées dans différentes régions du pays.Cet article porte sur les interprétations données à des événements historiques à grande échelle (tels que les cosaques, la République nationale ukrainienne et la Seconde Guerre mondiale), et leur intégration dans un nouveau récit institutionnalisé à la suite d’événements dramatiques à l’exemple des manifestations en Ukraine à l’hiver 2014 connues sous le nom de Maidan. Cette recherche se basée sur un corpus original du folklore de la protestation, soit 8905 messages Facebook produits par 1647 personnes, et recueillis par l’auteure le jour de leur publication sur Facebook entre le 19 janvier et le 28 février 2014. Ce cadre temporel comprend à la fois des moments de détente et les confrontations les plus dramatiques lors des manifestations. Les données ont été classées tout d’abord en 5 catégories et 16 sujets.Cet article montre comment fonctionnent la construction d’histoires personnelles et comment celles-ci valident les expériences des participants et donnent une signification aux événements du point de vue des manifestants. Il montre aussi quel est l’impact d’une tradition de la protestation sur l’évolution des de pratiques commémoratives institutionnels dans le champ de la mémoire collective.

The article offers the analysis of several ‘memorial’ aspects in the novel “This Blinding Absence of Light” by a contemporary French writer, Goncourt Prize winner, Tahar Ben Jelloun, that appeared in 2001 and the English translation of which won Impact Dublin Literary Award being fully and justly estimated by the jury as a story “that absolutely must be told”. In his text the francophone author born in Maghreb brings to light a painful period in the Moroccan postcolonial history characterized by his contemporaries and currently known as ‘the lead years’ embracing the rule of Hassan II. In particular, the story introduces one of the numerous mournful episodes that took place during tough repressions imposed upon political opponents to Hassan’s II reign. In 1970s, Moroccan offi cers suspected at coup d’etat aimed at the forceful seizure of the king’s authority were imprisoned in the secret underground jail named Tazmamart where they spent almost twenty years in unhuman conditions being released only in 1991. Considering the problematics of the writing, (it initially incorporates narrating traumatic experiences combined with the problematics of collective and individual memory), the author chooses to ground the study on the methodology and conceptual apparatus available in trauma and memory studies. In particular, the paper recurs to theories proposed by French philosophers and anthropologists Maurice Halbwachs (the scientist’s refl ections on collective memory as prior to individual one and essential for grounding particular culture of remembering are considered) and Pierre Nora, the author of the theory known as “places of memory” (“lieux de memoire”), who assumes that collective and historical identities cannot be set up by means of objective history or memory itself as they are a priori selective; instead, such identities are framed by specially designed places of memory intended to crystalize, shelter, and commemorate history and represented by a wide range of artifacts, such as archives, monuments, objects of art, etc. The explicated theoretical assumptions in reference to Ben Jelloun’s case, appear to indicate that his text recurs to refl ecting, grounding, and achieving collective memory by means of distinctive strategies which encompass verbalizing seemingly unspeakable trauma, introducing meta-narrative imagery and characters-storytellers (one of them appears as the actual protagonist, Salim, who entertains and inspires his jailed colleagues by telling them stories from One Thousand and One Nights that belong to the cultural legacy of the Arabic world and mankind in general). The paper also reveals that the text is rich in signifi cant autofi ctional signs, whereas polyphonic voices and mythological intertext incorporated to the writing make it appear not only as an actual documentary-based memoire of one of the former prisoners and consequent survivors (namely, Aziz Binebine) of the lead 1960–80-s in Morocco, but also as a timeless parable on human suffering in a repressed victimized world. Finally, the fi ndings fi ll a gap in our understanding that in Ben Jelloun’s text the synthesis of individual and collective memory appears as an opened palimpsest: they both hurt and partially tend to remain unrevealed or silenced by badly traumatized survivors, and still must be told, i.e. represented, by the means of fi ction, as a place of memory that, consequently, prevails stories and histories from oblivion. Keywords: autofi ctional mode of writing, collective memory, historical trauma, individual memory, “lieux de memoire”, “lead years”, memoirs, Morocco, mythological discourse, political repressions, Tazmamart, testimonial novel.

This paper aims to provide a theoretical conceptualization of digital vigilantism in its manifestation in the Russian Federation where cases do not emerge spontaneously, but are institutionalized, highly organized, and systematic. Given the significant historical context of collective justice under Communism, the current manifestation of digital vigilantism in Russia raises questions about whether it is an example of re-packaged history backed with collective memory or a natural outspread of conventional practices to social networks. This paper reviews historical practices of citizen-led justice in the Soviet state and compares these practices with digital vigilantism that takes place in contemporary post-Communist Russia. The paper argues that despite new affordances that digital media and social networks brought about in the sphere of citizen-led justice, the role of the state in manifesting this justice in the Russian Federation remains significant. At the same time, with technological advances, certain key features of these practices, such as participants, their motives, capacity, targets, and audience engagement have undergone a significant evolution.

This paper uses the distinction that has been developed within organizational studies between collected memory and collective memory to explore and contrast the nature of one multinational company’s organizational memory of World War I and World War II. Although the British American Tobacco Company (BAT) experienced severe upheavals as a result of each of the two global military conflagrations of the twentieth century, this paper argues that in terms of its organizational memory there exist clear distinctions between the two. During the course of World War I, BAT was able for the first time to generate a degree of common identity which served it well in the course of its post war expansion during the 1920s. This emergence of a more unified culture, underpinned by a range of common reference points for its staff based on texts, buildings and monuments, facilitated a company-wide collective memory of the war which was subsequently used to promote an esprit de corps across the organization. During World War II, these common cultural reference points were not developed. Thus an organizational memory of World War II only emerged many decades after the event and took the form of a collected memory based on individual recollections.

Narrative encompasses every realm of history. The function of memory plays a vital role in the studies related to memory and reconstruction. Historical studies of memory accounts for the analysis of the textual, visual or oral representations of the past. History and memory are expressed in multiple voices and the reinterpretations of the past can be varied. The Puyas are the ancient written texts of the Meiteis, i.e. one of the ethnic groups of Manipur, a state in India. The Puyas with its varied narrations of oral traditions, myths, religious rites and rituals, history, folklore, art, literature, political and social aspects have been instrumental in nurturing the indigenous being and culture of the Meiteis. Exploring the narratives and oral cultures ubiquitous in the Puyas, the paper seeks to capture the collective memory of the Meiteis into retelling the history of Manipur. The paper further examines the various challenges encountered in constructing the historical memory through the Puyas. The construct of the historical memory among the Meiteis are rooted in shared remembrance of collective experiences and are defined by the ways that remembrance is reconstructed and represented.

Cathode Ray Memories: Television as memory and social practice The history of television in Ireland is, predominantly, an institutional history. Indeed, rather than studying television in Ireland most commentary addresses Irish television as embodied by Radio Telefís Éireann (RTÉ). There are plentiful accounts of RTÉ, its programmes, personalities and the circuits of institutional power surrounding it. This is a history populated by political and clerical elites, and written by their cultural counterparts. Institutional crises surrounding RTÉ have been used as a proxy for the experiences of Irish people. With few alternatives, this perspective has underpinned common sense understandings of how television has helped to shape Irish society. Ironically, in attempts to explain the effect of the medium in Ireland the medium itself is overlooked. There is little comment on the changes in pace and scale that television technology has introduced. There has been no investigation of the medium’s effect on the use of time, daily habits, family routines and so on. Such ubiquitous changes, lying outside the fields of parliamentary and cultural politics, have been overlooked. They are hidden in plain sight. To understand the effect of television in Ireland, as opposed to Irish television, this paper moves beyond the narratives that have predominated heretofore. Methodologically, it takes a necessary step beyond the limitations of a dependence on broadcast archives, newspaper records and official archives. It asks people, rather than tells them, how television has shaped their lives. Following the life story methods of Jerome Bourdon, it presents a pilot analysis of Irish memories of television. It tries to identify, and make explicit, common themes in the collective memory of television. Mindful of the medium, its affordances and the everyday rituals that are built around it, the paper traces and analyses memories of how television has re-shaped social practice.

Twenty years after the Holocaust, Germany and Israel signed contracts for scientific collaborations. Fifty years later, those collaborations have become an asset for science in both countries. Notwithstanding those win-win collaborations, the trauma of the Holocaust still casts a long shadow over them, creating uncanny experiences and fear. This paper reports findings from interviews with 125 Israeli scientists who have collaborated with German colleagues. It employs Freud’s analysis of the uncanny, an experience which mixes cozy familiarity with a sense of eeriness, confronting subjects with unconscious, repressed personal impulses or memories. The paper extends Freud’s analyses by showing that uncanny experiences may result from a cultural – rather than a personal – trauma. Specifically, the results show that while Israeli scientists enjoy their collaborations with German colleagues, they occasionally experience fear and unease in their presence. Some identify Nazi mnemonics, others report on uncanny moments in their partners’ homes. Those uncanny experiences appear among young and old scientists alike, suggesting that their scientific reason is captive of the cultural trauma of the Holocaust. I conclude by pointing that Israeli scientists are captives of their national trauma just as ordinary people are. Their reason proves to be a weak counterforce in mitigating the eruption of repressed emotions generated by the cultural trauma of the Holocaust.

Dynamics of the particular and the common: Monuments and patriotic tourism in socialist Yugoslavia – a case study of KosovoThis paper reflects on two case studies of monuments in Socialist Yugoslavia in Kosovo, commemorating World War II partisans in Mitrovica (1973) and Landovica (1963) and their performative functions as a part of the phenomena of patriotic tourism. Both examples refer to inter-ethnic (Serbian and Albanian) relations bound by the slogan brotherhood and unity. Boro and Ramiz, two figures present in Yugoslav collective memory and represented through monuments and orality, have become a symbol of unity in Socialist Yugoslavia. War memorials and monuments have been raised all over the territory of socialist Yugoslavia and created an invisible network of remembrance and identity. The most important sites, as those analyzed in this paper, have become destinations of patriotic tourism: they were visited by millions every year and were associated with huge print runs of tourist propaganda production such as maps, guide-books and postcards (apart from commercial tourist attractions, almost every postcard produced in socialist Yugoslavia presented a nearby monument or memorial). Dynamika indywidualizmu i wspólnoty. Pomniki i turystyka patriotyczna w socjalistycznej Jugoslawii – przypadek KosowaNiniejszy artykuł prezentuje dwa studia przypadku dotyczące pomników socjalistycznej Jugosławii na terenie Kosowa, upamiętniających partyzantów z czasów II wojny światowej w Mitrowicy (1973) i Landovicy (1963) oraz ich funkcji performatywnych w ramach zjawiska turystyki patriotycznej. Oba przykłady odnoszą się do relacji międzyetnicznych (serbskich i albańskich) połączonych hasłem: braterstwo i jedność. Dwaj partyzanci obecni w zbiorowej pamięci dzięki pomnikom i historii mówionej – Boro i Ramiz – stali się symbolem jedności w socjalistycznej Jugosławii. Pomniki i miejsca pamięci upamiętniające walkę usłały całe terytorium socjalistycznej Jugosławii i stworzyły niewidzialną sieć pamięci i tożsamości. Najważniejsze miejsca, jak te analizowane w artykule, stały się celami turystyki patriotycznej i są odwiedzane przez miliony turystów każdego roku. Były one związane z prowadzoną na dużą skalę propagandą turystyczną: publikowanymi w dużych nakładach mapami, przewodnikami i pocztówkami, które oprócz komercyjnych atrakcji turystycznych prezentowały pobliskie miejsca pamięci i pomniki.

On the Challenges and Tasks of Linguistic Memory Research The paper summarizes the first stage of development of a new subfield of linguistics known as linguistic memory research, and poses three questions which are important for its further development: what are the mutual relations and tangents between language and memory (both individual and collective), what are the mutual relations between linguistic memory research and the related field of cognitive ethnolinguistics (as well as such disciplines in humanities as historiography and theoretical archaeology), and lastly, in what areas can linguistic memory research and ethnolinguistics support each other most effectively. A greater part of the paper is devoted to a brief overview of the ten problem areas in memory research, and a presentation of specific tasks posed before linguists by questions concentrated in those areas: from the determination of the role of memory in the processes of lexicalization and phraseologization, through the classification of verbal (phonic, lexical, phraseological, syntactic, genre-related, etc.) exponents of memory, and the determination of their role in the learning of aspects of individual and collective memory, up to an analysis of the role of the given ethnic language in the building of large mental constructs interepreting the reality, such as collective memory, linguistic image of the world, and community knowledge.

THE MONUMENTAL MEMORY? ON THE FINAL FILM OF ANDRZEJ WAJDA The paper attempts to study the Afterimages, the last Andrzej Wajda’s film, in the light of its critical reception in Poland. The author investigates what place in collective memory of Polish viewers oc-cupies both the director and the protagonist — Władysław Strzemiński. The author argues that the exceptional circumstances, like jubilee celebrations and director’s funeral — turned critical attention away from the film itself to the entire director’s oeuvre. Afterimages, interpreted with the category of “monumental memory”, allows the author of the presented paper to show the place of Wajda’s work in Polish contemporary film culture. The author argues that this peculiar position is determined by a combination of social expectations and imaginations, and historical conditions, but above all by the way of perceiving the role of art in a changing society. In this context the question about problematic memory of the avant-garde seems to be crucial.

This paper, first of all, re-reads the memory of the 1937 deportation endured by the Koryŏin in Kazakhstan from the aspect of it being a traumatic memory. The aim is to see how the memory of deportation constructs into traumatic memory that is repeatedly summoned to the present rather than just remain in the past. In this paper, the deportation is seen as an incident that drove the Koryŏin out to the world of dehumanization where human vulnerabilities become revealed and forced them to live in constant innate fear afterwards. However, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the late 1980’s, Koryŏin, rather than forget their past history of deportation, forged their own collective memory and is performing the act of remaining in mourning. I argue that, through such process, the remembering can act as a call for universal human rights to be guaranteed for all ethnic groups in Kazakhstan, against the backdrop of Kazakh-centralism becoming more entrenched.

This paper seeks to investigate how commemorative practices, rituals, and holidays are invented, deployed, and recast for political and ideological purposes, to reinforce and sustain a particular narrative of national identity. It argues that the choice of particular moments of a country’s past to be commemorated in calendars as national holidays and the way in which the collective past is preserved and remembered both reflect and articulate a country’s vision of its present essence, of who its people are. Recognizing the link between the collective memory and national identity, the Iranian states before and after the 1979 revolution made a special effort to articulate their narrative of the past by commemorating a particular set of holidays and rituals. Viewing the calendar as a political artifact, this paper compares changes in the Iranian national calendars in the Pahlavi era (1925–1979) and the Islamic Republic (1979–2018). It examines the inclusion of new religious holidays and the removal of national days associated with the monarchy as well as the assignment of new meanings and celebratory practices to the old ones as the signifiers of a political maneuver to articulate a new shared public memory and narrative of identity since the 1979 revolution. It then examines two nationwide celebrations before and after the 1979 revolution, representing two state-sponsored, competing narratives of Iranian identity: firstly, the 2500-year celebration of the Persian Empire in 1953, and, secondly, the Ashura commemoration, a religious gathering dedicated to the remembrance of Shia Imams. These commemorations provided the state a unique political opportunity to present its own appraisal of the past and, in turn, national identity.

Women’s Narratives of Displacement and their AfterlifeThis paper focuses on the connection between life writ­ing and postmemory. The case of Anița Nandriș-Cudla’s life writing is presented based on its unique status: women’s testimonies are rare in Romanian memory discourse, and when present, they are lim­ited to known intellectual figures. Moreover, the displacement narratives occupy a small place in Ro­mania’s post-1989 collective memory discourse and, as survivors of deportation inexorably pass away, life writing becomes increasingly important in the transmission of memory. This paper argues that increasing attention to the narratives of the past traumas can develop the intergenerational transmission of memory and knowledge. The process of coming to terms with the past must offer space to alternative memories and narratives with which, the research shows, second or third generations can relate, based on similarities and resemblance, and in this way develop an empathic understanding of current events.Женские свидетельства о переселениях лиц и их жизнь после смерти В данной статье основное внима­ние уделяется связи между биографическими писаниями и записями о прошедших событиях postmemory. Писания о жизни Аниты Нандрис Кудла представлены здесь благодаря иx уни­кальному статусу, так как женские свидетельские показания очень редки в румынских произ­ведениях и записях, связанных с историческими событиями и, даже если они присутсвуют, они ограничиваются показаниями известных интеллектуальных личностей. Кроме того, записи о переселениях занимают небольшое место в писаниях коллективной памяти Румынии после 1989-го года и, вместе со смертью тех, кто остался в живых после депортаций, писание о их жизни становится все более важным в процессе передачи памяти. В данной работе утверждается, что повышенное внимание к прошлым травмам способствует передаче воспоминаний и знаний следующим поколениям. Восприятие прошлого должно также оставить место для альтернативных воспоминаний и записей, в которых, как показывают исследования, вторые и третьи поколения могут найти много общего и таким образом развивать в себе способность эмпатически понимать текущие события.

This paper explores the violent conflict between Lebanese Maronite and Druze communities that took place in the years 1982-1984. Commonly referred to as Harb al-Jabal, or the War of the Mountains, this conflict occurred during the fifteen-year civil war in Lebanon (1975-1990). My paper addresses how both the Maronites and Druze employed forms of group memory to define the historical trajectories of their respective identities and the conflict between them. As part of ZMO’s and UMAM’s larger research project Transforming Memories: Cultural Production and Personal/Public Memory in Lebanon and Morocco, my study goes beyond a conventional historiography to explore how collective memory and forms of remembrance played a significant role in constituting community allegiance and inter-community conflict. While this paper consults established archival sources, I also use oral history to analyze the communities' perceptions of themselves and each other. This study is informed by the assumption that postwar reconciliation in Lebanon would be considerable enhanced by researching the relationship between "collective memory" and violence.

In many ways, globalization created the problem of representation for feminist solidarity across the borders of the nation state. This problem is one of presenting a cohesive identity for representation in the transnational public sphere. This paper proposes a solution to this problem of a cohesive identity for women’s representation by drawing on the work of Paul Ricœur. What these women seem to have in common are shared political aims, but they have no basis for those aims. This paper provides a basis for these aims by turning to Ricœur’s work on collective memory from Memory, History, Forgetting. The paper concludes that it is the shared testimony through narrative hospitality, which can provide a foundation for a social bond for those with common political aims. More specifically, this common knowledge provides a justification for the representation of women and their allies in the transnational public sphere.

In this paper, I first retrace some aspects of a dynamic theory of humans in society, and then highlight what appear to me as major contributions of two papers of this special issue. This leads me to highlight a series of questions, which I address through two other consonant studies on remembering, the work of Harald Welzer and his team on the memory of WWII in three generations in German families, and the study by Steve Brown and Paula Reavey on people’s remembering of the London bombings.

Zusammenfassung Der vorliegende Beitrag geht von der Beobachtung aus, dass sich im kollektiven Gedachtnis an den Holocaust ein Set wiederholender Visualisierungen verfestigt hat. Bislang ist noch wenig daruber bekannt, inwiefern diese bildsymbolische Ordnung das visuelle Wissen im sozialen Alltag pragt und in welcher Art und Weise es das Deuten und Wissen der Vergangenheit beeinflusst. Anhand der vergleichenden Analyse zweier Gesprachspassagen uber das Foto des Torhauses von Auschwitz-Birkenau werden die Vergangenheitskonstruktionen der Interviewteilnehmer und der ihnen zugrundeliegende Rezeptionsstil rekonstruiert. Dabei richtet sich das Augenmerk auf die Frage, wie sich die Gruppen dem kulturellen Bedeutungszusammenhang des Bildes nahern und ihn erschliesen. Schlagworte: Bildgedachtnis, Ikone, Torhaus Auschwitz-Birkenau, visuelles Wissen, Rezeption ----- Abstract The starting point for this paper is the observation that a certain repertoire of repeatedly reproduced visualizations has been canonized in the collective memory of the Holocaust. Little is known about how this symbolic order shapes the visual knowledge in everyday social life and in which way it affects the interpretations and the knowledge of the past. The social constructions of the past and the procedures of reception are reconstructed on the basis of the comparative analysis of two passages about the photography of the Auschwitz-Birkenau gatehouse taken from different group discussions. Thereby the paper especially focuses on the question how the groups understand the cultural significance of the picture and how they give meaning to it. Keywords: visual memory, icon, gatehouse of Auschwitz-Birkenau, visual knowledge, reception ----- Bibliographie: Schonemann, Sebastian: Reprasentation der Abwesenheit. Visualisierungen des Holocaust im sozialen Gedachtnis am Beispiel des Fotos vom Torhaus Auschwitz-Birkenau, ZQF, 1+2-2016, S. 41-57. https://doi.org/10.3224/zqf.v17i1-2.25542

Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with the anti-austerity movement in Portugal and a frame analysis of calls for protest, the paper explores the relation between collective memory of a country and collective group memory. The Carnation Revolution which began on 25 April 1974 is the most important event in Portugal’s recent history. Most activists in the anti-austerity movement did not experience this event personally, so their memory depends completely on the existing, politically contentious collective memory of this event. The paper shows (1) the way in which group memories of the Revolution are constructed and (2) the functions these group memories have for the activist groups. It argues that collective memory of important historical events impacts on social movements’ identities, their aims, repertoire of contention and framings. Activist groups engage in the construction of their group memories, and by doing so they refer to collective memory at the national level. These processes are not purely strategic and are sometimes counterproductive in terms of possible success. info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper focuses on the virtual reality (VR) project Their Memory and details the development and evaluation of virtual reality environments and experiences with respect to its impact on young people (14-35 demographic) with the narratives of veterans in Scotland. As part of the AHRC Immersive Experiences program, Their Memory was created to explore how game design techniques and immersive technology could be used to enhance existing historical research and enrich narratives to bring expansive experiences to hard-to-reach audiences. The project worked directly with the veterans’ charity, Poppyscotland, to create an environment and experience that would resonate with new audiences, and explore documentary and storytelling techniques for the commemoration of war and conflict. The design of the project evolved through co-design sessions with veterans and young people and culminated in the creation of a short, thought-provoking, narrative-driven experience. The VR experience enabled players to connect with the memories of veterans in Scotland and exploring the different conflicts or situations they experienced and how they make sense of them. The project brought together cross-sector expertise to research how immersive experiences can help memory-based organizations in engaging with wider audiences, raise awareness, and diversify current learning outputs. The paper details the design and development of the Virtual Reality project, through co-design, and how this engaged the audience and evolved the experience created. The paper includes a summative evaluation of events conducted with schoolchildren to assess the project and concludes with how the project evidences impact upon audiences and the potential for both technology and the experience.

Ben-Moshe Yael, Ebbrecht-Hartmann Tobias, Terror films: The socio-cultural reconstruction of trauma in contemporary Israeli cinema. “Images” vol. XXV, no. 34. Poznań 2019. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. Pp. 69–86. ISSN 1731-450X. DOI 10.14746/i.2019.34.05. The public discourse in Israel regarding events such as the Holocaust, war, or terror attacks mostly failed to embrace the trauma caused by such events, and to integrate their effects in the collective memory. According to trauma theoreticians, the location of trauma in the discourse is related to the character of trauma as a non-narratable memory, since personal trauma exist in the void, thus marking a missing memory. This paper explores the notion of trauma in contemporary Israeli cinema as it was reconstructed during and after the Second Intifada (2000–2008). The paper focuses on feature films reflecting on experiences of terrorist violence, among them Avanim (2004), Distortion (2004), Frozen Days (2006), The Bubble (2006), 7 Minutes in Heaven (2009). These films embrace parallel elements structuring a worldview, in the private as well as the collective sphere, thus shaping the surroundings as a mirror of the self and the subjective traumatic experience as a reflection of a complex social reality.A particular focus of our analysis will also be on aesthetic strategies that cinematically express rupture and distortion of terrorist violence and trauma, especially moments of suddenness and disruption in contrast to duration and circular repetition, elements of a specific temporality of trauma that also shaped the narration and style of recent Israeli war films, such as Waltz with Bashir (2008) or Beaufort (2007).

National histories of violence shape experiences of suffering and the ways that mental health professionals respond to them. In Ecuador, mental health literature addressing this crucial issue is scarce and little debated. In contrast, local psychiatrists and psychologists within the country face contemporary challenges that are deeply rooted in a violent colonial past and the perpetuation of its fundamental ethos. This paper critically reviews relevant literature on collective memory and historical trauma, and focuses on Ecuador as a case study on how to incorporate history into modern mental health challenges. The discussion poses key questions and outlines possible ways for Ecuador to address the link between history and mental health, including insights from countries that have struggled with their violent pasts. This paper contributes to ongoing international debate on the role of cultural history in mental health with implications for social scientists and practising clinicians in former colonised nations.

This paper focuses on a dialectic of repression and resistance at work in the most recent wave of contentious politics in Catalonia. It emphasises the brief but certain resurgence of a discursive and performative repertoire recollecting Catalonia’s revolutionary past in the wave of contentious politics that has swept the region over the past decade, since the onset of the so-called Eurozone crisis. The paper seeks to provide an interpretation of the region’s recent cycle of contentious politics through the lens of state repression. It hones in on an emblematic moment, from the spring of 2011, associated with the Indignados movement. It pays particular attention to their violent removal by the police from the Plaça Catalunya in May, and to the attempt to surround the Catalan Parliament to disrupt the budget debate the following month. It contends that the violent repression of the Indignados movement in Catalonia by the “regional” authorities is best understood as a reflex response to an incipient challenge to existing constellations of hierarchical and oppressive social relations - a challenge that echoed, indeed threatened to revive, long-suppressed memories of the region’s revolutionary past, to “blast” this past “out of the continuum of history,” to “appropriate its memory as it flashes up in a moment of danger” (Benjamin). This moment of violent repression by the Catalan authorities proved the precursor, the condition of possibility, for the subsequent re-channelling of contentious politics within the more comfortable confines of hierarchically-structured, nationalist imaginaries. Este trabajo trata la dialéctica de la represión y la Resistencia en la reciente ola de política contenciosa en Cataluña. Ponemos énfasis en el resurgir breve pero cierto del repertorio discursivo y performativo del recuerdo del pasado revolucionario de Cataluña durante esta ola que ha barrido la región desde hace una década, desde el inicio de la asi-llamada crisis de la Eurozona. El trabajo intenta proveer una interpretación del ciclo de política contenciosa de la región a través del enfoque de la represión estatal. Afilamos en un momento emblemático, de la primavera de 2011, asociado con el movimiento de los Indignados. Prestamos especial atención en su desalojo violento por parte de los Mossos d’Esquadra en mayo, y el intento en el mes siguiente del cerco al Parlament Catalán, con el fin de interrumpir en el debate presupuestario. Sostenemos que la represión violenta del movimiento de los Indignados en Cataluña por parte de las autoridades ‘regionales’ mejor se entiende como la respuesta a un desafío incipiente a las constelaciones jerárquicas de relaciones sociales oprimentes – un desafío que se hizo eco, de hecho amenazó con revivir, recuerdos largamente reprimidos del pasado revolucionario de la ‘región’, un desafió que pudo haber hecho “explotar” este pasado fuera del “continúo de la historia,” para “apropiarse de su memoria cómo se enciende en un momento de peligro” (Benjamín). Este momento de represión violenta por las autoridades catalanas demostró ser el precursor, la condición de posibilidad, para la posterior canalización de la política contenciosa dentro de los confines más cómodos de imaginarios nacionalistas – imaginarios, por supuesto, estructurados jerárquicamente.